>L 


o     VINaOdllVD  JO     o 


O   SANIA  BAKBARA    ^ 


THC  IIMADV  OF 


u 

1 

p 

3 

J 

n 

0    iO  AHVilflll  3H1    o 


o    OF  CAtlFORNIA    o 


i 


O^ 


o  V»V01JV9  VINVS  o 


o  JO  Aavaan  3hi  <». 


\ 


» 


<■    JO  Aaviiuii  9H1    o 


\ 


/ 


O   THE  LieRAftY  OF    o 


CP 


^g 


n 


o    VIN<IOJI1V3  JO   o 


Of^ 


05 


^i^ 


n 


•    VINiiOJnVD  JO    o  . 


V 


IISfBJi 


FORERUNNERS  AND  COMPETITORS 
OF  THE    PILGRIMS  AND   PURITANS 


FORERUNNERS    AND   COMF^ETITORS 
OF   THE    IMLGRIMS    AND    PURITANS 


OR 


NARRATIVES  OF  VOYAGES  MADE  BY  PERSONS 
OTHER  THAN  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  PURITANS 
OF  THE  BAY  COLONY  TO  THE  SHORES  OF 
NEW  ENGLAND  DURING  THE  FIRST  QUARTER 
OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY,  1601-1625 
WITH  ESPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  THE  LABORS 
OF  CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  IN  BEHALF  OF 
THE    SETTLEMENT    OF    NEW    ENGLAND 


EDITED  FOR  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  SOCIETY 
OF  BROOKLYN  BY 

CHARLES  HERBERT  LEVERMORE,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  ADELPHI   COLLEGE 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 
VOLUME  I 


BROOKLYN,    NEW  YORK 

PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY 

191 2 


TO 

THE   PRESENT  AND  FUTURE   MEMBERS  OF 

THE  NEW  ENGLAND  SOCIETY  IN  THE 

CITY  OF  BROOKLYN,    NEW  YORK 


OAiNiA  UAUJJAii/v  y^f^Lji^r^yji^  i^it^i. 


r 


J  >  < 


OFFICERS  AND  DIRECTORS  OF 

THE   NEW  ENCiLAND   SOCIETY 

IN   THE  CITY  OF  BROOKLYN 


Directors 


FRED.  W.  ATKINSON 
WILLARD  BARTLETT 
WILLIAM  C.  BEECHER 
DAVID  A.  BOODY 
JOSEPH  A.  BURR 
ISAAC  H.  CARY 
FREDERICK  E.  CRANE 
OMRI  FORD  HIBBARD 
WILLIAM  B.  HURD 
ELIJAH  R.  KENNEDY 


CHARLES  H.  LEVERMORE 
GEORGE  E.  MINER 
FREDERIC  B.  PRATT 
HARRINGTON  PUTNAM 
JAMES  H.  SCRIMGEOUR 
HIRAM  R.  STEELE 
FRANK  L.  SNIFFEN 
HERBERT  K.  TWITCHELL 
AUGUSTUS  VAN  WYCK 
GEORGE  W.  WINGATE 


President,  GEORGE  E.  MINER 
First  Vice-President,   HARRINGTON  PUTNAM 
Second  Vice-President,  WILLIAM   B.  HURD,  Jr. 

Treasurer,  FRANK  L.  SNIFFEN 

Recording  Secretary,    HERBERT  K.  TWITCHELL 

Historiographer  and  Corresponding  Secretary,    FRED.  W.  ATKINSON 


Publication  Committee^   igi i—igi2 

FRED.  W.  ATKINSON 

CHARLES  H.  LEVERMORE,    Chairman 

FRANK  L.  SNIFFEN 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

Preface  and  Acknowledgments     .  .  .  .         ix 

I  —  Introduction:  The  Development  and  Influence  of 

Trading  Companies  .  .  ...  .  i 

II — First  English  Settlement,  Buzzard's  Bay,  1602   .        25 

III — The  Voyage  of  Martin  Pring,  1603      ...        57 

IV — French  Explorers  and  Settlers  upon  the  New  Eng- 
land Coast,  1604-1607: 

1  Journal  of  Samuel  de  Champlain        ,  .        69 

2  Narrative  of  Marc  Lescarbot     .  .  .171 

V  —  The  Voyage  of  George  Waymouth,  1605.  Be- 
ginnings of  the  Plymouth  and  London  Com- 
panies,  1606  ......     308 

VI  —  Voyages    under    the    auspices    of    the    Plymouth 

Company,   1606-7.    The  Sagadahoc  Colony     .     352 


PREFACE. 


[N  a  meeting  of  the  directors  of  the 
New  England  Society  of  Brooklyn 
in  the  year  1906,  a  reference  to  the 
coming  Jamestown  Exposition  of 
1907  elicited  the  suggestion  that 
Captain  John  Smith  devoted  far 
more  of  his  time  and  energy  to  the  development  of 
New  England  than  to  that  of  Virginia.  Out  of  that 
suggestion  and  the  discussion  that  followed  has  grown 
this  work,  which  is  an  attempt  to  show  how  many 
adventurers  were  visiting,  exploring,  describing,  and 
even  trying  to  occupy  the  New  England  coast  during 
the  years  immediately  preceding  the  successful  settle- 
ments at  Plymouth,  Salem,  and  Boston.  As  far  as 
possible  the  story  is  told  in  the  exact  words  of  one 
or  more  of  the  voyagers.  Most  of  these  narratives 
were  included  in  the  '*  Hakluytus  Posthumus,  or  Purchas 
His  Pilgrimes"  of  Samuel  Purchas,  and  many  of  them 
have  more  recently  reappeared  in  the  Collections  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in  the  publica- 
tions of  the  Gorges  Society  and  of  the  Prince  Society, 
in  Dr.  Jameson's  series  of  "  Original  Narratives  of 
Early  American  History,"  and  in  Mr.  George  Parker 
Winship's  volume  entitled  "  Sailors'  Narratives  of  New 
England  Voyages,  i  524-1 624."     Dr.  Thwaites'  edition 


X  PREFACE 

of  "The  Jesuit  Relations"  is  a  storehouse  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  French  explorers  and  colonizers, 
but  apparently  there  is  as  yet  no  complete  English 
translation   of  Lescarbot's   history. 

Some  of  the  narratives  are  not  easily  accessible  to 
the  reading  public,  and  these  volumes  are  believed  to 
be  the  first  attempt  to  bring  these  stories  all  together 
in  one  publication.  The  editor  has  performed  his 
part  of  the  work  in  the  vacation  intervals  of  a  busy 
life,  and  is  painfully  aware  of  the  shortcomings  that 
are  likely  to  attend  such  a  desultory  mode  of  labor. 
He  has  endeavored  only  to  bind  together  these  orig- 
inal narratives  in  such  a  manner  that  they  will  tell 
their  own  story  intelligibly. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  term  "New  England"  has 
been  extended  to  include  the  coast  between  Cape 
Breton  and  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River,  a  liberty 
with  geographical  nomenclature  which  the  character 
of  these  voyages  rendered  inevitable,  and  therefore 
presumably   pardonable. 

The  editor  gratefully  acknowledges  his  indebtedness 
for  courteous  cooperation : 

To  Dr.  James  Phinney  Baxter  of  Portland,  Maine, 
for  permission  to  use  his  edition  of  Christopher  Levett's 
narrative  as  published  by  him  for  the  Gorges  Society 
of  Maine; 

To  Dr.  Henry  S.  Burrage,  State  Historian  of  Maine, 
for  permission  to  use  his  edition  of  "The  Relation  of 
a  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc"  in  the  publications  of  the 
Gorges  Society; 


PREFACE  xi 

To  the  Prince  Society  of  Boston  through  its  Corre- 
sponding Secretary,  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  for  permis- 
sion to  use  a  portion  of  Dr.  Charles  Pomeroy  Otis's 
translation  of  **The  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain" 
with  the  critical  notes  of  Dr.  Edmund   F.  Slafter ; 

'Po  Dr.  Reuben  G.  Thwaites,  of  Madison,  Wiscon- 
sin, editor,  and  The  Burrows  Brothers  Company  of 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  publishers  of  "The  Jesuit  Relations," 
for  permission  to  use  the  narratives  of  the  French 
settlements   in   Acadia,    1610— 1614; 

To  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson  of  the  Carnegie  Insti- 
tution for  friendly  interest  and  counsel; 

To  Miss  Emma  Toedteberg,  Librarian  of  the  Long 
Island  Historical  Society,  for  courteous  permission  to 
use  the  library   of  that  Society; 

To  Professor  George  W.  Kirchwey  of  Columbia 
University  and  to  the  officers  of  the  Columbia  Uni- 
versity Library  for  courtesies  and  assistance  in  the  use 
of  that  library; 

To  Miss  Herriott  Clare  Palmer  for  assistance  in 
the  preparation  of  material,  and  to  Mrs.  Charles  W. 
Huguenin  for  assistance  in   translation ; 

To  Mr.  Elijah  R.  Kennedy,  under  whose  presidency 
in  the  New  England  Society  this  work  was  begun,  and 
also  to  Messrs.  Isaac  H.  Cary  and  Frederic  B.  Pratt, 
former  members  of  the  Publication  Committee,  all  of 
whom  have  manifested  a  helpful  interest  in  the  under- 
taking. 


I. 


INTRODUCTION:  THE  DEVELOPMENT  AND 
INFLUENCE  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES. 

LL  the  great  maritime  expeditions 
under  the  English  flag  for  discovery 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  New 
World,  in  the  age  of.  Elizabeth  and 
her  immediate  successor,  followed 
one  of  five  principal  routes  of  ex- 
ploration. Whatever  the  route,  the  purpose  was  either 
the  commercial  motive  or  the  hope  of  finding  precious 
metals,  or  a  combination  of  the  two. 


1 

t^ 

9 

A 

1 

m 

W9 

I.    The  Search  for  the  "  Northwest  Passage'' 
around  the  New  World, 

The  first  and  oldest  effort  was  to  find  a  northwesterly 
passage  around  the  new  lands  to  Cathay,  The  Span- 
iard closed  the  southern  road,  despite  the  fierce  attacks 
and  brilliant  exploits  of  the  Hawkinses,  Cavendish,  and 
Drake  (1530—95).  John  Cabot's  voyage  in  1497  ^^^ 
fastened  the  English  claim  upon  the  extreme  north  of 
the  new  shores.  For  such  reasons  it  seemed  advisable, 
if  possible,  to  reach  the  fabled  wealth  of  India  by  sail- 
ing to  the  North.  The  father  of  the  search  for  a  north- 
west passage  was  Martin  Frobisher  (1535—94),  whose 
three  voyages  occurred  in  1576,  1577,  and  1578.  He 
discovered  Frobisher's  Strait  and  Bay,  and  entered  what 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

was  afterward  known  as  Hudson's  Straits.  The  pieces 
of  iron  pyrites  that  he  brought  home  in  1576  were 
thought  to  contain  gold,  and  his  next  voyages  were  sus- 
tained by  the  Cathay  Company,  which  was  chartered 
for  that  purpose.  In  each  of  these  expeditions  he 
brought   home  cargoes   of  that   worthless   mineral.' 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Sir  Francis  Drake  became 
the  "Dragon"  of  the  Spanish  Main  (1570-80)  and 
made  the  name  of  "Englishman"  a  terror  in  the 
Spanish  seas.  Drake's  voyage  around  the  world  oc- 
curred between  1577  and  1580.  In  the  years  while 
Philip  II  was  preparing  the  Great  Armada,  in  1585, 
1586,  and  1587,  John  Davis  also  made  three  voyages 
and  discovered  Davis  Straits.  Meanwhile  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  became  the  leader  of  English  discovery  and 
colonization  in  America,  and  turned  his  attention  away 
from  the  frozen  North.  The  search  for  a  northwest 
passage  was  not  renewed  until  Elizabeth  was  dying  and 
Raleigh's  star  was  waning. 

In  1602  the  East  India  Company  sent  two  vessels 
under  George  Waymouth  and  John  Drew.  They 
reached  Davis  Straits,  and  turned  back  on  account  of 
a  mutiny.  In  1605  James  Hall  and  John  Knight  were 
sent  from  Copenhagen  by  Danish  employers  to  find  the 
northwest  passage.  In  1606,  and  again  in  1607,  Hall 
made  a  second  and  a  third  voyage  under  Danish  aus- 
pices. In  1607  Knight  was  sent  from  Gravesend  on  the 
same   errand    by  the   English   East  India  and   Muscovy 

'  Cf.  George  Beste's  "  True  Discourse  of  the  Late  Voyages  of  Discoverie 
for  Finding  of  a  Passage  to  Cathaya  by  the  North-weast,"  London,  1578,  re- 
printed in   Hakluyt,  and   also  by  the   Hakluyt  Society  in    1867. 


DEVELOPMEN't  OF  rR/lDING  COMPANIES 

companies  together,  and  he  died  in  Labrador.  In  the 
same  year  the  Muscovy  Company  sent  Henry  Hudson 
on  his  first  voyage  in  a  small  ship  with  a  crew  of  eleven 
persons.  Hudson's  hope  was  to  find  a  passage  across  the 
polar  regions  by  sailing  between  Greenland  and  Spitz- 
bergen.  He  sailed  in  May,  and  returned  in  September, 
baffled  by  the  ice,  but  he  had  reached  82°  N.  and  dis- 
covered the  drift  of  the  polar  current.  These  eflx)rts 
to  reach  India  should  be  correlated  with  the  formation 
of  the  London  and  Plymouth  companies  in  the  same 
years  and  the  planting  of  colonies  at  Jamestown  and 
Pemaquid.  It  is  evident  that  the  East  India  and  Mus- 
covy companies  were  watching  their  new  rivals. 

In  16 10,  apparently  under  the  same  auspices,' Henry 
Hudson  made  his  last  voyage,  gave  his  name  to  the 
great  bay  that  he  discovered,  and  lost  his  life  in  it.  In 
161 2  James  Hall  went  for  the  fourth  time,  but  in 
the  employ  of  London  merchants,  and  lost  his  life  in 
Labrador.  In  the  same  year  Sir  Thomas  Button  ex- 
plored Hudson's  Bay  and  wintered  there.  In  16 14  the 
people  who  sent  Sir  Thomas  Button  commissioned  a 
Captain  Gibbon,  who  was  held  a  prisoner  by  the  ice  all 
summer  in  Labrador.  In  161 5,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  same  adventurers,  Robert  Bylot  and  William  Baffin 
sailed  to  Hudson's  Strait.  It  was  Bylot's  fourth  voyage. 
He  had  been  one  of  Hudson's  crew  in  16 10.  The 
same  captains  sailed  again  in  the  next  year,  and  ex- 
plored Baffin's  Bay.  In  that  same  year  Raleigh  was 
released  from    prison,   and    began    to    organize    his   last 

'   Three  members  of  the  Muscovy  Company  furnished  the  ship  and  supplies. 

3 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

fatal  expedition  to  South  America.  No  more  serious 
efforts  to  explore  a  northwest  passage  were  made  by 
Englishmen  until  the  expeditions  of  Fox  and  James  in 
1 63 1.  In  the  interval,  however,  in  161 9— 1620,  oc- 
curred the  extraordinary  and  heroic  effort  of  the  Danes 
under  Jens  Munck  to  explore  and  take  possession  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  region/ 

2.    The  Search  for  a  '■^Northeast  Passage'' 
around  the  Old  World. 

The  second  direction  of  English  expeditions  was  to- 
ward the  discovery  of  a  northeast  passage  to  India,  i.e., 
by  sailing  around  the  northern  coasts  of  Scandinavia 
and  Russia.  Such  a  roundabout  route  to  Cathay  and 
India,  or  to  the  wealth  of  Peru  and  Mexico,  was  forced 
upon  the  attention  of  English  mariners  by  the  suprem- 
acy of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  the  South  Seas.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  neither  Spaniard  nor  Portuguese  could  object 
to  a  traffic  with  Cathay  that  might  be  obtained  by  go- 
ing around  the  northern  coast  of  Europe.  Before  the 
death  of  Edward  VI,  in  1553,  a  company  of  London 
merchants  equipped  an  expedition  under  Captains  Wil- 
loughby  and  Chancellor  to  explore  that  coast.  Altho 
Willoughby  and  two  ships'  crews  were  frozen  to  death, 
Chancellor  found  his  way  to  a  monastery  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Dwina  River.  The  town  of  Archangel  was 
founded,  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  the  only  seaport 
of  Russia.  The  English  possessed  there  a  monopoly 
of  the   Russian   trade,  and  an  English  fort  was  erected 

'   Cf.  Agnes  C.  Laut's  "Conquest  of  the  Great  Northwest,"  vol.  II,  chap.  5. 

4 


DEFELOPMENr  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

in  1584.  The  Merchant  Adventurers  who  controlled 
this  trade  were  incorporated  as  the  Muscovy  Company 
under  Philip  and  Mary  in  1554-55.  When  the  King 
of  Spain  was  consort  of  Mary  Tudor  (1553—58)  a  com- 
pany that  sent  its  ships  northward  was  manifestly  more 
likely  to  win  the  royal  approval.  The  Muscovy  Com- 
pany was  the  third  great  English  trading  company. 
The  two  prior  organizations  were  the  English  Wool 
Merchants  trading  with  Pisa,  1490,  and  the  Merchant 
Adventurers  (Newcastle-on-Tyne),  about  1505.  The 
Merchant  Adventurers,  with  another  company  who 
sent  ships  to  Scandinavia  and  the  Baltic  ports,  fell  heir 
to  the  English  traffic  of  the  decaying  Hanseatic  League. 
In  1578  Elizabeth  chartered  the  latter  group  of  traders 
as  the  Baltic  or  Eastland  Company  with  a  monopoly  of 
the  Baltic  trade. 

In  1608  the  Muscovy  Company  sent  Henry  Hudson 
to  find  ivory  and  explore  for  a  passage  to  Asia  in  the 
direction  of  Nova  Zembla.  They  found  a  cross  upon 
those  islands  that  had  probably  been  erected  by  a 
Dutch  crew  that  had  perished  there  in  1597,  and  were 
at  home  again  by  the  end  of  August.  In  1609  Hudson 
tried  the  same  route  again  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Dutch  East  India  Company  with  a  crew  of  desperadoes 
picked  up  on  the  docks  at  Amsterdam.  Off  Nova 
Zembla  a  mutiny  in  the  crew  forced  him  to  turn  and 
sail  westward  to  the  shores  of  America  and  to  the  dis- 
covery of  the  river  that  bears  his  name.  On  the  home- 
ward voyage,  Hudson  landed  first  at  Dartmouth  in 
England,  November  7,   1609,  and  the  Muscovy  Com- 

5 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

pany  would  not  let  him  leave  England.  He  was  obliged 
to  send  his  report  to  his  employers,  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company,  through  Van  Meteren,  the  Dutch 
representative  at  London,  There  was  at  that  time  no 
more  effort  to  reach  Cathay  by  way  of  Nova  Zembla. 


J.    The  Route  to  Newfoundland  ajid  the  Northern 
Coast  of  the  Mainland. 

The  third  route  for  English  exploration  was  toward 
Newfoundland  and  the  coast  of  Maine  (Norumbega), 
not  only  to  find  a  possible  passage  to  India,  but  to 
traffic  in  lish,  timber,  minerals,  and  sassafras,  and  event- 
ually to  colonize. 

After  John  Cabot,  the  first  recorded  English  expedi- 
tion to  Newfoundland  was  led  by  one  John  Rut  (Root), 
from  Bristol  in  1527.  Raleigh  and  his  half-brother, 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  came  in  1578  with  seven  ships  and 
350  men,  but  they  probably  sailed  towards  Florida.  It 
was  a  mooted  question  whether  colonization  should 
turn  southward  or  northward.  In  1579  one  Simon 
Ferdinando  explored  the  Maine  coast  for  Elizabeth's 
famous  secretary.  Sir  Francis  Walsingham.  In  the 
next  year,  1580,  John  Walker,  in  the  service  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  sailed  up  the  Penobscot  River  and 
secured  a  cargo  of  furs.  In  1583  Gilbert  took  posses- 
sion of  Newfoundland  and  intended  to  plant  a  northern 
colony,  but  met  shipwreck  and  death.  After  this  calam- 
ity the  spirit  of  colonization  was  directed  toward  the 
South,  and   only  casual   traders  and  fishers  found  their 

6 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  rRAUlNC,   COMPANIES 

way  to  the  northern  mainland  until  the  time  of  the 
formation  of  the  great  trading  corporations.  Neverthe- 
less, it  is  probable  that  every  year  found  an  increasing 
number  of  English  and  Breton  fishing  vessels  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland  and  that  some  of  them  crept 
along  the  Maine  coast  as  far  as  Monhegan  and  Pemaquid 
and  left  no  record  of  their  voyages  except  in  verbal  re- 
ports to  employers  in  Bristol  or  St.  Malo. 

4.    The  Route  to  the  Chesapeake  Region^  and 

5.    The  Route  to  the  West  Indies  and  South  America. 

Meanwhile  Raleigh  began  his  struggle  to  plant  a 
southern  colony  in  Virginia  (Roanoke)  with  five  voy- 
ages in  five  years  (1584-88).  After  Governor  White's 
last  voyage  in  1590,  Raleigh  directed  his  efforts  still 
farther  south  and  tried  to  strike  straight  at  Spain  in 
Guiana  and  on  the  Orinoco  (1594—96).  These  two 
schemes  of  Raleigh  marked  out  the  fourth  and  fifth 
routes  of  English  exploration,  the  former  directed  to- 
ward the  Chesapeake  region  and  the  latter  toward  the 
fabled  and  fatal  El  Dorado.  This  route  among  the 
islands  of  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  along  the  coasts  of 
Central  and  Southern  America  was  more  often  traversed 
by  the  Hawkinses  and  Drakes,  the  freebooters  and  buc- 
caneers, than  by  traders  and  colonizers.  But  the  splen- 
did ambitions  and  unfortunate  end  of  Raleigh  lend  a 
sort  of  distant  glory  to  the  modern  English  colony  of 
Guiana,  as  the  name  of  the  heroic  Gilbert  also  lends 
luster  to  the  annals  of  Newfoundland. 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEJV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

6.    The  Great  Trading  Companies. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  most  of  the  larger  enterprises 
of  exploration  and  settlement  in  the  New  World  were 
supported  by  chartered  companies  or  corporations.  The 
Elizabethan  and  Stuart  ages  were  as  truly  the  age  of 
corporations  as  is  our  own.  These  trading  companies 
aimed  to  be  chartered  monopolies  wherever  possible, 
and  the  beginnings  of  English  colonization  were  largely 
due  to  them.  Among  them  all  the  sea-traffic  of  Eng- 
land was  parcelled  out.  It  was  natural  that  they  should 
be  formed  among  the  merchant  guilds  of  cities  like 
London,  Plymouth,  and  Bristol,  which  had,  during  the 
middle  ages,  developed  a  foreign  trade  and  the  Atlantic 
fisheries.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  in- 
corporation of  the  Muscovy  (1555)  and  Eastland  (1578) 
companies  among  the  Merchant  Adventurers.  In  1560 
the  Merchants  of  Exeter  were  incorporated  to  trade 
with  France.  A  Hamburg  Company  was  chartered  in 
1564,  and  ten  years  later  a  Spanish  Company  which 
endured  until  1605.  A  small  association  which  had 
traded  with  Venetian  ports  throughout  the  sixteenth 
century  was  swallowed  up  in  a  new  corporation, 
chartered  in  1581  as  the  Turkey  Company  (reincorpo- 
rated in  1592  as  the  Levant  Company)  and  aiming  to 
reach  the  spice  markets  by  way  of  Bagdad  and  the 
Persian  Gulf.  At  about  the  same  time  (1585)  a  Barbary 
or  Morocco  Company  was  formed.  The  war  with 
Spain  after  the  death  of  Mary  Stuart  led  to  the  charter- 
ing of  the  first  Guinea  or  African   Company  (1588]  to 


DEVELOPMENr  OF  rHADING  COMPANIES 

establish  an  English  trade  upon  the  coasts  of  Africa  that 
had  formerly  been  left  to  the  Portuguese.  The  same 
sequence  of  events  caused  the  incorporation  of  the  great 
East  India  Company  in  1 600.  A  China  Company  fol- 
lowed in  1604. 

The  plans  of  Raleigh  and  Gorges  seem  less  audacious 
when  we  read  in  a  petition  presented  to  Elizabeth  in 
1589  the  proposition  that  the  English  should  seize  and 
fortify  the  Straits  of  Magellan  and  plant  colonies  along 
the  South  American  coast  even  to  Peru.  The  petitioner 
was  even  ready  to  contemplate  the  independence  of  such 
colonies,  saying,  **  But  admitt  that  we  could  not  enjoye 
the  same  longer  but  that  the  Englishe  there  would 
aspire  to  government  of  themselves,  yet  were  it  better 
that  it  should  be  soe  than  that  the  Spaniardes  should 
with  the  treasure  of  that  countrie  torment  all  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe  with  warres.'" 

Since  the  trade  routes  of  the  Old  World  were  divided 
among  these  companies,  it  was  natural  that  similar  cor- 
porations for  exploiting  the  New  World  should  spring 
up  as  soon  as  Raleigh  was  in  the  Tower,  his  charters 
abrogated,  and  peace  made  with  Spain.  The  twenty 
years  warfare  between  England  and  Spain  was  ended 
June  15,  1605.  Altho  the  most  of  the  sea-fighting 
had  taken  place  along  the  routes  of  the  Spanish  treasure 
fleets  and  in  the  West  Indies,  English  sailors  had  thereby 
increased  their  knowledge  of  the  whole  Atlantic  and  its 
coasts.      The  London   and    Plymouth   branches  of  the 

^  State  Papers,  quoted  in  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  April,  1907,  vol.  XIII,  p.  513, 
in  article  by  E.  P.  Cheyney,  "Conditions  surrounding  settlement  of  Virginia." 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Virginia  Company  in  1606  were  promptly  followed  by 
the  Guiana  Company  (1609J,  the  Newfoundland  Com- 
pany (1610),  and  the  Bermuda  Company  (161 2).'  It 
is  significant  also  that  the  same  men  were  likely  to  be 
engaged  in  two  or  more  of  these  companies.  It  is  said 
that  over  one  hundred  members  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany were  also  members  of  the  East  India  Company. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith,  who  was  very  prominent  in  the  Vir- 
ginia Company,  and  was  for  a  time  its  treasurer,  was 
also  in  the  Levant,  Muscovy,  and  East  India  companies. 
The  idea  of  the  "syndicate"  was  not  unknown  to  these 
great  "captains  of  industry,"  even  tho  the  use  of  the 
word  itself  may  be  more  modern. 

y.   Plans  for  Colonization  in  Ireland  and  America. 

It  has  been  observed  that  plans  for  colonizing  in 
America  and  in  Ireland  proceeded  together  during  the 
reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  James.  Not  only  so,  but  the 
same  men  were  leaders  in  both  enterprises.  The  stories 
of  failure  and  success  in  each  case  are  curiously  similar. 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  first  essays  in  colonization  were 
in  Ireland  in  i  567,  and  two  years  later  a  company  of  his 
neighbors  in  Devonshire  was  formed  to  colonize  the 
province  of  Munster.  These  gentlemen  of  the  West 
were  still  interested  in  this  scheme  while  Gilbert  was 
steering  to  Newfoundland,  and  at  the  very  time  when 

'  After  an  interval  of  about  a  decade  came  the  Council  of  New  England  in 
1620,  and  later  still  the  Greenland  Company,  1628,  the  Massachusetts  Bay- 
Company,  1629,  and  the  Royal  Fishery  Company,  1629.  Cf.  Miss  Kingsbury's 
article  on  the  Virginia  and  other  companies  in  Report  of  Am.  Histor.  Assoc, 
1906,  vol.  I,  pp.   161-176. 

10 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

Raleigh  was  trying  to  found  a  colony  at  Roanoke,  in 
1584,  he  and  Edmund  Spenser  and  others  of  the  court 
were  receiving  grants  of  land  in  Munster  and  were  also 
laboring  to  induce  Englishmen  to  go  there.  The  son 
of  Sir  Thomas  Smith  was  leader  of  the  first  serious 
effort  to  colonize  in  Ulster,  and  was  killed  early  in  the 
attempt.  His  father  and  cousin  continued  the  under- 
taking, which  languished  until  1606— 1608,  the  very 
time  when  Jamestown  and  Pemaquid  were  being  born. 
Sir  John  Popham,  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the 
Pemaquid  settlement,  was  deeply  interested  in  the 
Munster  settlement.  Raleigh  did  not  dispose  of  his 
grant  in  Ireland  until  1602,  just  before  his  long  eclipse. 
Sir  Francis  Bacon  was  an  adviser  of  both  the  Irish  and 
American  colonizers,  and  thought  the  former  company 
far  the  more  sensible.  He  told  King  James  in  1 609 
that  the  American  enterprise  differed  from  the  Irish  as 
much  as  Amadis  de  Gaul  differs  from  Cesar's  Com- 
mentaries, The  Scotch  migration  to  counties  Down 
and  Antrim  began  in  1606,  the  same  year  in  which 
the  first  colonists  of  Virginia  sailed  from  London 
(December  30),  and  the  great  plantation  of  Ulster, 
planned  in  1608,  actually  began  in  May,  161  i.  The 
same  kind  of  chartered  companies  and  trading  associa- 
tions was  created  to  promote  and  manage  both  Irish 
and  American  settlement,  and  for  a  few  years  prior  to 
1630  the  movement  toward  Ireland  was  more  abun- 
dant than  that  toward  America.  But  after  the  acces- 
sion of  Charles  I,  the  proximity  of  Ireland  was  no 
longer  an  advantage.      Englishmen  leaving  home  were 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

increasingly  anxious  to  get  farther  away  from  England, 
and  the  Indians  were  not  feared  or  disliked  more  than 
the  native  Irish. 

The  fact  that  both  Ireland  and  North  America  were 
regarded  as  frontier  regions,  inhabited  by  barbarous  peo- 
ples and  suitable  for  colonization,  stimulated  English 
popular  interest  in  adventure  and  in  foreign  settlement. 

These  companies  competed  for  popular  and  financial 
support.  Business  men  were  attracted  by  the  possibilities 
of  lucrative  trade  and  speculation.  The  printing-presses 
produced  broadsides  of  advertisement.  The  visions  of  a 
new  and  unknown  world  were  'so  common  in  the  streets 
that  they  found  a  place  upon  the  stage  and  in  literature, 
leaving  their  traces  even  in  Shakespeare's  Tempest. 
Michael  Drayton,  who  protested  to  George  Sandys 
that  he  wished  to  be  a  settler  in  Virginia,  sped  those 
who  did  go  with  such  verses  as  these  in  a  poem  ad- 
dressed 

To  the  Virginian  Voyage. 

You  brave  heroic  minds, 
Worthy  your  country's  name, 
That  honour  still  pursue 
Whilst  loitering  hinds 
Lurk  here  at  home,  with  shame, 
Go,  and  subdue. 

Britons,  you  stay  too  long: 
Quickly  aboard  bestow  you, 
And  with  a  merry  gale 
Swell  your  stretch'd  sail. 
With  vows  as  strong 
As  the  winds  that  blow  you. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 


And  cheerfully  at  sea 

Success  you  still  entice 

To  get  the  pearl  and  gold, 

And  ours  to  hold 

Virginia 

Earth's  only  Paradise. 

Where  nature  hath  in  store 
Fowl,  venison  and  fish. 
And  the  fruitfullest  soil 
Without  your  toil, 
Three  harvests  more. 
All  greater  than  your  wish. 

And  the  ambitious  vine 
Crowns  with  his  purple  mass 
The  cedar  reaching  high 
To  kiss  the  sky. 
The  cypress,  pine, 
And  useful  sassafras. 

And  in  regions  far 

Such  heroes  bring  ye  forth 

As  those  from  whom  we  came. 

And  plant  our  name 

Under  the  star 

Not  known  to  our  North. 

Thy  voyages  attend, 
Industrious  Hakluyt, 
Whose  reading  shall  inflame 
Men  to  seek  fame. 
And  much  commend 
To  after  times  thy  wit. 

»3 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

8.   Principal  Founders  of  English  Colonization  in  America. 

The  men  who  were  the  original  founders  and  fathers 
of  English  colonization  in  America  have  not  fared  alike 
in  public  remembrance.  The  chiefest  among  them, 
Richard  Hakluyt,  well  known  in  his  own  generation, 
as  Drayton's  verse  testifies,  is  now  almost  forgotten 
except  by  scholars.  Of  the  others,  Walter  Raleigh  is 
honored  by  a  few  memorials,  but  is  more  frequently 
recalled  as  a  squire  of  royal  dames  than  as  a  creator  of 
empire;  John  Smith  barely  escapes  impeachment  for 
exaggeration,  to  put  it  mildly,  and  is  known  not  as  the 
christener  and  advocate  of  New  England,  to  which  he 
gave  many  years  of  effort,  but  as  the  hero  of  Virginia, 
to  which  he  contributed  a  short  but  spectacular  service; 
and,  finally,  Ferdinando  Gorges  will  never  receive  from 
the  descendants  of  the  Puritans  much  more  consideration 
than  he  had  from  their  ancestors,  whose  rival  he  was. 

The  one  of  this  quartet  who  probably  rendered  the 
largest  service  to  America,  Richard  Hakluyt  (1553— 
16 1 6),  lies  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey,  but  he  has  no 
monument  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  He  was  of 
Welsh  descent,  born  near  London,  educated  at  Westmin- 
ster and  Oxford,  prominent  as  an  ecclesiastic  in  Bristol 
and  London,  and  archdeacon  of  Westminster  during  the 
last  thirteen  years  of  his  life.  Hakluyt  was  the  story- 
teller of  English  discovery  and  adventure  in  the  New 
World. 

The  earliest  book  in  English  devoted  to  American 
explorations  was  Richard  Eden's  "  Treatyse  of  the  newe 

H 


DEVELOPMENr  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

India,"  published  in  1553.  Eden's  work  was  a  trans- 
lation of  a  portion  of  the  Cosmographia,  or  universal 
geography,  of  Sebastian  Munster,  which  had  been  pub- 
lished in  German  and  Latin  at  Basle,  the  first  edition  in 
1541.  In  1555  the  same  Eden  published  a  history  of 
voyages  to  the  new  world,  chiefly  drawn  from  a  Spanish 
source,  the  Latin  work  of  Peter  Martyr  (1511  — 16], 
*' De  Orbe  Novo,"  arranged  in  eight  "decades."  Eden 
gave  the  name  "Decades  of  the  New  World"  to  his 
translation. 

These  two  translations  were  the  principal  English 
books  on  the  subject  until  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's 
tract,  "  Discourse  of  a  Discoverie  for  a  new  passage  to 
Cataia,"  appeared  in  1576.  In  1577  Dionysius  Settle 
published  the  story  of  Martin  Frobisher's  first  voyage, 
and  Frobisher's  subsequent  expedition  in  1577  found 
historians  in  Thomas  Churchyard  and  George  Best. 
While  Hakluyt  was  yet  a  boy  in  Westminster  School 
he  became  interested  in  cosmography  and  stories  of 
travel.  After  he  went  to  Oxford  in  1570  he  continued 
these  studies,  and  became  filled  with  desire  to  use  geo- 
graphical knowledge  for  the  extension  of  English  com- 
merce and  empire.  He  believed  that  the  discoveries  of 
English  seamen  and  travelers  were  not  known,  and  in 
devoting  himself  to  dispel  this  ignorance  he  became  a 
great  empire-builder. 

Probably  in  the  same  year  as  Frobisher's  second  voy- 
age (1577),  Richard  Hakluyt  began  at  Oxford  the  first 
public  lectures  on  geography  and  cartography.  The 
firstfruit  of  this  labor  was  a  small  book,   published  in 

»5 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

1582,  and  called  "Divers  Voyages  touching  the  dis- 
coverie  of  America  and  the  Islands  adjacent  unto  the 
same,  made  first  of  all  by  our  Englishmen,  and  after- 
wards by  the  Frenchmen  and  Britons."  The  book  was 
dedicated  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  emphasized  the 
claims  of  England  to  North  America,  the  utility  and 
desirability  of  colonization,  and  the  possibility  of  find- 
ing a  northwest  passage  to  Cathay.  The  **  Divers  Voy- 
ages" contained  the  first  careful  statement  of  the  English 
claim  to  North  America  upon  the  foundation  of  Cabot's 
discoveries.  In  such  publication  Hakluyt  was  serving 
as  scribe  and  advocate  for  his  friends  Raleigh  and  Gil- 
bert in  preparing  for  the  first  English  colony. 

From  1583  to  1588  Hakluyt  was  chaplain  of  the 
English  Embassy  at  Paris,  and  was  busy  in  collecting 
from  all  sources  the  materials  for  his  later  publications. 
In  1584,  at  the  request  of  Raleigh,  Hakluyt  wrote  a 
**  Discourse  upon  Western  Planting,"  which  was  given 
in  manuscript  to  Queen  Elizabeth.  At  that  time 
Raleigh's  preliminary  expedition  under  Amadas  and 
Barlow  was  exploring  Roanoke.  This  tract,  a  forcible 
argument  for  colonization,  written  to  convince  a  Queen, 
was  first  printed  in  America  after  it  had  been  forgotten 
for  nearly  two  centuries.'  Elizabeth  had  already  given 
Raleigh  a  patent  for  his  transatlantic  colony,  and  when, 
in  September,  1584,  Amadas  and  Barlow  returned,  de- 
lighted with  their  story  she  gave  to  the  new  realm  a 
name  in  her  own  honor,  Virginia. 

'  It  was   first   published   by   the    Maine    Historical    Society    in    1877.      Cf. 
Winsor,  "Narr.  &  Crit.  Hist.,"  Ill,  208. 

i6 


DEVELOPMEhir  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

Hakluyt  found  in  Paris  much  material  concerning 
the  explorations  of  Frenchmen  and  others  in  the  New 
World.  Most  of  the  literature  of  that  exploration  then 
extant  was  in  French,  Latin,  or  Spanish.  He  was 
naturally  especially  interested  in  the  efforts  of  the 
French  Huguenots  to  colonize  in  Carolina  a  few  years 
before,  and  in  1586  he  published  in  the  French  lan- 
guage an  account  of  the  voyages  of  Laudonniere  and 
others.  An  English  version  of  the  same  story  he  pub- 
lished in  the  next  year  (1587),  under  the  title,  "  Foure 
Voyages  into  Florida."  In  the  same  year  Hakluyt 
published  in  Paris  a  Latin  edition  of  Peter  Martyr's 
"De  Orbe  Novo,"  which  Eden  had  partly  translated 
into  English  thirty-two  years  before. 

In  1588  Hakluyt  returned  to  England.  He  held 
livings  at  Bristol  and  in  Suffolk,  and  at  Westminster. 
The  later  place  became  his  home.  In  1589  appeared 
the  first  edition  of  his  great  compilation  of  voyages, 
entitled,  **  The  Principall  Navigations,  Voyages,  and 
Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation,  made  by  sea  or  over 
land,  to  the  most  remote  and  fartherest  distant  quarters 
of  the  Earth,"  etc.  This  work  he  constantly  enlarged, 
until  the  new  edition  published  in  1600  was  expanded 
into  three  volumes.  The  third  volume  related  wholly 
to  America,  and  the  whole  work  contained  accounts  of 
more  than  two  hundred  voyages. 

In  1609  he  published  a  translation  of  a  Portuguese 
account  of  De  Soto's  expedition  to  Florida,  a  publica- 
tion intended  to  help  the  new  settlement  at  James- 
town, as  appears  by  its  title,  "Virginia  richly  valued,  by 

17 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

the  description  of  the  maineland  of  Florida,  her  next 
neighbor,"  etc.  In  1616  he  died,  leaving  his  papers  of 
unpublished  material  to  Rev.  Samuel  Purchas,  who  was 
known  to  him  as  a  man  interested  in  the  same  studies. 

Samuel  Purchas  (1577— 1626)  was  a  native  of  Thaxted 
in  Essex,  an  M.A.  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  in  1600, 
and  a  country  parish  priest  from  1601  to  1 614,  in  which 
year  by  the  favor  of  the  bishop  of  London  he  was  made 
rector  of  St.  Martin's,  Ludgate.  His  life  was  devoted 
to  the  history  of  exploration  and  adventure,  and  he  and 
his  son  wrote  out  the  narratives  that  fill  over  five  thou- 
sand folio  pages  of  close  print. 

Before  Hakluyt's  death,  Mr.  Purchas  had  already 
published  a  volume,  "  Purchas  His  Pilgrimage,  or  Re- 
lations of  the  World  and  the  Religions  observed  in  all 
Ages  and  Places  Discovered,  from  the  Creation  until  this 
Present,"  containing  accounts  of  voyages  paraphrased  in 
his  own  language.  This  book  had  three  editions  be- 
tween 161  3  and  1 6 17.  From  Hakluyt's  papers  Purchas 
caught  his  predecessor's  more  thorough  and  scholarly 
method,  and  began  his  magnum  opus,  "  Hakluytus  Post- 
humus,  or  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes."  This  work,  continu- 
ing Hakluyt's  "Navigations,"  and  preserving,  as  Hakluyt 
had  done,  the  language  of  the  original  accounts,  was 
published  in  four  sumptuous  volumes  in  1625.  Part  of 
the  third  and  all  of  the  fourth  volume  relate  to  America. 
In  1626  a  new  edition  of  his  earlier  volume  was  pub- 
lished as  a  fifth  volume  of  the  **  Pilgrimes." 

Purchas  died  in  1626,  and  his  will  shows  that  he 
had    been    able    to    accumulate    considerable    property. 

18 


DEFELOPMENr  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

The  expense  of  his  publications  was  evidently  not 
borne  by  him.  He  made  his  acknowledgments  to  the 
publisher  ot  the  beautiful  edition  of  1625  ^^^  these 
words,  "  And  for  the  price,  as  I  cannot  set  it,  so  I 
must  acknowledge  the  adventurous  courage  of  the 
Stationer,  Master  Henry  Fetherstone  (like  Hercules 
helping  Atlas),  so  long  to  beare  this  my  heavy  world 
at  such  expense."  The  "Pilgrimes"  were  reprinted  in 
1905  in  twenty  volumes  by  James  Maclehose  &  Sons, 
Glasgow,  publishers  to  the  University  of  Glasgow. 

Altho  Hakluyt  was  the  inspirer  and  guide  of  Purchas, 
it  is  the  latter  who  rendered  most  immediate  service 
to  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrim  and  Puritan,  for  his 
collection  began  where  Hakluyt's  ended  in  1600,  and 
therefore  included  the  story  of  the  first  efforts  to  ex- 
plore and  settle   New  England. 

These  two  clergymen,  Richard  Hakluyt  and  Samuel 
Purchas,  were  together  the  "press  bureau"  of  English 
colonization.  With  motives  of  mingled  patriotism  and 
scientific  interest,  they  used  the  printing-press  to  en- 
courage explorations  and  foreign  settlements  by  English- 
men, and  thus  furnished  a  needed  arsenal  of  persuasive 
weapons  for  such  leaders  and  promoters  as  Raleigh, 
Gorges,  Popham,  Thomas  Smith,  and  John  Smith. 
The  latter  adventurer  is  perhaps  to  be  associated  in  our 
esteem  more  closely  with  men  like  Hakluyt  and  Pur- 
chas, for  his  efforts  as  a  historian  and  pamphleteer 
probably  contributed  more  toward  the  settlement  of 
the  New  World  than  his  services  as  an  actual  leader 
of  colonies. 

19 


VOYAGES  ro  rHE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 


Chronological  List  of  Known  Voyages  to  the  New  England  Coasts 
for  Discovery  and  Settlement^  1602— i6jo. 

1602.  Voyage  of  Bartholomew  Gosnold  and  Bartholomew 
Gilbert,  commanders,  along  the  Maine  and  Massachusetts 
coasts  to  Cuttyhunk,  an  island  at  Buzzard's  Bay,  which 
Gosnold  named  "Elizabeth's  He;"  narratives  by  John  Brereton 
and  Gabriel  Archer. 

1603.  Voyage  of  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  (Francis  Grave,  Sieur 
du  Pont)  and  Sieur  Prevert,  commanders,  Samuel  de  Cham- 
plain,  surveyor  and  chronicler,  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and 
up  the  river  as  far  as  the  Lachine  Rapids.  No  narrative  here, 
because  it  was  not  a  voyage  to  the  New  England  region. 

1603.  Voyage  of  Martin  Pring,  commander  and  chronicler, 
to  the  coasts  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts  as  tar  as  what  was 
later  known  as  the  harbor  of  Plymouth  ;  his  journal  of  the  voy- 
age was  probably  not  entirely  his  own  work. 

1604-7.  Voyage  of  Pierre  de  Guast  (Sieur  de  Monts),  Sieur 
du  Pont  Grave  and  Jean  de  Biencourt  (Sieur  de  Poutrincourt), 
and  Samuel  de  Champlain,  commanders,  to  St.  Croix  and  to 
Port  Royal  in  Acadia;  Marc  Lescarbot  and  Samuel  de  Cham- 
plain,  historians. 

1605.  Voyage  of  George  Waymouth,  commander,  along  the 
New  England  coast  from  Nantucket  to  Maine;  narrative  by 
James  Rosier. 

1606.  Voyages  of  Henry  Challons,  Thomas  Hanham,  and 
Martin  Pring,  commanders,  for  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Sir 
John  Popham  (the  Plymouth  Company) ;  Hanham  and  Pring 
reached  the  Maine  coast  at  Sagadahoc;  the  narrative  by  Han- 
ham, which  Purchas  had  but  did  not  print,  is  lost. 


DEFELOPMENr  OF  rRADlNG  COMPANIES 

1607.  Voyage  of  Raleigh  Gil)>ert  and  George  Popham,  com- 
manders, to  Sagadahoc  under  the  authority  of  the  Plymouth 
Company ;    narrative  by  James   Davies. 

1608.  Voyage  of  Champlain  and  Sieur  du  Pont  Grave  up 
the  St.  Lawrence    River ;    the  foundation  of  Quebec, 

1609.  Voyage  of  Henry  Hudson,  commander,  along  the 
coast  from  Newfoundland  to  Penobscot  Bay,  to  Cape  Cod,  to 
Delaware  Bay,  then  back  along  the  coast  and  up  the  Hudson 
River;  while  he  was  exploring  the  latter,  Champlain  was  dis- 
covering the  lake  since  known  by  his  name ;  narrative  by  Robert 
Juet  (Jewett),  sometime  Hudson's  mate  and  finally  his  enemy. 

1 6 10.  Voyages  of  Samuel  Argall  and  Sir  George  Somers, 
commanders,  who  set  sail  from  Jamestown  in  two  ships  ;  caught 
in  a  storm,  Somers  reached  the  Bermudas  and  died  there; 
Argall  found  himself  on  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and 
sailed  to  the  islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot,  thence  to 
Cape  Cod,  and  back  to  Jamestown;  narrative  from  Argall's 
journal,   or  ship's   log. 

1 6 10.  Revival  of  the  French  colony  of  Acadie;  return  of  Sieur 
de  Poutrincourt  to  Port  Royal ;  history  by  Marc  Lescarbot. 

161 1.  Voyage  of  Fathers  Pierre  Biard  and  Enemond  Masse 
to  Acadia  and  Port  Royal ;  narratives  in  the  Jesuit  Relations. 

161 1.  Voyage  of  Edward  Harlow  and  Nicholas  Hobson, 
commanders,  along  the  coast  from  the  Kennebec  to  Cape  Cod 
and  Martha's  Vineyard;  report  in  hands  of  Purchas,  now  lost. 

161 1-12.  More  Jesuits  sent  to  Acadia  by  Mme.  de  Guerche- 
ville;  Fathers  Pierre  Biard  and  Enemond  Masse  found  a  colony 
at  Mt.  Desert  in  16 13;  narratives  in  the  Jesuit  Relations  and 
in  Lescarbot's  history. 

1 6 13.  Samuel  Argall,  commander,  in  two  voyages  destroys 
the  French  settlements  at  Mt.  Desert,  St.  Croix,  and  Port  Royal; 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

narrative  of  Father  Biard  in  the  Jesuit  Relations ;  narrative  of 
Argall  in  Purchas's  "  Pilgrims,"  fourth  volume. 

1 6 14.  First  voyage  of  Captain  John  Smith,  commander  and 
historian,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod. 
Nicholas  Hobson's  second  voyage  to  the  neighborhood  of 
Martha's  Vineyard. 

1 61 5.  Voyages  of  John  Smith  (captured  by  a  French  ship), 
Thomas  Dermer,  and  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  commanders,  sep- 
arately along  the  coast,  all  sent  by  the  Plymouth  Company. 
John  Smith  writes  "  A  Description  of  New  England."  The 
London  Company  in  the  same  year  sent  out  four  ships  under 
Captain  Michael  Cooper. 

1 61 6.  Voyages  of  eight  ships  from  Plymouth  and  London 
to  the  New  England  coast;  mentioned  by  Smith,  no  report  ex- 
tant. Voyage  of  Edward  Brawnde  along  the  coast  from  Ken- 
nebec to  Cape  Cod,  as  shown  by  his  letter  to  Smith.  Richard 
Vines,  in  the  employment  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  came  to 
the  coast  and  probably  spent  the  winter  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Saco  River,  where  he  afterwards  settled.  Smith  publishes  his 
"  Description." 

1 61 7.  John  Smith,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  expedition, 
failed  to  leave  port. 

161 8.  Vovage  of  Edward  Rocroft,  commander,  to  New- 
foundland, to  Monhegan,  and  along  the  coast  to  Virginia; 
mentioned  by  Smith  and  Gorges.  Smith  writes  "  New  Eng- 
land's Trials." 

1619.  Voyage  of  Thomas  Dermer  from  Monhegan  along  the 
coast  in  a  pinnace  to  Plymouth  harbor  and  back  again  ;  after- 
wards he  went  down  the  coast  in  his  small  boat  again,  through 
Long  Island  Sound  and  on  to  Virginia;  narrative  given  by 
himself  to    Purchas. 


DEVELOPMEN'T  OF  TRADING  COMPANIES 

1620.  Voyage  of  the  Pilgrims  to  Provincetown  and  Ply- 
mouth.    Smith   publishes   the  "  Trials." 

1621.  Voyage  of  Thomas  Dermer  from  Virginia  up  the  Del- 
aware and  Hudson  rivers  and  along  the  coast  to  Cape  Cod. 

1622.  Voyage  of  Thomas  Weston,  merchant  adventurer, 
and  Thomas  Morton,  author  of  "  The  New  English  Canaan," 
to  the  coast  of  Massachusetts  Bay  at  Wessagussett,  later  Wey- 
mouth. 

1623.  Rev.  John  White,  founder  of  the  Bay  Colony,  and 
the  Dorchester  Fishing  Company  send  fourteen  men  to  Cape 
Ann.  David  Thompson  settles  at  Little  Harbor,  mouth  of 
Piscataqua   River,   New   Hampshire. 

1623—24.  Voyages  of  Robert  Gorges,  Governor  and  com- 
mander under  the  Gorges  grant,  to  Weymouth,  Massachusetts, 
and  of  Christopher  Levett,  commander  and  chronicler,  to  Casco 
Bay,  Maine. 

1624.  Publication  of  Smith's  "  Generall  Historic,"  with  notes 
from  the  "  Trials."  Settlements  at  Nantasket  by  John  Old- 
ham, Rev.  Mr.  Lyford  and  a  small  party,  at  Quincy  by  Capt. 
Wollaston  (Mt.  Wollaston),  and  at  Cape  Ann  by  a  party  of 
Western  England  fishermen  (1623—4). 

1625.  William  Blaxton  settles  at  Shawmut  (Boston),  and 
Samuel  Maverick  at  Noddle's  Island  (Boston  Harbor).  Roger 
Conant,  from  Plymouth  and  Nantasket,  becomes  leader  at  Cape 
Ann  (Gloucester)  for  the  "  Dorchester  Adventurers."  Per- 
manent settlement  also  at  Pemaquid.  Thomas  Morton  becomes 
the  leader  at  Mt.  Wollaston  (Merry-Mount).  Rev.  Samuel 
Purchas  publishes  in  London  his  "  Hakluytus  Posthumus,  or 
Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,"  in  four  volumes. 

1626.  Conant  and  others  leave  Cape  Ann  and  settle  at 
Naumkeag.     David  Thompson  moves  from  Little  Harbor  to 

23 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Thompson's  Island  in  Boston  Harbor.  First  French  fort 
probably  built  at  Pentegoet  in  Penobscot  Bay  (afterwards 
Castine). 

1627.  Edward  Hilton  and  others  arrive  at  Dover,  New 
Hampshire. 

1628.  John  Endicott  and  company  arrive  at  Naumkeag, 
September  6.  Disputes  between  Conant's  company  and  the 
newcomers  were  so  amicably  settled  that  the  name  of  the  place 
was  changed  to  Salem  ("peaceful").  Plymouth  disperses  the 
Merry- Mount  colony  and  arrests  Morton. 

1629.  Thomas  Walford,  the  blacksmith,  settles  at  what 
afterwards  became  Charlestown.  Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
Colony  issued,  March  4.  Revs.  Samuel  Skelton  and  Francis 
Higginson  with  400  colonists  came  to  Salem  in  June. 

1630.  John  Smith  wrote  his  last  pamphlet  in  behalf  of  New 
England,  "  Advertisements  for  unexperienced  Planters,"  pub- 
lished in  1631.  John  Winthrop  and  a  colony  of  nearly  one 
thousand  people  came  to  Salem  in  seventeen  ships,  in  May, 
June,  and  July,  1630,  and  soon  afterwards  scattered  to  Dor- 
chester,  Charlestown,   Roxbury,   Watertown,  and    Boston. 


24 


II. 

FIRST  ENGLISH  SETTLEMENT,  BUZZARD'S 
BAY,  1602.  VOYAGES  OF  BARTHOLOMEW 
GOSNOLD  AND  BARTHOLOMEW  GILBERT. 
NARRATIVES  OF  JOHN  BRERETON  AND 
GABRIEL  ARCHER. 

'N  the  last  five  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  struggling  to 
maintain  his  footing.  He  was  deeply 
involved  in  the  rivalries  of  factions  at 
court,  eager  to  retain  the  favor  of  the  Queen  and  to 
maneuver  for  a  commanding  position  at  the  time  of 
her  death.  His  last  expeditions  to  the  Orinoco  region 
in  1596  had  returned  without  result.  He  had  at- 
tempted to  send  a  colony  thither  in  1598  under  Sir 
John  Gilbert,  but  had  completely  failed.  The  expedi- 
tion did  not  even  start.  By  these  enterprises  and  by  his 
expenditures  for  his  lost  Virginia  colony  he  was  much 
impoverished.  For  the  latter  colony  he  was  reputed  to 
have  spent  over  forty  thousand  pounds,  and  he  was  still 
paying  out  money  in  a  vain  effort  to  find  the  possible 
survivors. 

In  1602  he  made  his  fifth  and  last  effort  to  find 
them  by  sending  one  Captain  Samuel  Mace  to  search 
for  them.  Mace  returned  without  obeying  these  orders, 
and    Raleigh  went  to  Weymouth   to  confer  with   him. 

25 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Under  date  of  August  21,  1602,  Sir  Walter  wrote  to 
Cecil  about  Virginia,  "  I  shall  yet  live  to  see  it  an 
Englishe  nation,"  and  declared  that  he  would  send 
Captain  Mace  back  again,  but  he  never  did.  While 
Raleigh  was  in  Weymouth  upon  this  errand  he  seems 
to  have  discovered  for  the  first  time  that  Bartholomew 
Gilbert,  the  son  of  Raleigh's  famous  half-brother  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  and  Bartholomew  Gosnold  had 
just  returned  from  a  voyage  to  northern  Virginia.  For 
this  voyage  he,  Raleigh,  the  patentee  of  that  country, 
had  given  no  license.  Moreover  the  two  adventurers 
had  brought  home  a  cargo  of  sassafras  and  cedar,  the 
sale  of  which  had  caused  a  sudden  drop  in  the  price  of 
sassafras  in  the  London  market.  Raleigh  laid  claim  to 
the  cargo,  but  Gosnold  and  Gilbert  made  peace  with 
him.  Raleigh  allowed  Brereton's  relation  of  the  voy- 
age to  be  dedicated  to  him  and  to  represent  the  voyage 
as  sanctioned  by  him.  Some  important  persons,  notably 
the  Earl  of  Southampton,  Shakespere's  friend,  had  aided 
the  Gosnold  and  Gilbert  expedition,  and  doubtless 
Raleigh  was  hopeful  to  use  the  venture  as  an  advertise- 
ment for  newer  enterprises. 

Gilbert  went  in  command  of  the  ship  Elizabeth  to 
the  Chesapeake  in  the  next  year,  and  lost  his  life 
there. 

Bartholomew  Gosnold  steps  into  the  history  of 
English  exploration  as  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  as 
he  stepped  into  Raleigh's  view  at  Weymouth  in  1602. 
Nothing  is  known  of  his  origin  or  previous  career,  but 
he  was  evidently  already  an  experienced  mariner.     He 

26 


FIRST  ENGLISH  SKTrLEMENr 

took  the  direct  route  across  the  Atlantic,  an  idea  for 
which  he  was  indebted  to  Verrazano,  and  possibly  also 
to  the  experience  of  Walker  in  1580,  of  which  experi- 
ence Bartholomew  Gilbert  may  have  known  something. 
Some  one  in  command  of  this  expedition  was  singularly 
deficient  in  judgment  to  suppose  that  a  dozen  men  would 
suffice  to  plant  a  colony,  and  that  too  without  the 
knowledge  and  consent  of  the  only  English  patentee. 
Gosnold,  however,  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  a 
man  of  sense  and  discretion  by  his  associates  in  the 
leadership  of  the  Jamestown  colony  in  1607.  Percy, 
Wingfield,  and  Smith  refer  to  him  with  respect.  In 
the  **Generall  Historie  of  Virginia,"  third  book,  Gos- 
nold is  called  "one  of  the  prime  movers  of  the  planta- 
tion." He  was  named  by  the  London  Company  to  be 
one  of  the  members  of  the  Council  of  the  colony.  In 
that  expedition  he  held  the  rank  of  vice-admiral,  and 
was  in  command  of  one  of  the  three  vessels,  the  God- 
Speed.  It  is  said  that  Gosnold  did  not  favor  the  island 
site  selected  for  the  settlement  known  as  Jamestown, 
but  he  was  unable  to  exert  much  influence  upon  the 
history  of  events  in  Virginia.  A  fatal  distemper  put  an 
end  to  his  life,  August  22,  1607.  He  was  buried  with 
military  honors.  Wingfield  refers  to  him  as  "the 
worthy  and  religious  gentleman,  Captain  Bartholomew 
Gosnold,  upon  whose  lief  [life]  stood  a  great  part  of 
the  succes  and  fortune  of  our  Government  and  Collony." 
Of  John  Brereton,  the  author  of  the  following  nar- 
rative, little  is  known  except  that  he  was  graduated 
from   Caius   College,   Cambridge,  in    1592—93.     There 

27 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

was  a  Brereton  family  in  Cheshire,  one  member  of 
which,  Sir  William  Brereton,  was  associated  with  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  in  schemes  of  American  coloniza- 
tion. Brereton's  "Relation,"  published  in  1602,  is  the 
earliest  English  book  about  New  England. 

The  first  edition  of  Brereton's  **  Relation"  contained 
twenty-four  pages,  but  a  second  edition  in  the  same 
year  was  increased  to  forty-eight  pages,  and  included  a 
"treatise"  by  Edward  Hayes,'  "containing  important 
inducements  for  the  planting  in  those  parts,  and  finding 
a  passage  that  way  to  the  South  Sea  and  China."  This 
is  the  text  here  used,  taken  from  a  copy  of  the  original 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

Of  Gabriel  Archer  more  is  known  than  of  Gosnold 
or  Brereton,  but  this  knowledge  relates  chiefly  to  his 
career  at  Jamestown."  He  was,  like  Gosnold,  one  of  the 
original  settlers  of  that  colony.  From  the  beginning 
he  was  foremost  in  the  party  opposed  to  Wingfield  and 
also  to  John  Smith.  He  favored  another  site  for  settle- 
ment, perhaps  the  place  eight  miles  below  Jamestown 
called  "Archer's  Hope."^  He  was  probably  the  author 
of  the   official   story  of  the   exploration   of  the    James 

'  Edward  Hayes  wrote  the  account  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  last  voyage 
in  1583,  which  was  published  by  Hakluyt  in  vol.  III.  Hayes  was  captain  and 
owner  of  the  Golde?i  Hind,  which  was  the  only  ship  that  returned  to  England 
from  that  expedition.  The  text  of  the  first  edition  is  reprinted  in  "Early  English 
and  French  Voyages,"  edited  by  Dr.  Henry  S.  Burrage.  The  text  of  the  second 
edition  appears  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  3d  Series,  VIH,  pp.  83-103.  This 
narrative  was  also  reprinted  in  facsimile  by  Mr.  L.  S.  Livingston  in  1902,  and  by 
Mr.  George  Parker  Winship  in  ** Sailors'  Narratives  of  New  England  Voyages." 

2  Alex.  Brown,  in  the  biographical  notes  in  the  "Genesis  of  the  United 
States,"  vol.  II,  records  Gabriel  Archer  of  Mountnessing,  Essex,  as  a  student  ot 
law  at  Gray's  Inn,  March  15,   1593. 

3  Cf.  Arber's  ed.  of  Smith's  Works,  I,  66,  90. 

z8 


FIRST  ENGLISH  SErrLEMENT 

River  which  Captain  Newport  carried  home,  for  the 
author  speaks  of  wounds  received  from  the  Indians  and 
Captain  Archer  was  injured  in  hoth  hands  in  a  night 
attack. 

When  Wingfield  was  deposed  from  the  presidency 
of  the  colony,  Archer  was  made  recorder  and  prepared 
the  charges  against  Wingfield.  Wingiield  writes,  **  It 
was  usuall  and  naturall  to  this  honest  gentleman, 
Master  Archer,  to  be  allwayes  hatching  of  some  mu- 
tany."  The  contentions  at  Jamestown  in  its  first  year 
were  so  sharp  that  John  Smith  and  his  supporters  were 
glad  to  see  the  wrangling  leaders  sent  home  with 
Captain  Newport  in  1608.  The  Description  of  Vir- 
ginia says :  *'  Wee  not  having  any  use  of  Parliaments, 
places,  petitions,  admirals,  recorders,  interpreters,  chron- 
ologers,  courts  of  plea,  nor  Justices  of  peace,  sent 
Maister  Wingfield,  and  Captain  Archer  with  him,  for 
England,  to  seeke  some  place  of  better  imploiment."  ' 

Captain  Archer  returned  to  Jamestown  with  the 
third  supply  in  1609,  shortly  before  John  Smith  re- 
turned to  England,  and  Archer  probably  perished  with 
most  of  his  friends  in  the  calamitous  year  that  fol- 
lowed.^ His  narrative  of  Gosnold's  expedition  was 
printed   by   Purchas.^ 

'  Arber's  Smith,  I,   104,  105. 

2  Cf.  Archer's  letter  from  Jamestown,  Aug.  31,  1609,  in  Arber's  Smith,  I, 
xciv— xcvii. 

3  It  was  reprinted  in   Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  jd  Series,  VIII,  pp.  72—81  ; 
also  by  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead  in  the  Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  i  20. 


29 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 


Facsimile  of  title-page  of  the  first  English  book 
{second  edition)  about  New  England 


30 


FIRST  ENGLISH  SETrLEMENT:    BRERETON 


'T^O  the  honourable,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  Knight,  Captaine 
-*■  of  her  Majesties  Guards,  Lord  Warden  of  the  Stanneries, 
Lieutenant  of  Cornwall,  and  Governour  of  the  Isle  of  Jersey. 

Honourable  sir,  being  earnestly  requested  by  a  deere  friend, 
to  put  dovvne  in  writing,  some  true  relation  of  our  late  per- 
formed voyage  to  the  North  parts  of  Virginia;  at  length  I  re- 
solved to  satisfie  his  request,  who  also  imboldened  me,  to  direct 
the  same  to  your  honourable  consideration;  to  whom  indeed 
of  duetie  it  perteineth. 

May  it  please  your  Lordship  therefore  to  understand,  that 
upon  the  sixe  and  twentieth  of  March  1602,  being  Friday,  we 
went  from  Falmouth,  being  in  all,  two  and  thirtie  persons,  in  a 
small  barke  of  Dartmouth,  called  The  Concord^  holding  a  course 
for  the  North  part  of  Virginia :  and  although  by  chance  the 
winde  favoured  us  not  at  first  as  we  wished,  but  inforced  us  so 
farre  to  the  Southward,  as  we  fell  with  S.  Marie,  one  of  the 
islands  of  the  Azores  (which  was  not  much  out  of  our  way)  yet 
holding  our  course  directly  from  thence,  we  made  our  journey 
shorter  (than  hitherto  accustomed)  by  the  better  part  of  a 
thousand  leagues,  yet  were  wee  longer  in  our  passage  than  we 
expected;  which  happened,  for  that  our  barke  being  weake, 
we  were  loth  to  presse  her  with  much  saile ;  also,  our  sailers 
being  few,  and  they  none  of  the  best,  we  bare  (except  in  faire 
weather)  but  low  saile ;  besides,  our  going  upon  an  unknowen 
coast,  made  us  not  over-bolde  to  stand  in  with  the  shore,  but 
in  open  weather;  which  caused  us  to  be  certeine  daies  in  sound- 
ing, before  we  discovered  the  coast,  the  weather  being  by  chance, 
somewhat  foggie.  But  on  Friday  the  fourteenth  of  May,  early 
in  the  morning,  we  made  the  land,'  being  full  of  faire  trees,  the 
land  somewhat  low,  certeine  hummocks  or  hilles  lying  into  the 
land,  the  shore   ful   of  white  sand,  but  very  stony  or  rocky. 

'  Identified  as  Cape  Neddock,  near  York  Beach. 

31 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

And  standing  faire  alongst  by  the  shore,  about  twelve  of  the 
clocke  the  same  day,  we  came  to  an  anker,  where  sixe  Indians, 
in  a  Baske-shallop  '  with  mast  and  saile,  an  iron  grapple,  and  a 
kettle  of  copper,  came  boldly  aboord  us,  one  of  them  apparelled 
with  a  waistcoat  and  breeches  of  blacke  serdge,  made  after  our 
sea-fashion,  hose  and  shoes  on  his  feet ;  all  the  rest  (saving  one 
that  had  a  paire  of  breeches  of  blue  cloth)  were  all  naked. 
These  people  are  of  tall  stature,  broad  and  grim  visage,  of  a 
blacke  swart  complexion,  their  eiebrowes  painted  white ;  their 
weapons  are  bowes  and  arrowes  :  it  seemed  by  some  words  and 
signes  they  made,  that  some  Basks  or  of  S.  John  de  Luz,  have 
fished  or  traded  in  this  place,  being  in  the  latitude  of  43  de- 
grees. But  riding  heere,  in  no  very  good  harbour,  and  withall, 
doubting  the  weather,  about  three  of  the  clocke  the  same  day 
in  the  afternoone  we  weighed,  &  standing  Southerly  off  into  sea 
the  rest  of  that  day  and  the  night  following,  with  a  fresh  gale 
of  winde,  in  the  morning  we  found  our  selves  embayed  with  a 
mightie  headland ;  ^  but  comming  to  an  anker  about  nine  of 
the  clocke  the  same  dav,  within  a  league  of  the  shore,  we 
hoised  out  the  one  halfe  of  our  shallop,  and  captaine  Barthol- 
mew  Gosnold,  my  selfe,  and  three  others,  went  ashore,  being  a 
white  sandie  and  very  bolde  shore ;  and  marching  all  that 
afternoon  with  our  muskets  on  our  necks,  on  the  highest  hilles 
which  we  saw  (the  weather  very  hot)  at  length  we  perceived 
this  headland  to  be  a  parcell  of  the  maine,  and  sundrie  Islands 
lying  almost  round  about  it:  so  returning  (towards  evening)  to 
our  shallop  (for  by  that  time,  the  other  part  was  brought  ashore 
and  set  together)  we  espied  an  Indian,  a  young  man,  of  proper 
stature,  and  of  a  pleasing  countenance;  and  after  some  familiar- 
itie  with  him,  we  left  him  at  the  sea  side,  and  returned  to  our 
ship ;  where,  in  five  or  sixe  hours  absence,  we  had  pestered  our 

'  A  boat  of  the  Basque  fishermen.     Archer  calls  it  "a  Biscay  shallop." 

2  On  account  of  the  codfish  off  this  headland  this  expedition  gave  it  the  name 

of  Cape  Cod,  as  Archer  expressly  relates.     This  was  the  first  use  of  the  name  for 

that  cape. 

32 


FJRSr  ENGLISH  SE^rrLEMENr.-    BRERE^ON 

ship  so  with  Cod  fish,  that  we  threw  numbers  of  them  over- 
hoord  againe;  and  surely,  I  am  persuaded  that  in  the  moneths 
of  March,  April,  and  May,  there  is  upon  this  coast,  better 
fishing,  and  in  as  great  plentie,  as  in  Newfound-land  :  for  the 
sculles  of  Mackerell,  herrings.  Cod,  and  other  fish,  that  we 
dayly  saw  as  we  went  and  came  from  the  shore,  were  woonder- 
full ;  and  besides,  the  places  where  we  tooke  these  Cods  (and 
might  in  a  few  daies  have  laden  our  ship)  were  but  in  seven 
fadome  water,  and  within  lesse  than  a  league  of  the  shore ; 
where,  in  Newfound-land  they  fish  in  fortie  or  fiftie  fadome 
water,  and  farre  off".  From  this  place,  we  sailed  round  about 
this  headland,  almost  all  the  points  of  the  compasse,  the  shore 
very  bolde :  but  as  no  coast  is  free  from  dangers,  so  I  am  per- 
suaded, this  is  as  free  as  any.  The  land  somwhat  lowe,  full  of 
goodly  woods,  but  in  some  places  plaine.  At  length  we  were 
come  amongst  many  faire  Islands,  which  we  had  partly  dis- 
cerned at  our  first  landing;  all  lying  within  a  league  or  two 
one  of  another,  and  the  outermost  not  above  sixe  or  seven 
leagues  from  the  maine:  but  comming  to  an  anker  under  one 
of  them,'  which  was  about  three  or  foure  leagues  from  the 
maine,  captaine  Gosnold,  my  selfe,  and  some  others,  went 
ashore,  and  going  round  about  it,  we  found  it  to  be  foure 
English  miles  in  compasse,  without  house  or  inhabitant,  sav- 
ing a  little  old  house  made  of  boughs,  covered  with  barke,  an 
olde  piece  of  a  weare  of  the  Indians,  to  catch  fish,  and  one  or 
two  places,  where  they  had  made  fires.  The  chiefest  trees  of 
this  Island,  are  Beeches  and  Cedars;  the  outward  parts  all 
overgrowen  with  lowe  bushie  trees,  three  or  foure  foot  in  height, 

'A  note  in  the  margin  of  the  original  reads,  "The  first  Island  called 
Marthaes  vineyard."  Dr.  Burrage  thinks  that  this  island  was  the  one  now 
called  "No  Man's  Land,"  southwest  of  Martha's  Vineyard.  But  in  that  case 
it  would  seem  that  Brereton  and  Archer  would  have  mentioned  so  large  an  island 
as  the  present  Martha's  Vineyard,  which  they  must  have  seen  and  passed  on 
their  way  to  Cuttyhunk.  It  may  be  that  the  island  was  really  Martha's  Vine- 
yard, and  that  the  exploring  party  did  not  really  "go  round  about  it,"  but 
guessed  at  the  size. 

33 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

which  beare  some  kinde  of  fruits,  as  appeared  by  their  blos- 
somes ;  Strawberies,  red  and  white,  as  sweet  and  much  bigger 
than  ours  in  England;  Rasberies,  Gooseberies,  Hurtleberies, 
and  such  an  incredible  store  of  Vines,  as  well  in  the  wooddie 
part  of  the  Island,  where  they  run  upon  every  tree,  as  on  the 
outward  parts,  that  we  could  not  goe  for  treading  upon  them : 
also,  many  springs  of  excellent  sweet  water,  and  a  great  stand- 
ing lake  of  fresh  water,  neere  the  sea  side,  an  English  mile  in 
compasse,  which  is  mainteined  with  the  springs  running  ex- 
ceeding pleasantly  thorow  the  wooddie  grounds  which  are  very 
rockie.  Here  are  also  in  this  Island,  great  store  of  Deere, 
which  we  saw,  and  other  beasts,  as  appeared  by  their  tracks, 
as  also  divers  fowles,  as  Cranes,  Hernshawes,  Bitters,  Geese, 
Mallards,  Teales,  and  other  fowles,  in  great  plenty;  also,  great 
store  of  Pease,  which  grow  in  certeine  plots  all  the  Island  over. 
On  the  North  side  of  this  Island  we  found  many  huge  bones 
and  ribbes  of  Whales.  This  Island,  as  also  all  the  rest  of  these 
Islands,  are  full  of  all  sorts  of  stones  fit  for  building;  the  sea 
sides  all  covered  with  stones,  many  of  them  glistering  and 
shining  like  minerall  stones,  and  very  rockie :  also,  the  rest  of 
these  Islands  are  replenished  with  these  commodities,  and  upon 
some  of  them,  inhabitants ;  as  upon  an  Island  to  the  North- 
ward, and  within  two  leagues  of  this ;  yet  we  found  no  townes, 
nor  many  of  their  houses,  although  we  saw  manie  Indians, 
which  are  tall  big  boned  men,  all  naked,  saving  they  cover 
their  privy  parts  with  a  blacke  tewed '  skin,  much  like  a  Black- 
smiths apron,  tied  about  their  middle  and  betweene  their  legs 
behinde:  they  gave  us  of  their  fish  readie  boiled,  (which  they 
carried  in  a  basket  made  of  twigges,  not  unlike  our  osier) 
whereof  we  did  eat,  and  judged  them  to  be  fresh  water  fish : 
they  gave  us  also  of  their  Tabacco,  which  they  drinke  ~  greene, 

'  Tewed,  beaten,  dressed  leather. 

2  Drink,   to  draw  in  or  inhale.      "He  was  drinking  a  pipe  of  tobacco," 
E.  Johnson's  "Wonder-Working  Providence,"  p.  97. 

34 


FIRSr  KNGL/SII  SErTLEMENr:    BRER  ETON 

but  dried  into  powder,  very  strong  and  pleasant,  and  much 
better  than  any  I  have  tasted  in  England  :  the  necks  of  their 
pipes  are  made  of  clay  hard  dried  (whereof  in  that  Island  is 
great  store  both  red  and  white)  the  other  part  is  a  piece  of 
hollow  copper,  very  finely  closed  and  semented  together.  We 
gave  unto  them  certeine  trifles,  as  knives,  points,  and  such 
like,  which  they  much  esteemed.  From  thence  we  went  to 
another  Island,'  to  the  Northwest  of  this,  and  within  a  league 
or  two  of  the  maine,  which  we  found  to  be  greater  than  before 
we  imagined,  being  i6  English  miles  at  the  least  in  compasse ; 
for  it  conteineth  many  pieces  or  necks  of  land,  which  diflTer 
nothing  fro  severall  Islands,  saving  that  certeine  banks  of 
small  bredth  do,  like  bridges,  joyne  them  to  this  Island.  On 
the  outsides  of  this  Island  are  many  plaine  places  of  grasse, 
abundance  of  Strawberies  and  other  berries  before  mentioned. 
In  mid  May  we  did  sowe  in  this  Island  (for  a  triall)  in  sundry 
places.  Wheat,  Barley,  Oats,  and  Pease,  which  in  foureteene 
daies  were  sprung  up  nine  inches  and  more.  The  soile  is  fat 
and  lustie;  the  upper  crust  of  gray  colour;  but  a  foot  or  lesse 
in  depth,  of  the  colour  of  our  hempe-lands  in  England;  and 
being  thus  apt  for  these  and  the  like  graines  ;  the  sowing  or  set- 
ting (after  the  ground  is  clensed)  is  no  greater  labour,  than  if 
you  should  set  or  sowe  in  one  of  our  best  prepared  gardens 
in  England.  This  Island  is  full  of  high  timbred  Oakes,  their 
leaves  thrise  so  broad  as  ours ;  Cedars,  strait  and  tall ;  Beech, 
Elme,  Hollie,  Walnut  trees  in  aboundance,  the  fruit  as  bigge 
as  ours,  as  appeared  by  those  we  found  under  the  trees,  which 
had  lien  all  the  yeere  ungathered;  Haslenut  trees.  Cherry 
trees,  the  leafe,  barke  and  bignesse  not  differing  from  ours  in 
England,  but  the  stalke  beareth  the  blossomes  or  fruit  at  the 
end  thereof,  like  a  cluster  of  Grapes,  forty  or  fifty  in  a  bunch ; 

^  Gosnold  called  it  "Elizabeth's  He."  But  all  the  islands  along  the  south 
side  of  Buzzard's  Bay  are  now  called  "Elizabeth  Islands,"  and  this  particular 
one  is  Cuttyhunk. 

35 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Sassafras  trees  great  plentie  all  the  Island  over,  a  tree  of  high 
price  and  profit ;  also  divers  other  fruit  trees,  some  of  them 
with  strange  barkes,  of  an  Orange  colour,  in  feeling  soft  and 
smoothe  like  Velvet :  in  the  thickest  parts  of  these  woods,  you 
may  see  a  furlong  or  more  round  about.  On  the  Northwest 
side  of  this  Island,  neere  to  the  sea  side,  is  a  standing  Lake  of 
fresh  water,  almost  three  English  miles  in  compasse,  in  the 
middest  whereof  stands  a  plot  of  woody  ground,  an  acre  in 
quantitie  or  not  above :  this  Lake  is  full  of  small  Tortoises, 
and  exceedingly  frequented  with  all  sorts  of  fowles  before  re- 
hearsed, which  breed,  some  lowe  on  the  banks,  and  others  on 
lowe  trees  about  this  Lake  in  great  aboundance,  whose  young 
ones  of  all  sorts  we  tooke  and  eat  at  our  pleasure  :  but  all  these 
fowles  are  much  bigger  than  ours  in  England.  Also,  in  every 
Island,  and  almost  in  every  part  of  every  Island,  are  great  store 
of  Ground  nuts,  fortie  together  on  a  string,  some  of  them  as 
bigge  as  hennes  eggs;  they  grow  not  two  inches  under  ground: 
the  which  nuts  we  found  to  be  as  good  as  Potatoes.'  Also, 
divers  sorts  of  shell-fish,  as  Scalops,  Muscles,  Cockles,  Lobsters, 
Crabs,  Oisters,  and  Whilks,^  exceeding  good  and  very  great. 
But  not  to  cloy  you  with  particular  rehearsall  of  such  things  as 
God  &  Nature  hath  bestowed  on  these  places,  in  comparison 
whereof,  the  most  fertil  part  of  al  England  is  (of  it  selfe)  but 
barren  ;  we  went  in  our  light-horsman  from  this  Island  to  the 
maine,  right  against  this  Island  some  two  leagues  off,  where 
comming  ashore,  we  stood  a  while  like  men  ravished  at  the 
beautie  and  delicacie  of  this  sweet  soile ;  for  besides  divers 
cleere  Lakes  of  fresh  water  (whereof  we  saw  no  end)  Medowes 
very  large  and  full  of  greene  grasse;  even  the  most  woody 
places  (I  speake  onely  of  such  as  I  saw)  doe  grow  so  distinct 
and  apart,  one  tree  from  another,  upon  greene  grassie  ground, 

'  Potatoes  were  brought   to  Ireland   by  Hawkins  from  Virginia  in  1565,  and 
to  England  by  Drake  in  i  585,  and  by  Raleigh  at  about  the  same  time. 
-  Whelks. 

36 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SETrLEMENr-.    BRERErON 

somewhat  higher  than  the  Plaines,  as  if  Nature  would  shew 
herselfe  above  her  power,  artificiall.  Hard  by,  we  espied 
seven  Indians;  and  comming  up  to  them,  at  first  they  ex- 
pressed some  feare ;  but  being  emboldned  by  our  curteous 
usage,  and  some  trifles  which  we  gave  them,  they  followed  us 
to  a  necke  of  land,  which  we  imagined  had  beene  severed  from 
the  maine;  but  finding  it  otherwise,  we  perceived  a  broad 
harbour  or  rivers  mouth,  which  ranne  up  into  the  maine:  but 
because  the  day  was  farre  spent,  we  were  forced  to  returne  to 
the  Island  from  whence  we  came,  leaving  the  discoverie  of  this 
harbour,  for  a  time  of  better  leasure.  Of  the  goodnesse  of 
which  harbour,  as  also  of  many  others  thereabouts,  there  is 
small  doubt,  considering  that  all  the  Islands,  as  also  the  maine 
(where  we  were)  is  all  rockie  grounds  and  broken  lands.  Now 
the  next  day,  we  determined  to  fortifie  our  selves  in  a  little 
plot  of  ground  in  the  midst  of  the  Lake  above  mentioned, 
where  we  built  an  house,  and  covered  it  with  sedge,  which  grew 
about  this  lake  in  great  aboundance;  in  building  whereof,  we 
spent  three  weeks  and  more:  but  the  second  day  after  our 
comming  from  the  maine,  we  espied  9  canowes  or  boats,  with 
fiftie  Indians  in  them,  comming  towards  us  from  this  part  of 
the  maine,  where  we,  two  daies  before,  landed ;  and  being  loth 
they  should  discover  our  fortification,  we  went  out  on  the  sea 
side  to  meet  them ;  and  comming  somewhat  neere  them,  they 
all  sat  downe  upon  the  stones,  calling  aloud  to  us  (as  we  rightly 
ghessed)  to  doe  the  like,  a  little  distance  from  them ;  having 
sat  a  while  in  this  order,  captaine  Gosnold  willed  me  to  go  unto 
them,  to  see  what  countenance  they  would  make ;  but  as  soone 
as  I  came  up  unto  them,  one  of  them,  to  whom  I  had  given  a 
knife  two  daies  before  in  the  maine,  knew  me  (whom  I  also 
very  wel  remembred)  and  smiling  upon  me,  spake  somewhat 
unto  their  lord  or  captaine,  which  sat  in  the  midst  of  them, 
who  presently  rose  up  and  tooke  a  large  Beaver  skin  from  one 
that  stood  about  him,  and  gave  it  unto  me,  which   1   requited 

37 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

for  that  time  the  best  I  could :  but  I  pointing  towards  captaine 
Gosnold,  made  signes  unto  him,  that  he  was  our  captaine,  and 
desirous  to  be  his  friend,  and  enter  league  with  him,  which  (as 
I  perceived)  he  understood,  and  made  signes  of  joy :  where- 
upon captaine  Gosnold  with  the  rest  of  his  companie,  being 
twentie  in  all,  came  up  unto  them ;  and  after  many  signes  of 
gratulations  (captaine  Gosnold  presenting  their  Lord  with  cer- 
teine  trifles  which  they  wondred  at,  and  highly  esteemed)  we 
became  very  great  friends,  and  sent  for  meat  aboord  our  shal- 
lop, and  gave  them  such  meats  as  we  had  then  readie  dressed, 
whereof  they  misliked  nothing  but  our  mustard,  whereat 
they  made  many  a  sowre  face.  While  we  were  thus  mery, 
one  of  them  had  conveied  a  target  of  ours  into  one  of  their 
canowes,  which  we  suffered,  onely  to  trie  whether  they  were  in 
subjection  to  this  Lord  to  whom  we  made  signes  (by  shewing 
him  another  of  the  same  likenesse,  and  pointing  to  the  canowe) 
what  one  of  his  companie  had  done :  who  suddenly  expressed 
some  feare,  and  speaking  angerly  to  one  about  him  (as  we  per- 
ceived by  his  countenance)  caused  it  presently  to  be  brought 
backe  againe.  So  the  rest  of  the  day  we  spent  in  trading  with 
them  for  Furres,  which  are  Beavers,  Luzernes,  Marterns, 
Otters,  Wild-cat  skinnes  very  large  and  deepe  Furre,  blacke 
Foxes,  Conie  skinnes,  of  the  colour  of  our  Hares,  but  some- 
what lesse,  Deere  skinnes  very  large.  Scale  skinnes,  and  other 
beasts  skinnes  to  us  unknowen.  They  have  also  great  store  of 
Copper,  some  very  redde,  and  some  of  a  paler  colour ;  none  of 
them  but  have  chaines,  earings  or  collars  of  this  mettall :  they 
head  some  of  their  arrows  herewith  much  like  our  broad  arrow 
heads,  very  workmanly  made.  Their  chaines  are  many  hollow 
pieces  semented  together,  ech  piece  of  the  bignesse  of  one  of 
our  reeds,  a  finger  in  length,  ten  or  twelve  of  them  together  on 
a  string,  which  they  weare  about  their  necks :  their  collars  they 
weare  about  their  bodies  like  bandelieres  a  handfull  broad, 
all  hollow  pieces,  like  the  other,  but  somewhat  shorter,  foure 

38 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SErTLEMENr.-    HRERETON 

hundred  pieces  in  a  collar,  very  fine  and  evenly  set  together. 
Besides  these,  they  have  large  drinking  cups  made  like  sculles, 
and  other  thinne  plates  of  copper,  made  much  like  our  boare- 
speare  blades,  all  which  they  so  little  esteeme,  as  they  offered 
their  fairest  collars  or  chaines,  for  a  knife  or  such  like  trifle, 
but  we  seemed  little  to  regard  it;  yet  I  was  desirous  to  under- 
stand where  they  had  such  store  of  this  mettall,  and  made 
signes  to  one  of  them  (with  whom  I  was  very  familiar)  who 
taking  a  piece  of  Copper  in  his  hand,  made  a  hole  with  his 
finger  in  the  ground,  and  withall  pointed  to  the  maine  from 
whence  they  came.  They  strike  fire  in  this  maner;  every  one 
carrieth  about  him  in  a  purse  of  tewd  leather,  a  Mineral!  stone 
(which  I  take  to  be  their  Copper)  and  with  a  flat  Emerie  stone 
(wherewith  Glasiers  cut  glasse,  and  Cutlers  glase  blades)  tied 
fast  to  the  end  of  a  Httle  sticke,  gently  he  striketh  upon  the 
Mineral!  stone,  and  within  a  stroke  or  two,  a  sparke  fa!!eth 
upon  a  piece  of  Touchwood  (much  like  our  Spunge  in  Eng- 
land) and  with  the  least  sparke  he  maketh  a  fire  presently.  We 
had  also  of  their  Flaxe,  wherewith  they  make  many  strings  and 
cords,  but  it  is  not  so  bright  of  colour  as  ours  in  England  :  I 
am  persuaded  they  have  great  store  growing  upon  the  maine, 
as  also  Mines  and  many  other  rich  commodities,  which  we, 
wanting  both  time  and  meanes,  could  not  possibly  discover. 
Thus  they  continued  with  us  three  dales,  every  night  retiring 
themselves  to  the  furthermost  part  of  our  Island  two  or  three 
miles  from  our  fort :  but  the  fourth  day  they  returned  to  the 
maine,  pointing  five  or  six  times  to  the  Sun,  and  once  to  the 
maine,  which  we  understood,  that  within  five  or  six  dales  they 
would  come  from  the  maine  to  us  againe :  but  being  in  their 
canowes  a  litttle  from  the  shore,  they  made  huge  cries  &  shouts 
of  joy  unto  us;  and  we  with  our  trumpet  and  cornet,  and  cast- 
ing up  our  cappes  into  the  aire,  made  them  the  best  farewell 
we  could :  yet  sixe  or  seven  of  them  remained  with  us  behinde, 
bearing  us  company  every  day  into  the  woods,  and  helpt  us  to 

39 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NE^  ENGLAND  COASTS 

cut  and  carie  our  Sassafras,  and  some  of  them  lay  aboord  our 
ship. 

These  people,  as  they  are  exceeding  courteous,  gentle  of 
disposition,  and  well  conditioned,  excelling  all  others  that 
we  have  seene ;  so  for  shape  of  bodie  and  lovely  favour,  I 
thinke  they  excell  all  the  people  of  America;  of  stature  much 
higher  than  we ;  of  complexion  or  colour,  much  like  a  darke 
Olive ;  their  eie-browes  and  haire  blacke,  which  they  weare 
long,  tied  up  behinde  in  knots,  whereon  they  pricke  feathers 
of  fowles,  in  fashion  of  a  crownet ;  some  of  them  are  blacke 
thin  bearded ;  they  make  beards  of  the  haire  of  beasts :  and 
one  of  them  offered  a  beard  of  their  making  to  one  of  our 
sailers,  for  his  that  grew  on  his  face,  which  because  it  was  of  a 
red  colour,  they  judged  to  be  none  of  his  owne.  They  are 
quicke  eied,  and  stedfast  in  their  looks,  fearlesse  of  others 
harmes,  as  intending  none  themselves ;  some  of  the  meaner 
sort  given  to  filching,  which  the  very  name  of  Salvages  (not 
weighing  their  ignorance  in  good  or  evill)  may  easily  excuse  : 
their  garments  are  of  Deere  skins,  and  some  of  them  weare 
Furres  round  and  close  about  their  necks.  They  pronounce 
our  language  with  great  facilitie ;  for  one  of  them  one  day  sit- 
ting by  me,  upon  occasion  I  spake  smiling  to  him  these  words  : 
How  now  (sirrha)  are  you  so  saucie  with  my  Tabacco  ?  which 
words  (without  any  further  repetition)  he  suddenly  spake  so 
plaine  and  distinctly,  as  if  he  had  beene  a  long  scholar  in  the 
language.  Many  other  such  trials  we  had,  which  are  here 
needlesse  to  repeat. 

Their  women  (such  as  we  saw)  which  were  but  three  in  all, 
were  but  lowe  of  stature,  their  eie-browes,  haire,  apparell, 
and  maner  of  wearing,  like  to  the  men,  fat,  and  very  well 
favoured,  and  much  delighted  in  our  company  ;  the  men  are 
very  dutifull  towards  them.  And  truely,  the  holsomnesse 
and  temperature  of  this  Climat,  doth  not  onely  argue  this 
people  to  be  answerable  to  this  description,  but  also  of  a  per- 

40 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SE-rrLEMENr:    BRERETON 

feet  constitution  of  body,  active,  strong,  healthfull,  and  very 
wittie,  as  the  sundry  toies  of  theirs  cunningly  wrought,  may 
easily  witnes.  For  the  agreeing  of  this  Climat  with  us  (I 
speake  of  my  selfe,  &  so  I  may  justly  do  for  the  rest  of  our 
company)  that  we  found  our  health  &  strength  all  the  while  we 
remained  there,  so  to  renew  and  increase,  as  notwithstanding 
our  diet  and  lodging  was  none  of  the  best,  yet  not  one  of  our 
company  (God  be  thanked)  felt  the  least  grudging  or  inclina- 
tion to  anv  disease  or  sicknesse,  but  were  much  fatter  and  in 
better  health  than  when  we  went  out  of  F'ngland.  But  after 
our  barke  had  taken  in  so  much  Sassafras,  Cedar,  Furres, 
Skinnes,  and  other  commodities,  as  were  thought  convenient; 
some  of  our  company  that  had  promised  captaine  Gosnold  to 
stay,  having  nothing  but  a  saving  voyage  in  their  minds,  made 
our  company  of  inhabitants  (which  was  small  enough  before) 
much  smaller;  so  as  captaine  Gosnold  seeing  his  whole 
strength  to  consist  but  of  twelve  men,  and  they  but  meanly 
provided,  determined  to  returne  for  England,  leaving  this 
Island  (which  he  called  Elizabeths  Island)  with  as  many  true 
sorrowfull  eies,  as  were  before  desirous  to  see  it.  So  the  1 8  of 
June,  being  Friday,  we  weighed,  and  with  indifferent  faire  winde 
and  weather  came  to  anker  the  23  of  July,  being  also  Friday 
(in  all,  bare  five  weeks)  before  Exmouth, 

Your  Lordships  to  command, 

John   Brereton. 


[The  various  appendices  to  the  second  edition  are  here 
omitted,  including  Mr.  Hayes's  "Treatise,"  and  the  "Induce- 
ments," written  by  the  elder  Richard  Hakluyt,  as  they  do  not 
tell  the  story  of  any  voyage  to  the  New  England  coast.] 


41 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 


A  Briefe  Note  of  such   Commodities  as  we  saw  in  the  Countrey,  notwithstanding 
our  small  time  of  stay. 
Trees.  Fowles. 

Sassafras  trees,  the  roots  whereof  at  3s.     Eagles. 

the  pound  arc  336. 1.  the  tunne.  Hernshawes. 

Cedars  tall  and  straight,  in  great  abun-    Cranes. 

dance. 
Cypres  trees. 
Oakes. 

Walnut  trees  great  store. 
Elmes. 
Beech. 
Hollie. 

Haslenut  trees. 
Cherry  trees. 
Cotten  trees. 
Other  fruit  trees  to  us  unknowen. 


The  finder  of  our  Sassafras  in  these  parts 
was  one  Master  Robert  Meriton. 


Bitters. 

Mallards. 

Teales. 

Geese. 

Pengwins. 

Ospreis  and  Hawks. 

Crowes. 

Ravens. 

Mewes. 

Doves. 

Sea-pies. 

Blacke-birds  with  carnation  wings. 


Beasts. 


Deere  in  great  store,  very  great  and 
large. 

Beares.     Blacke  Foxes.     Beavers. 

Luzernes.  Otters.  Wilde  Cats,  very 
large  and  great.  Dogs  like  Foxes, 
blacke  and  sharpe  nosed.     Conies. 


Fruits,  Plants  and  Herbs. 

Tabacco,  excellent  sweet  and  strong. 
Vines  in  more  plenty  than  in  France. 
Ground  nuts,  good   meat,  &  also  medi- 

cinable. 
Strawberries. 
Raspeberries. 
Gooseberries. 
Hurtleberries. 
Pease  growing  naturally. 
Flaxe. 
Iris    Florentina,    whereof    apothecaries    Breames.     Herrings.     Thornbacke. 

make  sweet  balles.  Hakes.     Rockefish.     Doggefish. 

Sorrell,  and   many   other  herbs   where-    Lobstars.     Crabbes.     Muscles. 

with  they  made  sallets.  Wilks.     Cockles.    Scallops.     Oisters. 

Snakes  foure  foot  in  length,  and   sixe  inches  about,  which  the  Indians  eat  for 
daintie  meat,  the  skinnes  whereof  they  use  for  girdles. 
Colours  to  die  with,  red,  white  and  blacke. 

Mettals  and  Stones. 


Whales. 

sea. 
Scales. 


Fishes. 
Tortoises,  both  on  land  and 

Cods.     Mackerell. 


Copper  in  great  abundance. 
Emerie  stones  for  Glasiers  and  Cutlers. 
Alabaster  very  white. 
Stones  glistering  and   shining  like    Min- 
erall  stones. 


Stones  of  a  blue  mettalline  colour,  which 

we  take  to  be  Steele  oare. 
Stones  of  all  sorts  for  buildings. 
Clay,    red  &  white,  which  may  prove 

good  Terra  Sigillata. 


42 


FIRST  ENGLISH  SErTLEMKNT:    /IRCUER 


THE  RELATION  OF  CAPTAINE  GOSNOL'S  VOY- 
AGE TO  THE  NORTH  PART  OF  VIRGINIA, 
BEGUNNE  THE  SIXE-AND-TWENTIETH  OF 
MARCH,  ANNO  42  ELIZABETHi^  REGIN^,  1602, 
AND  DELIVERED  BY  GABRIEL  ARCHER,  A 
GENTLEMAN    IN  THE  SAID  VOYAGE.' 

'T^HE  said  Captaine  did  set  sayle  from  Falmouth  the  day  and 
-''  yeere  above  written  accompanied  with  thirtie-two  persons, 
whereof  eight  Mariners  and  Saylers,  twelve  purposing  upon  the 
discovery  to  return  with  the  ship  for  England,  the  rest  remayne 
there  for  population.  The  fourteenth  of  Aprill  following,  we 
had  sight  of  Saint   Maries,  an   Hand  of  the  Assoris. 

The  three-and-twentieth  of  the  same,  being  two  hundred 
leagues  Westwards  from  the  said  Hand,  in  the  latitude  of  37 
degrees,  the  water  in  the  mayne  Ocean  appeared  yellow,  the 
space  of  two  leagues  North  and  South,  where  sounding  with 
thirtie  fadome  Line,  wee  found  no  ground,  and  taking  up 
some  of  the  said  water  in  a  bucket,  it  altered  not  either  in 
colour  or  taste  from  the   Sea  Azure. 

The  seventh  of  May  following,  we  first  saw  many  Birds  in 
bignesse  of  Cliffe  Pidgeons ;  and  after  divers  others  as  Pettrels, 
Cootes,  Hagbuts,  Pengwins,  Murres,  Gannets,  Cormorants, 
Guls,  with  many  else  in  our  English  Tongue  of  no  name. 
The  eight  of  the  same  the  water  changed  to  a  yellowish  greene, 
where  at  seventie  fadome  we  had  ground.  The  ninth,  wee  had 
two-and-twentie  fadome  in  faire  sandie  ground,  having  upon 
our    Lead    many    glittering    Stones,    somewhat    heavie,   which 

'  Purchas,  IV,  1647-1651.    See  Register  of  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Soc,  1878,  p.  76. 

43 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

might  promise  some  Minerall  matter  in  the  bottome,  we  held 
ourselves  by  computation,  well  neere  the  latitude  of  43  de- 
grees. 

The  tenth  wee  sounded  in  27,  30,  37,  43  fadome,  and  then 
came  to  108.  Some  thought  it  to  be  the  sounding  of  the 
Westernmost  end  of  Saint  Johns  Hand;  upon  this  banke  we 
saw  sculs  of  fish  in  great  numbers.  The  twelfth,  we  hoysed 
out  halfe  of  our  shallop,  and  sounding  had  then  eightie  fadome. 
Without  any  current  perceived  by  William  Strete  the  Master, 
one  hundred  leagues  Westward  from  Saint  Maries,  till  we  came 
to  the  foresaid  soundings,  continually  passed  fleeting  by  us  Sea- 
oare,  which  seemed  to  have  their  moveable  course  towards  the 
North-east;  a  matter  to  set  some  subtle  invention  on  worke, 
for  comprehending  the  true  cause  thereof.  The  thirteenth,  wee 
sounded  in  seventie  fadome,  and  observed  great  beds  of  weedes, 
much  woode,  and  divers  things  else  floating  by  us,  when  as  we 
had  smelling  of  the  shoare,  such  as  from  the  Southerne  Cape 
and  Andaluzia,  in  Spaine.  The  fourteenth,  about  six  in  the 
morning,  we  descried  Land  that  lay  North,  &c.,  the  Northerly 
part  we  called  the  North  Land,  which  to  another  Rocke  upon 
the  same  lying  twelve  leagues  West,  that  wee  called  Savage 
Rocke  (because  the  Savages  first  showed  themselves  there); 
five  leagues  towards  the  said  Rocke  is  an  out  Point  of  woodie 
ground,  the  Trees  thereof  very  high  and  straight,  from  the 
Rocke  East-North-east.  From  the  said  Rocke  came  towards 
us  a  Biscay  shallop  with  saile  and  Oares,  having  eight  persons 
in  it,  whom  we  supposed  at  first  to  bee  Christians  distressed. 
But  approching  us  neare,  wee  perceived  them  to  bee  Savages. 
These  comming  within  call,  hayled  us,  and  wee  answered.  Then 
after  signes  of  peace,  and  a  long  speech  by  one  of  them  made, 
they  came  boldly  aboord  us,  being  all  naked,  saving  about  their 
shoulders  certaine  loose  Deere-skinnes,  and  neere  their  wastes 
Seale-skinnes  tyed  fast  like  to  Irish  Dimmie  Trouses.  One 
that   seemed   to   be   their    Commander  wore   a   Wastecoate    of 

44 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SErtLEMENr:    /IRC HER 

blacke  worlce,  a  paire  of  Breeches,  cloth  Stockings,  Shooes, 
Hat  and  Band,  one  or  two  more  had  also  a  few  things  made  by 
some  Christians  ;  these  with  a  piece  of  Chalke  described  the  Coast 
thereabouts,  and  could  name  Placentia  of  the  Newfoundland; 
they  spake  divers  Christian  words,  and  seemed  to  understand 
much  more  than  we,  for  want  of  Language  could  comprehend. 
These  people  are  in  colour  swart,  their  haire  long,  uptyed 
with  a  knot  in  the  part  of  behind  the  head.  They  paint  their 
bodies,  which  are  strong  and  well  proportioned.  These  much 
desired  our  longer  stay,  but  finding  ourselves  short  of  our 
purposed  place,  we  set  saile  Westwards,  leaving  them  and  their 
Coast.  About  sixteene  leagues  South-west  from  thence  wee 
perceived  in  that  course  two  small  Hands,  the  one  lying  East- 
ward from  Savage  Rock,  the  other  to  the  Southwards  of  it; 
the  Coast  we  left  was  full  of  goodly  Woods,  faire  Plaines,  with 
little  greene  round  Hils  above  the  Cliffes  appearing  unto  us, 
which  are  indifferently  raised,  but  all  Rockie,  and  of  shining 
stones,  which  might  have  persuaded  us  a  longer  stay  there. 

The  fifteenth  day  we  had  againe  sight  of  the  Land,  which 
made  ahead,  being  as  wee  thought  an  Hand,  by  reason  of  a 
large  sound  that  appeared  Westward  betweene  it  and  the 
Mayne,  for  comming  to  the  West  end  thereof,  we  did  per- 
ceive a  large  opening,  we  called  it  Shole-hope.  Neere  this 
Cape  we  came  to  Anchor  in  fifteene  fadome,  where  wee  tooke 
great  store  of  Codfish,  for  which  we  altered  the  name,  and 
called  it  Cape  Cod.  Here  wee  saw  sculs  of  Herrings,  Mack- 
erels, and  other  small  fish  in  great  abundance.  This  is  a  low 
sandie  shoare,  but  without  danger,  also  wee  came  to  Anchor 
again  in  sixteene  fadome,  faire  by  the  Land  in  the  latitude  of 
42  degrees.  This  Cape  is  well  neere  a  mile  broad,  and  lieth 
North-east  by  East.  The  Captaine  went  here  ashoare  and 
found  the  ground  to  be  full  of  Pease,  Strawberies,  Hurtberies,' 
&c.,  as   then  unripe ;    the  sand  also   by   the  shoare   somewhat 

'  Whortleberries. 

45 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

deepe,  the  firewood  there  by  us  taken  in  was  of  Cypresse,  Birch, 
Wich-hazell  and  Beech.  A  young  Indian  came  here  to  the 
captaine  armed  with  his  Bow  and  Arrowes,  and  had  certaine 
plates  of  Copper  hanging  at  his  Eares ;  hee  shewed  a  willing- 
nesse  to  help  us  in  our  occasions. 

The  sixteenth,  we  trended  the  Coast  Southerly,  which  was 
all  champaine  and  full  of  grasse,  but  the  Hands  somewhat 
wooddie.  Twelve  leagues  from  Cape  Cod,  we  descried  a  point 
with  some  breach  a  good  distance  off,  and  keeping  our  loffe '  to 
double  it,  wee  came  on  the  sudden  into  shoale  water,  yet  well 
quitted  ourselves  thereof.  This  breach  wee  called  Tucker's 
Terror,  upon  his  expressed  feare.  The  Point  we  named  Point 
Care ;  having  passed  it  wee  bore  up  againe  with  the  Land,  and 
in  the  night  came  with  it  anchoring  in  eight  fadome,  the  ground 
good.  The  seventeenth,  appeared  many  breaches  round  about 
us,  so  as  wee  continued  that  day  without  remove. 

The  eighteenth,  being  faire  we  sent  forth  the  Boat,  to 
sound  over  a  Breach,  that  in  our  course  lay  of  another  Point, 
by  us  called  Gilberts  Point,  who  returned  us  foure,  five,  sixe, 
and  seven  fadome  over.  Also,  a  Discovery  of  divers  Hands 
which  after  prooved  to  bee  Hills  and  Hummocks,  distinct 
within  the  Land.  This  day  there  came  unto  the  ships  side 
divers  Canoas,  the  Indians  apparelled  as  aforesaid,  with  To- 
bacco and  Pipes  steeled  with  Copper,  Skins,  artificiall  strings 
and  other  trifles  to  barter;  one  had  hanging  about  his  necke  a 
plate  of  rich  Copper,  in  length  a  foot,  in  breadth  halfe  a  foot  for 
a  brestplate,  the  Eares  of  all  the  rest  had  Pendants  of  Copper. 
Also,  one  of  them  had  his  face  painted  over,  and  head  stucke  with 
feathers  in  manner  of  a  Turkey-cocks  traine.  These  are  more 
timerous  then  those  of  the  Savage  Rock,  yet  very  theevish. 

The  nineteenth,  we  passed  over  the  breach  of  Gilberts  Point 
in  foure  or  five  fadome,  and  anchored  a  league  or  somewhat 
more  beyond  it ;  betweene  the  last  two  Points  are  two  leagues, 

'  LufF. 

46 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SErTLEMENT:    /ARCHER 

the  interim,  along  shoale  water,  the  latitude  here  is  41  degrees 
two  third  parts. 

The  twentieth,  by  the  ships  side  we  there  killed  Pengwins, 
and  saw  many  sculs  of  fish.  The  Coast  from  Gilberts  Point 
to  the  supposed  lies  lyeth  East  and  by  South.  Here  also  we 
discovered  two  Inlets  which  might  promise  fresh  water,  in- 
wardly whereof  we  perceived  much  smoake,  as  though  some 
population  had  there  beene.  This  Coast  is  very  full  of  people, 
for  that  as  we  trended  the  same  Savages  still  runne  along  the 
shoare,  as  men  much  admiring  at  us. 

The  one-and-twentieth,  we  went  coasting  from  Gilberts  Point 
to  the  supposed  lies,  in  tenne,  nine,  eight,  seven,  and  sixe 
fadome,  close  aboord  the  shoare,  and  that  depth  lyeth  a  league 
off.  A  little  from  the  supposed  lies,  appeared  unto  us  an 
opening,  with  which  we  stood,  judging  it  to  bee  the  end  of 
that  which  Captaine  GosnoU  descrieth  from  Cape  Cod,  and  as 
hee  thought  to  extend  some  thirtie  or  more  miles  in  length, 
and  finding  there  but  three  fadome  a  league  off,  we  omitted 
to  make  further  discovery  of  the  same,  calling  it  Shole-hope. 

From  this" opening  the  Mayne  lyeth  South-west,  which  coast- 
ing along  we  saw  a  disinhabited  Hand,  which  so  afterward 
appeared  unto  us :  we  bore  with  it,  and  named  it  Marthaes 
Vineyard ;  from  Shole-hope  it  is  eight  leagues  in  circuit,  the 
Hand  is  five  miles,  and  hath  41  degrees  and  one  quarter  of 
latitude.  The  place  most  pleasant;  for  the  two-and-twentieth, 
we  went  ashoare,  and  found  it  full  of  Wood,  Vines,  Goose- 
bery  bushes,  Hurtberies,  Raspices,'  Eglentine,  &c.  Heere 
we  had  Cranes,  Hearnes,  Shoulers,  Geese,  and  divers  other 
Birds  which  there  at  that  time  upon  the  Cliffes  being  sandie 
with  some  Rockie  stones,  did  breed  and  had  young.  In  this 
place  we  saw  Deere ;  heere  we  rode  in  eight  fathome  neere  the 
shoare  where  wee  tooke  great  store  of  Cod, —  as  before  at  Cape 
Cod,  but  much  better. 

'  Raspberries. 

47 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  three-and-twentieth  we  weyed,  and  towards  night  came 
to  Anchor  at  the  North-west  part  of  this  Hand,  where  the 
next  morning  offered  unto  us  fast  running  thirteene  Savages 
apparelled  as  aforesaid,  and  armed  with  Bowes  and  Arrowes 
without  any  feare.  They  brought  Tobacco,  Deere-skins,  and 
some  sodden  fish.  These  offered  themselves  unto  us  in  great 
familiaritie,  who  seemed  to  be  well-conditioned.  They  came 
more  rich  in  Copper  than  any  before.  This  Hand  is  sound, 
and  hath  no  danger  about  it. 

The  four-and-twentieth,  we  set  saile  and  doubled  the  Cape 
of  another  Hand  next  unto  it,  which  wee  called  Dover  Cliffe, 
and  then  came  into  a  faire  Sound,  where  wee  roade  all  night ; 
the  next  morning  wee  sent  off  our  Boate  to  discover  another 
Cape,  that  lay  betweene  us  and  the  Mayne,  from  which  were  a 
ledge  of  Rockes  a  mile  into  the  Sea,  but  all  above  water,  and 
without  danger;  we  went  about  them,  and  came  to  Anchor  in 
eight  fadome,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  shoare,  in  one  of  the 
stateliest  Sounds  that  ever  I  was  in.  This  called  wee  Gosnolls 
Hope;  the  North  banke  whereof  is  the  Mayne,  which  stretch- 
eth  East  and  West.  This  Hand  Captain  GosnoU  called  Eliza- 
beths He,  where  we  determined  our  abode :  the  distance 
betweene  every  of  these  Hands  is,  viz.  from  Marthaes  Vine- 
yard to  Dover  Cliffe,  halfe  a  league  over  the  Sound,  thence  to 
Elizabeths  He  one  league  distant.  From  Elizabeths  He  unto 
the  Mayne  is  foure  leagues.  On  the  North  side,  neere  ad- 
joyning  unto  the  Hand  Elizabeth,  is  an  Het  in  compasse  halfe 
a  myle,  full  of  Cedars,  by  me  called  Hills  Hap,  to  the  North- 
ward of  which,  in  the  mouth  of  an  opening  on  the  Mayne,  ap- 
peareth  another  the  like,  that  I  called  Haps  Hill,  for  that  I 
hope  much  hap  may  be  expected  from  it. 

The  five-and-twentieth,  it  was  that  we  came  from  Gosnolls 
Hope.  The  six-and-twentieth,  we  trimmed  and  fitted  up  our 
Shallop.  The  seven-and-twentieth,  there  came  unto  us  an 
Indian   and   two  women,  the  one  we  supposed   to  be  his  Wife, 

48 


FlRSr  ENGLISH  SKTrLEMENT:    ARCHER 

the  other  his  Daughter,  both  cleane  and  straite-hodied,  with 
countenance  sweet  and  pleasant.  To  these  the  Indian  gave 
heedfull  attendance  for  that  they  shewed  them  in  much  famil- 
aritie  with  our  men,  although  they  would  not  admit  of  any 
immodest  touch. 

The  eight-and-twentieth  we  entred  counsel!  about  our  abode 
and  plantation,  which  was  concluded  to  be  in  the  West  part  of 
Elizabeths  Hand.  The  North-east  thereof  running  from  out 
our  ken.  The  South  and  North  standeth  in  an  equall  Parallel. 
This  Hand  in  the  Wester  side  admitteth  some  Increekes,  or 
sandie  Coves,  so  girded,  as  the  water  in  some  places  of  each 
side  meeteth,  to  which  the  Indians  from  the  Mayne  doe  often- 
times resort  for  fishing  of  Crabs.  There  is  eight  fadome  very 
neere  the  shoare,  and  the  latitude  here  is  41  degrees  1 1  minutes, 
the  breadth  from  Sound  to  Sound  in  the  Wester  part  is  not 
passing  a  mile  at  most,  altogether  unpeopled  and  disinhabited. 
It  is  overgrowne  with  Wood  and  Rubbish,  viz.  Okes,  Ashes, 
Beech,  Walnut,  Weech-halse,'  Sassafrage,  and  Cedars,  with 
divers  other  of  unknowne  names.  The  Rubbish  is  wild  Peaze, 
young  Sassafrage,  Cherie-trees,  Vines,  Eglentine,  Goosebery 
bushes,  Hawthorne,  Honisuckles,  with  others  of  like  qualitie. 
The  herbs  and  Roots  are  Strawberies,  Raspis,  Ground-Nuts, 
Alexander,^  Surrin,^  Tansie,  &c.  without  count.  Touching  the 
fertilitie  of  the  soyl  by  our  own  experience  made,  we  found  it 
to  be  excellent  tor  sowing  some  English  pulse,  it  sprowted  out 
in  one  fortnight  almost  halfe  a  foot.  In  this  Hand  is  a  stage  or 
Pond  of  fresh  water,  in  circuit  two  miles,  on  the  one  side  not 
distant  from  the  Sea  thirtie  yards,  in  the  Centre  whereof  is  a 
Rockie  Ilet,  contayning  neere  an  Acre  of  ground  full  of  wood, 
on  which  wee  beganne  our  Fort  and  place  of  abode,  disposing 

^  Witch-hazel. 

2  Alexander,  or  alisander,  is  horse-parsley,  at  that  time  cultivated  and  eaten 
like  celery. 

3  Perhaps  this  word  should  be  Sorrel. 

49 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

itself  so  fit  for  the  same.  These  Indians  call  Gold  Wassador, 
which  argueth  there  is  thereof  in  the  Countrey, 

The  nine-and-twentieth,  we  labored  in  getting  of  Sassafrage, 
rubbishing  our  little  Fort  or  Ilet,  new  keeling  our  shallop,  and 
making  a  Punt  or  Flat-bottome  Boate  to  passe  to  and  fro  our 
Fort  over  the  fresh  water.  The  powder  of  Sassafrage  in  twelve 
houres  cured  one  of  our  Company  that  had  taken  a  great 
Surfet,  by  eating  the  bellies  of  Dog-fish,  a  very  delicious 
meate. 

The  thirtieth,  Captaine  GosnoU,  with  divers  of  his  company, 
went  upon  pleasure  in  the  shallop  towards  Hills  Hap  to  view 
it  and  the  Sandie  Cove,  and  returning  brought  with  him  a 
Canoa  that  foure  Indians  had  there  left,  being  fled  away  for 
feare  of  our  English,  which  we  brought  into   England. 

The  one-and-thirtieth,  Captain  Gosnoll,  desirous  to  see  the 
Maine,  because  of  the  distance,  hee  set  sayle  over;  where  com- 
ming  to  anchor,  went  ashoare  with  certaine  of  his  companie,  and 
immediatly  there  presented  unto  him  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, who,  with  all  curteous  kindnesse  entertayned  him,  giving 
him  certaine  skinnes  of  wilde  beasts,  which  may  be  rich  Furres, 
Tobacco,  Turtles,  Hempe,  artificiall  Strings  coloured,  Chaines, 
and  such  like  things  as  at  the  instant  they  had  about  them. 
These  are  a  faire  conditioned  people.  On  all  the  Sea-coast  along 
we  found  Mussel  shells  that  in  colour  did  represent  Mother-of 
pearle,  but  not  having  meanes  to  dredge,  could  not  apprehend 
further  knowledge  thereof  This  Maine  is  the  goodliest  Con- 
tinent that  ever  we  saw,  promising  more  by  farre  than  we  any 
way  did  expect ;  for  it  is  replenished  with  faire  fields,  and  in 
them  fragrant  Flowers,  also  Medowes,  and  hedged  in  with 
stately  Groves,  being  furnished  also  with  pleasant  Brookes,  and 
beautified  with  two  maine  Rivers  that  (as  wee  judge)  may  haply 
become  good  harbours,  and  conduct  us  to  the  hopes  men  so 
greedily  doe  thirst  after.  In  the  mouth  of  one  of  these  Inlets 
or  Rivers,  lieth  that  little  He  before  mentioned,  called   Happes 

50 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SET^LEMENr:    ARCHER 

Hill,  from  which  unto  the  Westermost  end  of  the  Maine,  ap- 
pearing where  the  other  Inlet  is,  I  account  some  five  leagues, 
and  the  Coast  betweene  bendeth  like  a  Bow,  and  lyeth  I',ast 
and  by  North.  Beyond  these  two  Inlets  we  might  perceive 
the  Mayne  to  beare  up  South-west,  and  more  Southerly. 
Thus  with  this  taste  of  Discovery,  we  now  contented  our- 
selves, and  the  same  day  made  returne  unto  our  Fort,  time  not 
permitting  more  sparing  delay. 

The  first  of  June,  we  employed  ourselves  in  getting  Sassa- 
frage,  and  the  building  of  our  Fort.  The  second,  third,  and 
fourth,  we  wrought  hard  to  make  readie  our  house  for  the  pro- 
vision to  bee  had  ashore  to  sustaine  us  til  our  ships  returne. 
This  day  from  the  Mayne  came  to  our  ships  side  a  Canoa,  with 
their  Lord  or  chiefe  Commander,  for  that  they  made  little  stay 
only  pointing  to  the  Sunne,  as  in  signe  that  the  next  day  hee 
would  come  and  visit  us,  which  hee  did  accordingly. 

The  fifth,  wee  continued  our  labour,  when  there  came  unto 
us  ashoare  from  the  Mayne  fifty  Savages,  stout  and  lustie  men 
with  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes ;  amongst  them  there  seemed  to 
be  one  of  authoritie,  because  the  rest  made  an  inclining  respect 
unto  him.  The  ship  was  at  their  comming  a  league  off,  and 
Captaine  Gosnoll  aboord,  and  so  likewise  Captaine  Gilbert, 
who  almost  never  went  ashoare,  the  company  with  me  only 
eight  persons.  These  Indians  in  hastie  manner  came  towards 
us,  so  as  we  thought  fit  to  make  a  stand  at  an  angle  betweene 
the  Sea  and  a  fresh  water ;  I  mooved  myselfe  towards  him 
seven  or  eight  steps,  and  clapt  my  hands  first  on  the  sides  of 
mine  head,  then  on  my  breast,  and  after  presented  my  Musket 
with  a  threatning  countenance,  thereby  to  signifie  unto  them, 
either  a  choice  of  Peace  or  Warre,  whereupon  hee  using  mee 
with  mine  own  signes  of  Peace,  I  stept  forth  and  imbraced 
him ;  his  company  then  all  sate  downe  in  manner  like  Grey- 
hounds upon  their  heeles,  with  whom  my  company  fell  a  bar- 
tering.     By  this  time  Captaine  Gosnoll  was  come  with  twelve 

5> 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

men  more  from  aboord,  and  to  shew  the  Savage  Seignior  that 
he  was  our  Captaine,  we  received  him  in  a  guard,  which  he 
passing  thorow,  saluted  the  Seignior  with  ceremonies  of  our 
salutations,  whereat  he  nothing  mooved  or  altered  himselfe. 
Our  Captaine  gave  him  a  straw  Hat  and  a  paire  of  knives; 
the  Hat  awhiles  hee  wore,  but  the  Knives  he  beheld  with  great 
marvelling,  being  very  bright  and  sharpe  ;  this  our  courtesie 
made  them  all  in  love  with  us. 

The  sixt  being  raine,  we  spent  idlely  aboord.  The  seventh, 
the  Seignior  came  againe  with  all  his  troupe  as  before,  and  con- 
tinued with  us  the  most  part  of  the  day,  we  going  to  dinner 
about  noone,  they  sate  with  us  and  did  eate  of  our  Bacaleure ' 
and  Mustard,  dranke  of  our  Beere,  but  the  Mustard  nipping 
them  in  their  noses  they  could  not  indure :  it  was  a  sport  to 
behold  their  faces  made,  being  bitten  therewith.  In  time  of 
Dinner  the  Savages  had  stolne  a  Target,  wherewith  acquainting 
the  Seignior,  with  feare  and  great  trembling  they  restored  it 
againe,  thinking  perhaps  we  would  have  beene  revenged  for  it, 
but  seeing  our  familiaritie  to  continue,  they  fell  afresh  to  roast- 
ing of  Crabs,  Red  Herrings,  which  were  exceeding  great, 
ground  Nuts,  &c.  as  before.  Our  Dinner  ended,  the  Seignior 
first  tooke  leave  and  departed,  next  all  the  rest  saving  foure 
that  stayed  and  went  into  the  Wood  to  helpe  us  digge  Sassa- 
frage,  whom  we  desired  to  goe  aboord  us,  which  they  refused 
and  so  departed. 

The  eighth  wee  divided  the  victuals,  namely,  the  ships  store 
for  England,  and  that  of  the  Planters,  which  by  Captaine  Gil- 
berts allowance  could  be  but  sixe  weekes  for  sixe  moneths, 
whereby  there  fell  out  a  controversie,  the  rather,  for  that  some 
seemed  secretly  to  understand  of  a  purpose  Captaine  Gilbert 
had  not  to  returne  with  supplie  of  the  issue  those  goods 
should  make  by  him  to  be  carried  home.  Besides,  there 
wanted   not  ambitious  conceits  in  the  mindes  of  some  wrang- 

•    •  Codfish. 

52 


FIRSr  ENGLISH  SE'TLLEMEN^ :    ARCHER 

ling  and  ill-disposed  persons  who  overthrew  the  stay  there  at 
that  time,  which  upon  consultation  thereof  had,  about  five  days 
after  was  fully  resolved  all  for  England  againe.  There  came  in 
this  interim  aboord  unto  us,  that  stayed  all  night,  an  Indian, 
whom  wee  used  kindly,  and  the  next  day  sent  ashoare;  hee 
shewed  himselfe  the  most  sober  of  all  the  rest,  wee  held  him 
sent  as  a  Spie.  In  the  morning,  he  filched  away  our  Pot- 
hookes,  thinking  he  had  not  done  any  ill  therein;  being 
ashoare  wee  bid  him  strike  fire,  which  with  an  Emerald  stone 
(such  as  the  Glaziers  use  to  cut  Glasse)  he  did.  I  take  it  to  be 
the  very  same  that  in  Latine  is  called  smiriSy  for  striking  there- 
with upon  Touch-wood  that  of  purpose  hee  had,  by  meanes  of 
a  mynerall  stone  used  therein,  sparkles  proceeded  and  forth- 
with kindled  with  making  of  flame.  The  ninth,  wee  continued 
working  on  our  Storehouse,  for  as  yet  remayned  in  us  a  de- 
sired resolution  of  making  stay.  The  tenth,  Captaine  Gosnoll 
fell  downe  with  the  ship  to  the  little  Ilet  of  Cedars,  called 
Hills  Happe,  to  take  in  Cedar  wood,  leaving  mee  and  nine 
more  in  the  Fort,  onely  with  three  meales  meate,  upon  promise 
to  returne  the  next  day. 

The  eleventh,  he  came  not,  neither  sent,  whereupon  I  com- 
manded foure  of  my  companie  to  seeke  out  for  Crabs,  Lobsters, 
Turtles,  &c.  for  sustayning  us  till  the  ships  returne,  which  was 
gone  cleane  out  of  sight,  and  had  the  winde  chopt  up  at  South- 
west, with  much  difficulty  would  shee  have  been  able  in  short 
time  to  have  made  returne.  These  foure  Purveyers,  whom  I 
counselled  to  keepe  together  for  their  better  safety,  divided 
themselves,  two  going  one  wayes  and  two  another,  in  search  as 
aforesaid.  One  of  these  petie  companies  was  assaulted  by  foure 
Indians,  who  with  Arrowes  did  shoot  and  hurt  one  of  the  two 
in  his  side,  the  other,  a  lusty  and  nimble  fellow,  leapt  in  and 
cut  their  Bow-strings,  whereupon  they  fled.  Being  late  in  the 
evening,  they  were  driven  to  lie  all  night  in  the  Woods,  not 
knowing  the  way  home  thorow  the  thicke  rubbish,  as  also  the 

53 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

weather  somewhat  stormie.  The  want  of  these  sorrowed  us 
much,  as  not  able  to  conjecture  anything  of  them  unlesse  very 
evill. 

The  twelfth,  those  two  came  unto  us  againe,  whereat  our  joy 
was  encreased,  yet  the  want  of  our  Captaine,  that  promised  to 
returne,  as  aforesaid,  strooke  us  in  a  dumpish  terrour,  for  that 
hee  performed  not  the  same  in  the  space  of  almost  three  dayes. 
In  the  meane  wee  sustayned  ourselves  with  Alexander  and 
Sorrell  pottage,  Ground-nuts,  and  Tobacco,  which  gave  nature 
a  reasonable  content.  Wee  heard  at  last,  our  Captaine  to 
'lewre''  unto  us,  which  made  such  musike  as  sweeter  never 
came  unto  poore  men. 

The  thirteenth,  beganne  some  of  our  companie  that  before 
vowed  to  stay,  to  make  revolt:  whereupon  the  planters  dimin- 
ishing, all  was  given  over.  The  fourteenth,  fifteenth,  and  six- 
teenth, wee  spent  in  getting  Sassafrage  and  fire-wood  of  Cedar, 
leaving  House  and  little  Fort,  by  ten  men  in  nineteene  dayes 
sufficient  made  to  harbour  twenty  persons  at  least  with  their 
necessary  provisions. 

The  seventeenth,  we  set  sayle,  doubling  the  Rockes  of 
Elizabeths  Hand,  and  passing  by  Dover  Cliffe,  came  to  anchor 
at  Marthaes  Vineyard,  being  five  leagues  distant  from  our 
Fort,  where  we  went  ashoare,  and  had  young  Cranes,  Herne- 
showes,  and  Geese,  which  now  were  growne  to  pretie  bignesse. 

The  eighteenth,  we  set  sayle  and  bore  for  England,  cutting 
off  our  Shalop,  that  was  well  able  to  land  five  and  twenty  men 
or  more,  a  Boat  very  necessary  for  the  like  occasions.  The 
winds  doe  rainge  most  commonly  upon  this  coast  in  the  Sum- 
mer time,  Westerly.  In  our  homeward  course  wee  observed 
the  foresaid  floating  weeds  to  continue  till  we  came  within  two 
hundred  leagues  of  Europe.  The  three-and-twentieth  of  July 
we  came  to  anchor  before  Exmouth. 

'  Lure,  any  enticing  call,  a  term  derived  from  falconry. 

54 


FIRST  ENGLISH  SETrLEMENT:    GOSNOLD 

MASTKR  BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD'S  LETTER 
TO  HIS  FATHER,  TOUCHING  HIS  FIRST  VOY- 
AGE TO  VIRGINIA,   1602. ■ 

"V/TY  duty  remembered,  &c.  Sir,  I  was  in  good  hope  that 
-*-  -^  my  occasions  would  have  allowed  mee  so  much  libertie, 
as  to  have  come  unto  you  before  this  time ;  otherwise  I  would 
have  written  more  at  large  concerning  the  Countrie  from 
whence  we  lately  came,  then  I  did:  but  not  well  remembering 
what  I  have  already  written  (though  I  am  assured  that  there  is 
nothing  set  downe  disagreeing  with  the  truth,)  I  thought  it 
fittest  not  to  goe  about  to  adde  anything  in  writing,  but  rather 
to  leave  the  report  of  the  rest  till  I  come  myselfe ;  which 
now  I  hope  shall  be  shortly,  and  so  soone  as  with  conveniency 
I  may.  In  the  meane  time,  notwithstanding  whereas  you 
seeme  not  to  be  satisfied  by  that  which  I  have  already  written, 
concerning  some  especiall  matters ;  I  have  here  briefely  (and  as 
well  as  I  can)  added  these  few  lines  for  your  further  satisfaction  : 
and  first,  as  touching  that  place  where  we  were  most  resident,  it 
is  in  the  Latitude  of  41  degrees,  and  one  third  part;  which  al- 
beit it  be  so  much  to  the  Southward,  yet  is  it  more  cold  then 
those  parts  of  Europe,  which  are  scituated  under  the  same 
paralell :  but  one  thing  is  worth  the  noting,  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  place  is  not  so  much  subject  to  cold  as  England  is,  yet 
did  we  finde  the  spring  to  be  later  there,  then  it  is  with  us 
here,  by  almost  a  moneth:  this  whether  it  hapned  accidentally 
this  last  spring  to  be  so,  or  whether  it  be  so  of  course,  I  am  not 
very  certaine;  the  latter  seemes  most  likely,  whereof  also  there 
may  be  given  some  sufficient  reason,  which  now  I  omit;  as  for 
the  Acornes  we  saw  gathered  on  heapes,  they  were  of  the  last  yeare, 
but  doubtlesse  their  Summer  continues  longer  then  ours. 

We   cannot   gather,   by   anything  we   could   observe   in  the 
people,  or  by  any  triall  we  had  thereof  ourselves,  but  that  it  is 

■  Purchas,  IV,   1646,  and   3  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  VIII. 

55 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

as  healthfull  a  Climate  as  any  can  be.  The  Inhabitants  there, 
as  I  wrote  before,  being  of  tall  stature,  comely  proportion, 
strong,  active,  and  some  of  good  yeares,  and  as  it  should  seeme 
very  healthfull,  are  sufficient  proofe  of  the  healthfulnesse  of  the 
place.  First,  for  ourselves  (thankes  be  to  God)  we  had  not  a 
man  sicke  two  dayes  together  in  all  our  Voyage;  whereas  others 
that  went  out  with  us,  or  about  that  time  on  other  Voyages 
(especially  such  as  went  upon  reprisall,)  were  most  of  them  in- 
fected with  sicknesse,  whereof  they  lost  some  of  their  men,  and 
brought  home  a  many  sicke,  returning  notwithstanding  long 
before  us.  But  Verazzano,  and  others  (as  I  take  it,  you  may 
reade  in  the  Booke  of  Discoveries,)  doe  more  particularly  in- 
treate  of  the  Age  of  the  people  in  that  coast.  The  Sassafras 
which  we  brought  we  had  upon  the  Hands;  where  though  we 
had  little  disturbance,  and  reasonable  plenty;  yet  for  that  the 
greatest  part  of  our  people  were  imployed  about  the  fitting  of 
our  house,  and  such  like  affairs,  and  a  few  (and  those  but  easie 
laborers)  undertooke  this  worke,  the  rather  because  we  were  in- 
formed before  our  going  forth,  that  a  tunne  was  sufficient  to 
cloy  England,  and  further,  for  that  we  had  resolved  upon  our 
returne,  and  taken  view  of  our  victuall,  we  judged  it  then  neede- 
full  to  use  expedition ;  which  afterward  we  had  more  certaine 
proofe  of;  for  when  we  came  to  an  anker  before  Portsmouth, 
which  was  some  foure  dayes  after  we  made  the  land,  we  had 
not  one  Cake  of  Bread,  nor  any  drinke,  but  a  little  Vinegar 
left:  for  these  and  other  reasons,  we  returned  no  otherwise 
laden  than  you  have  heard.  And  thus  much  I  hope  shall  suf- 
fice till  I  can  myselfe  come  to  give  you  further  notice,  which 
though  it  be  not  so  soone  as  I  could  have  wisht,  yet  I  hope  it 
shall  be  in  convenient  time. 

Jn  the  meane  time,  craving  your  pardon,  for  which  the  urgent 
occasions  of  my  stay  will  pleade,  I  humbly  take  my  leave. 

7  September,  1602. 

Your  dutifull  Sonne,  Barth.  Gosnold. 

56 


III. 

THE  VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN   PRING,   1603. 

JARTIN  PRING,  son  of  John  Pring  of 
Auliscombe,  Devonshire,  was  born  in 
1580,  and  was  therefore  very  young  to 
be  placed  in  command  of  a  transatlantic 
expedition  in  1603.  This  expedition  was  probably  the 
direct  result  of  Gosnold's  voyage  in  the  preceding  year. 
The  commercial  success  of  that  voyage,  the  favorable 
report  written  by  Brereton,  and  the  renewed  interest 
o±  Raleigh  were  all  provocative  of  another  trial.  It 
was  Raleigh's  last  effort,  for  before  the  end  of  the  year 
Elizabeth  was  dead,  James  was  on  the  throne,  and 
Raleigh  was  in  prison,  whence  he  did  not  emerge  for 
thirteen  years.  Raleigh's  last  effort  was  comprehen- 
sive. Bartholomew  Gilbert  was  sent  in  the  Elizabeth 
to  Virginia,  and  "  sundry  of  the  chiefest  merchants  of 
Bristol,"  with  Richard  Hakluyt,  were  interested  in 
equipping  two  vessels  to  retrace  Gosnold's  voyage. 

Raleigh  not  only  authorized  the  expedition,  but  is 
said  to  have  promised  to  relinquish  to  the  adventurers 
'*  all  the  profits  which  should  arise  from  the  Voyage.'" 
One  of  the  ships,  the  Discoverer^  of  twenty-six  tons, 
commanded  by  William  Broune,  carried  thirteen  men 
and   a   boy.      The   other  ship,   called   the   Speedwell,  of 

•  Winsor,  III,   189. 

57 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

about  fifty  tons,  carried  about  thirty  men  with  Pring  as 
master  and  commander  of  the  expedition.  With  him 
were  two  men  who  had  accompanied  Gosnold,  Robert 
Salterne  and  John  Angell.  This  account  of  the  voyage 
was  written  by  or  for  Pring  for  Richard  Hakluyt,  and 
was  among  the  papers  which  Purchas  received  from 
Hakluyt  and  published  in  his  "  Pilgrimes." 

In  the  following  year,  1604,  Martin  Pring  was  one 
of  the  leaders  in  an  expedition  to  the  coast  of  Guiana. 
The  captain,  Charles  Leigh,  wished  to  make  a  settle- 
ment there.  Pring  resisted  to  the  verge  of  mutiny,  for 
which  he  was  sent  home  on  a  Dutch  ship.' 

In  1606  he  engaged  in  a  second  voyage  to  New 
England,  which  will  be  noticed  in  its  place. 

In  January,  161 3-14,  he  reappears  as  master  of  a 
ship  in  the  service  of  the  East  India  Company.  By 
1 6 1 9  he  rose  to  be  commander  of  the  whole  English 
squadron  in  the  East  Indies.  He  stood  in  danger  of 
court-martial  from  the  East  India  Company  upon 
charges  of  too  great  friendship  for  the  Dutch  and  of 
private  trading.  On  his  voyage  home  in  1621  the 
officers  and  men  of  his  ship,  the  JatJies  Royal^  sub- 
scribed ^70.8s.6d.  towards  the  building  of  a  free  school 
in  Virginia.  Of  this  sum  Pring  himself  gave  ^6.1  3s. 4d. 
In  return  the  Virginia  Company  made  Pring  a  freeman 
of  the  company  and  allotted  to  him  two  shares  of  land 
in  Virginia.  He  became  "  General  to  the  Fraternity 
of  Trinity  House"  in  Bristol,  and  was  buried  there  in 
St.  Stephen's  Church  in  1626. 

'  Purchas  printed  Captain  Leigh's  account. 

58 


VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  PRING 

The  chief  interest  attaching  to  Pring's  voyage  in 
1603,  apart  from  the  connection  of  Hakluyt  and 
Raleigh  with  it,  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  adventurers 
spent  the  summer  days  and  gathered  their  cargo  of  sas- 
safras in  the  place  where  the  Pilgrims  settled  seventeen 
years  afterward. 


59 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

A  VOYAGE  SET  OUT  FROM  THE  CITIE  OF 
BRISTOLL  AT  THE  CHARGE  OF  THE  CHIEF- 
EST  MERCHANTS  AND  INHABITANTS  OF 
THE  SAID  CITIE  WITH  A  SMALL  SHIP  AND 
A  BARKE  FOR  THE  DISCOVERIE  OF  THE 
NORTH  PART  OF  VIRGINIA,  IN  THE  YEERE 
1603  UNDER  THE  COMMAND  OF  ME  MARTIN 
PRING. 

[Introductory  Note  in  Purchas.  —  Upon  many  probable  and  reasonable  in- 
ducements, used  unto  sundry  of  the  chiefest  merchants  of  Bristoll  by  Master 
Richard  Hakluyt,  Prebendary  of  Saint  Augustines,  the  Cathedral!  Church  of  the 
said  Citie,  after  divers  meetings  and  due  consultation  they  resolved  to  set  forth  a 
V^oyage  for  the  farther  Discoverie  of  the  North  part  of  Virginia.  And  first  they 
sent  the  said  Master  Hakluvt,  accompanied  with  one  Master  John  Angell,  and 
Master  Robert  Saltern  (which  had  beene  in  the  said  Discoverie  the  yeere  be- 
fore with  Captaine  Bartholomew  Gosnold)  to  obtaine  permission  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  (which  had  a  most  ample  patent  of  all  those  parts  from  Queene  Eliza- 
beth) to  entermeddle  and  deale  in  that  action. 

Leave  being  obtained  of  him  under  his  hand  and  Scale,  they  speedily  pre- 
pared a  small  ship  called  the  Speed-well  in  burthen  about  fiftie  tunnes,  manning 
the  same  with  some  thirtie  men  and  Boyes,  wherein  went  for  Master  and  chiefe 
Commander  in  the  Voyage  one  Martin  Pring,  a  man  verv  sufficient  for  his  place, 
and  Edmund  Jones  his  mate,  and  Robert  Salterne  above  mentioned  as  their  chiefe 
Agent,  with  a  Barke  called  the  Discoverer,  of  six  and  twentie  tunnes  or  there- 
about, wherein  went  for  Master  William  Browne,  and  Samuell  Kirkland  his 
Mate,  both  good  and  skilfull  Mariners,  being  thirteene  men  and  a  Boye  in  all 
that  Barke.  The  aforesaid  ship  and  Barke  were  plentifully  victualled  for  eight 
monethes,  and  furnished  with  slight  Merchandizes  thought  fit  to  trade  with  the 
people  of  the  Countrev,  as  Hats  of  divers  colours,  greene,  blue  and  yellow,  ap- 
parell  of  coarse  Kersie  and  Canvasse  readie  made.  Stockings  and  Shooes,  Sawes, 
Pick-axes,  Spades  and  Shovels,  Axes,  Hatchets,  Hookes,  Knives,  Sizzers,  Ham- 
mers, Nailes,  Chissels,  Fish-hookes,  Bels,  Beades,  Bugles,  Looking-glasses, 
Thimbles,  Pinnes,  Needles,  Threed,  and  such  like.  They  set  saile  from  King- 
rode  the  twentieth  day  of  March.] 

M.  Salterne  yet  liveth,  neither  is  his  zeale  dead  to  this  action.  He  is  now  a  Minister,  and 
hath  both  by  word  and  writing  to  mee  testified  his  affection  to  Virginia. 

60 


VOYAGE  OF  M.IRriN  PRING 


WK  set  saile  from  Milford  Haven'  (where  the  winds  had 
stayed  us  a  fortnight,  in  which  space  we  heard  of  Queen 
r'lizabeths  death)  the  tenth  of  Aprill,  1603.  In  our  course  we 
passed  by  the  lies  of  the  A(,ores,'  had  first  sight  of  the  Pike, 
and  afterward  of  the  Hand  of  Cuervo  and  Flores,  and  after  we 
had  runne  some  five  hundred  leagues,  we  fell  with  a  multitude 
of  small  Ilands^  on  the  North  Coast  of  Virginia,  in  the  latitude 

of  43  degrees,  the of  June,  which  Hands  wee  found  very 

pleasant  to  behold,  adorned  with  goodly  grasse  and  sundry 
sorts  of  Trees,  as  Cedars,  Spruce,  Pine  and  Firre-trees.  Heere 
wee  found  an  excellent  fishing  for  Cod,  which  are  better  then 
those  of  New-found-land,  and  withall  we  saw  good  and  Rockie 
ground  fit  to  drie  them  upon :  also  we  see  no  reason  to  the 
contrary,  but  that  Salt  may  bee  made  in  these  parts,  a  matter 
of  no  small  importance.  We  sayled  to  the  Southwest  end  of 
these  Hands,  and  there  rode  with  our  ships  under  one  of  the 
greatest.  One  of  them  we  named  Foxe  Hand,  because  we 
found  those  kind  of  beasts  thereon.  So  passing  through  the 
rest  with  our  Boates  to  the  mayne  Land,  which  lieth  for  a  good 
space  North-east  and  Southwest,  we  found  very  safe  riding 
among  them,  in  sixe,  seven,  eight,  ten  and  twelve  fathomes. 
At  length  comming  to  the  Mayne  in  the  latitude  of  43.  degrees 
and  a  halfe,  we  ranged  the  same  to  the  South-west.  In  which 
course  we  found  foure  Inlets,  the  most  Easterly  whereof  was 
barred  at  the  mouth,  but  having  passed  over  the  barre,  wee 
ranne  up  into  it  five  miles,  and  for  a  certaine  space  found  very 
good    depth,    and    comming   out   againe,   as   we   sailed    South- 

'  A  harbor  in  Pembrokeshire,  Wales. 

2  The  name  of  these  islands  is  derived  from  Port.,  a9or,  meaning  a  hawk. 
There  are  three  groups  of  the  Azores  :  the  first  contains  the  islands  of  Flores  and 
Corvo  ;  the  second,  Terceira,  St.  George,  Pico,  Fayal,  and  Graciosa  ;  the  third, 
St.  Michael  and  St.  Mary.     The  Portuguese  have  owned  these  islands  since  1449. 

3  The  islands  off  the  Maine  coast  east  of  Penobscot  Bay. 

61  • 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

west-ward,  we  lighted  upon  two  other  Inlets,  which  upon  our 
search  we  found  to  pierce  not  farre  into  the  land,  the  fourth 
and  most  Westerly  was  the  best,  which  we  rowed  up  ten  or 
twelve   miles.' 

In  all  these  places  we  found  no  people,  but  signes  of  fires 
where  they  had  beene.  Howbeit  we  beheld  very  goodly 
Groves  and  Woods  replenished  with  tall  Okes,  Beeches,  Pine- 
trees,  Firre-trees,  Hasels,  Wich-hasels  and  Maples.  We  saw 
here  also  sundry  sorts  of  Beasts,  as  Stags,  Deere,  Beares, 
Wolves,  Foxes,  Lusernes,^  and  Dogges  with  sharpe  noses.  But 
meeting  with  no  Sassafras,  we  left  these  places  with  all  the 
foresaid  Hands,  shaping  our  course  for  Savage  Rocke  discovered 
the  yeere  before  by  Captaine  Gosnold,^  where  going  upon  the 
Mayne  we  found  people,  with  whom  we  had  no  long  conversa- 
tion, because  here  also  we  could  find  no  Sassafras.  Departing 
hence  we  bare  into  that  great  Gulfe  which  Captaine  Gosnold 
over-shot  the  yeere  before,  coasting  and  finding  people  on  the 
North  side  thereof.  Not  yet  satisfied  in  our  expectation,  we  left 
them  and  sailed  over,  and  came  to  an  Anchor  on  the  South 
side  in  the  latitude  of  41.  degrees  and  odde  minutes:  where 
we  went  on  Land  in  a  certaine  Bay,  which  we  called  Whitson 
Bay,'*  by  the  name  of  the  Worshipfull  Master  John  Whitson 
then  Maior  of  the  Citie  of  Bristoll,  and  one  of  the  chiefe  Ad- 
venturers, and  finding  a  pleasant  Hill  thereunto  adjoyning,  we 
called  it  Mount  Aldworth,  for  Master  Robert  Aldworths  sake, 
a  chiefe  furtherer  of  the  Voyage  as  well  with  his  Purse  as  with 
his  travell.5     Here  we  had  sufficient  quantitie  of  Sassafras. 

At  our  going  on  shore,  upon  view  of  the  people  and  sight 
of  the  place,  wee  thought  it  convenient  to  make  a  small   bari- 

'  Probably  the  Saco,  Kennebunk,  York,  and  Piscataqua  rivers. 

2  Lynxes. 

3  Cape  Neddick  near  York  Beach. 

4  Plymouth   Harbor.     Two  years  later,  Champlain  visited  this  harbor  and 
called  it  Port  of  Cape  St.   Louis. 

5  Travell  =  travail . 

62 


VOYAGE  OF  MAliriN  PRING 

cado  to  keepe  diligent  watch  and  ward  in,  for  the  advertize- 
ment  and  succour  of  our  men,  while  they  should  worke  in  the 
Woods.  During  our  abode  on  shore,  the  people  of  the  Coun- 
trey  came  to  our  men  sometimes  ten,  twentie,  fortie  or  three- 
score, and  at  one  time  one  hundred  and  twentie  at  once.  We 
used  them  kindly,  and  gave  them  divers  sorts  of  our  meanest 
Merchandize.  They  did  eat  Pease  and  Beanes  with  our  men. 
Their  owne  victuals  were  most  of  fish. 

We  had  a  youth  in  our  company  that  could  play  upon  a 
Gitterne,"  in  whose  homely  Music  they  tooke  great  delight,  and 
would  give  him  many  things,  as  Tobacco,  Tobacco-pipes, 
Snakes  skinnes  of  sixe  foot  long,  which  they  use  for  Girdles, 
Fawnes  skinnes,  and  such  like,  and  danced  twentie  in  a  Ring, 
and  the  Gitterne  in  the  middest  of  them,  using  many  Savage 
gestures,  singing  lo,  la,  lo,  la,  la,  lo :  ^  him  that  first  brake  the 
ring,  the  rest  would  knocke  and  cry  out  upon.  Some  few  of 
them  had  plates  of  Brasse  a  foot  long,  and  halfe  a  foote  broad 
before  their  breasts.  Their  Weapons  are  Bowes  of  five  or  sixe 
foot  long  of  Wich-hasell,  painted  blacke  and  yellow,  the  strings 
of  three  twists  of  sinewes,  bigger  then  our  Bow-strings,  Their 
Arrowes  are  of  a  yard  and  an  handful!  long  not  made  of  Reeds, 
but  of  a  fine  light  wood  very  smooth  and  round  with  three  long 
and  deepe  blacke  feathers  of  some  Eagle,  Vulture,  or  Kite,  as 
closely  fastened  with  some  binding  matter,  as  any  Fletcher  of 
ours  can  glue  them  on.  Their  Quivers  are  full  a  yard  long, 
and  made  of  long  dried  Rushes  wrought  about  two  handfuls 
broad  above,  and  one  handfull  beneath,  with  prettie  workes 
and  compartiments,   Diamant  wise  of  red   and   other  colours. 

We  carried  with  us  from  Bristoll  two  excellent  Mastives,  of 
whom  the  Indians  were  more  afraid  then  of  twentie  of  our 
men.  One  of  these  Mastives  would  carrie  a  halfe  Pike  in  his 
mouth.    And  one  Master  Thomas  Bridges  a  Gentleman  of  our 

^  Cithern,  zither,  an  old-fashioned  guitar. 

=  Purchas  gives  the  cry  as  "Jo,  ja,  jo,  ja,  ja,  jo." 

63 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

company  accompanied  only  with  one  of  these  Dogs,  and  passed 
sixe  miles  alone  in  the  Countrey  having  lost  his  fellowes,  and 
returned  safely.  And  when  we  would  be  rid  of  the  Savages 
company  wee  would  let  loose  the  Mastives,  and  suddenly  with 
out-cryes  they  would  fle'e  away.  These  people  in  colour  are 
inclined  to  a  swart,  tawnie,  or  Chestnut  colour,  not  by  nature 
but  accidentally,  and  doe  weare  their  haire  brayded  in  foure 
parts,  and  trussed  up  about  their  heads  with  a  small  knot  be- 
hind: in  which  haire  of  theirs  they  sticke  many  feathers  and 
toyes  for  braverie  and  pleasure.  They  cover  their  privities 
only  with  a  piece  of  leather  drawne  betwixt  their  twists'  and 
fastened  to  their  Girdles  behind  and  before :  whereunto  they 
hang  their  bags  of  Tobacco.  They  seeme  to  bee  somewhat 
jealous  of  their  women,  for  we  saw  not  past  two  of  them,  who 
weare  Aprons  of  Leather  skins  before  them  downe  to  the 
knees,  and  a  Beares  skinne  like  an  Irish  Mantle  over  one 
shoulder.  The  men  are  of  stature  somewhat  taller  then  our 
ordinary  people,  strong,  swift,  well  proportioned,  and  given 
to   treacherie,  as   in   the  end  we  perceived. 

Their  Boats,  whereof  we  brought  one  to  Bristoll,  were  in 
proportion  like  a  Wherrie  of  the  River  Thames,  seventeene 
foot  long  and  foure  foot  broad,  and  made  of  the  Barke  of  a 
Birch-tree,  farre  exceeding  in  bignesse  those  of  England :  it 
was  sowed  together  with  strong  and  tough  Oziers  or  twigs, 
and  the  seames  covered  over  with  Rozen  or  Turpentine  little 
inferiour  in  sweetnesse  to  Frankincense,  as  we  made  triall  by 
burning  a  little  thereof  on  the  coales  at  sundry  times  after  our 
coming  home:  it  was  also  open  like  a  Wherrie,  and  sharpe  at 
both  ends,  saving  that  the  beake  was  a  little  bending  roundly 
upward.  And  though  it  carried  nine  men  standing  upright, 
yet  it  weighed  not  at  the  most  above  sixtie  pounds  in  weight, 
a  thing  almost  incredible  in  regard  of  the  largenesse  and  capa- 
citie   thereof.     Their  Oares  were  flat  at  the  end  like  an  Oven 

'  Legs,  a  humorous  term  with  the  meaning  of  "fork." 

64 


VOYAGE  OF  MARriN  PRING 

peele,'  made  of  Ash  or  Maple  very  light  and  strong,  about  two 
yards  long,  wherewith  they  row  very  swiftly  :  Passing  up  a 
River  we  saw  certaine  Cottages  together,  abandoned  by  the 
Savages,  and  not  farre  off  we  beheld  their  Gardens  and  one 
among  the  rest  of  an  Acre  of  ground,  and  in  the  same  was 
sowne  Tobacco,  Pompions,  Cowcumbers  and  such  like:  and 
some  of  the  people  had  Maiz  or  Indian  Wheate  among  them. 
In  the  fields  we  found  wild  Pease,  Strawberries  very  faire  and 
bigge.  Gooseberries,  Raspices/  Hurts,^  and  other  wild  fruits. 

Having  spent  three  Weeks  upon  the  Coast  before  we  came 
to  this  place  where  we  meant  to  stay  &  take  in  our  lading, 
according  to  our  instructions  given  us  in  charge  before  our 
setting  forth,  we  pared  and  digged  up  the  Earth  with  shovels, 
and  sowed  Wheate,  Barley,  Oates,  Pease,  and  sundry  sorts  of 
Garden  Seeds,  which  for  the  time  of  our  abode  there,  being 
about  seven  Weeks,  although  they  were  late  sowne,  came  up 
very  well,  giving  certaine  testimonie  of  the  goodnesse  of  the 
Climate  and  of  the  Soyle.  And  it  seemeth  that  Oate,  Hempe, 
Flaxe,  Rape-seed  and  such  like  which  require  a  rich  and  fat 
ground,  would  prosper  excellently  in  these  parts.  For  in 
divers  places   here  we  found  grasse  above  knee  deepe. 

As  for  Trees  the  Country  yeeldeth  Sassafras  a  plant  of 
sovereigne  vertue  for  the  French  Poxe,  and  as  some  of  late 
have  learnedly  written  good  against  the  Plague  and  many  other 
Maladies ;  Vines,  Cedars,  Okes,  Ashes,  Beeches,  Birch  trees, 
Cherie  trees  bearing  fruit  whereof  wee  did  eate,  Hasels,  Wich- 
hasels,  the  best  wood  of  all  other  to  make  Sope-ashes  withall. 
Walnut  trees.  Maples,  Holy^  to  make  Bird-lime  with,  and  a 

1  A  baker's  shovel,  a  pole  with  a  broad  flat  disk  at  the  end  for  thrusting 
loaves,  pies,  etc.,  into  the  oven  and  withdrawing  them  from  it. —  Murray. 

2  Raspberries. 

3  Hurtleberries,  whortleberries,  modern  huckleberries.  A  hurt  was  a  blue 
mark  left  by  a  blow,  and  in  Heraldry  a  hurt  or  heurte  was  a  roundel  azure. 
This  may  have  been  the  source  of  the  name  of  this  blue  berry. 

4  Holly  (Holm).     The  bark  was  used  in  making  bird-lime. 

65 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

kinde  of  tree  bearing  a  fruit  like  a  small  red  Peare-plum  with 
a  crowne  or  knop  on  the  top  (a  plant  whereof  carefully  wrapped 
up  in  earth,  Master  Robert  Salterne  brought  to  Bristoll.)  We 
found  also  low  trees  bearing  faire  Cheries.  There  were  like- 
wise a  white  kind  of  Plums  which  were  growne  to  their  perfect 
ripenesse.     With  divers  other  sorts  of  trees  to  us  unknowne. 

The  Beasts  here  are  Stags,  fallow  Deere  in  abundance, 
Beares,  Wolves,  Foxes,  Lusernes,  and  (some  say)  Tygres, 
Porcupines,  and  Dogges  with  sharpe  and  long  noses,  and  many 
other  sorts  of  wild  beasts,  whose  Cases'  and  Furres  being  here- 
after purchased  by  exchange  may  yeeld  no  smal  gaine  to  us. 
Since  as  we  are  certainly  informed,  the  Frenchmen  brought 
from  Canada  the  value  of  thirtie  thousand  Crownes  in  the  yeare 
1604,  almost  in  Bevers  and  Otters  skinnes  only.  The  most 
usuall  Fowles  are  Eagles,  Vultures,  Hawkes,  Cranes,  Herons, 
Crowes,  Gulls,  and  great  store  of  other  River  and  Sea-fowles. 
And  as  the  Land  is  full  of  Gods  good  blessings,  so  is  the  Sea 
replenished  with  great  abundance  of  excellent  fish,  as  Cods 
sufficient  to  lade  many  ships,  which  we  found  upon  the  Coast 
in  the  moneth  of  June,  Scales  to  make  Oile  withall.  Mullets, 
Turbuts,  Mackerels,  Herrings,  Crabs,  Lobsters,  Creuises,^  and 
Muscles  with  ragged  Pearles  in  them. 

By  the  end  of  July  we  had  laded  our  small  Barke  called  the 
Discoverer,  with  as  much  Sassafras  as  we  thought  sufficient,  and 
sent  her  home  into  England  before,  to  give  some  speedie  con- 
tentment to  the  Adventurers ;  who  arrived  safely  in  Kingrode 
about  a  fortnight  before  us.  After  their  departure  we  so  be- 
stirred our  selves,  that  our  shippe  also  had  gotten  in  her  lading, 
during  which  time  there  fell  out  this  accident.  On  a  day  about 
noone  tide  while  our  men  which  used  to  cut  down  Sassafras  in 
the  Woods  were  asleepe,  as  they  used  to  doe  for  two  houres 
in  the  heat  of  the  day,  there  came  downe  about  seven  score 

'  Case  r7=skin  or  hide. 

2  Crevise  ^crayfish  or  crawfish. 

66 


VOYAGE  OF  MARTIN  I' RING 

Savages  armed  with  their  Howes  and  Arrowes,  and  environed 
our  House  or  Barricado,  wherein  were  foure  of  our  men  alone 
with  their  Muskets  to  keepe  Centinell,  whom  they  sought  to 
have  come  downe  unto  them,  which  they  utterly  refused,  and 
stood  upon  their  guard.  Our  Master  likewise  being  very  care- 
full  and  circumspect  having  not  past  two  with  him  in  the 
shippe  put  the  same  in  the  best  defence  he  could,  lest  they 
should  have  invaded  the  same,  and  caused  a  piece  of  great 
Ordnance  to  bee  shot  off,  to  give  terrour  to  the  Indians,  and 
warning  to  our  men  which  were  fast  asleepe  in  the  Woods:  at 
the  noyse  of  which  Peece  they  were  a  little  awaked,  and  be- 
ganne  a  little  to  call  for  Foole  and  Gallant,  their  great  and 
fearefuU  Mastives,  and  full  quietly  laid  themselves  downe 
againe,  but  beeing  quickned  up  eftsoones  againe  with  a  second 
shot  they  rowsed  up  themselves,  betooke  them  to  their  weapons 
and  with  their  Mastives,  great  Foole  with  an  halfe  Pike  in  his 
mouth,  drew  downe  to  their  ship:  whom  when  the  Indians  be- 
held afarre  off,  with  the  Mastive  which  they  most  feared,  in 
dissembling  manner  they  turned  all  to  a  jest  and  sport,  and  de- 
parted away  in  friendly  manner :  yet  not  long  after,  even  the 
day  before  our  departure,  they  set  fire  on  the  Woods  where 
wee  wrought,  which  wee  did  behold  to  burne  for  a  mile  space, 
and  the  very  same  day  that  wee  weighed  Anchor,  they  came 
downe  to  the  shoare  in  greater  number,  to  wit,  very  neere  two 
hundred  by  our  estimation,  and  some  of  them  came  in  their 
Boates  to  our  ship,  and  would  have  had  us  come  in  againe : 
but  we  sent  them  backe,  and  would  none  of  their  entertain- 
ment. 

About  the  eighth  or  ninth  of  August,  wee  left  this  excellent 
Haven  at  the  entrance  whereof  we  found  twentie  fathomes 
water,  and  rode  at  our  ease  in  seven  fathomes  being  Land- 
locked, the  Haven  winding  in  compasse  like  the  shell  of  a 
Snaile,  and  it  is  in  latitude  of  one  and  forty  degrees  and  five 
and  twentie  minutes. 

67 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

This  by  the  way  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  our  Captaine 
fell  so  much  to  the  Northward  because  he  would  find  high 
grounds,  where  commonly  the  best  Havens  are :  which  also 
fell  out  to  his  expectation.  We  also  observed  that  we  could 
find  no  Sassafras  but  in  sandie  ground.  In  our  returne  we 
brought  our  selves  into  the  latitude  of  eight  and  thirtie  degrees 
about  the  A9ores  for  certaine  causes,  and  within  five  weekes 
space  came  from  our  Port  of  Virginia,  into  the  Soundings  of 
England,  but  there  being  long  encountred  with  Easterly  winds, 
we  came  at  length  into  Kingrode,  the  second  of  October,  1603. 
The  Discoverer  was  out  five  moneths  and  an  halfe.  The  Speed- 
well was  out  sixe  moneths  upon  the  Voyage. 


68 


1 

I 

1 

mi 

^^^1 

IV. 

FRENCH  EXPLORERS  AND  SETTLERS  UPON 
THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COAST,  1 604-1 607. 
THE  COLONY  OF  THE  SIEUR  DE  MONTS. 

/.    'Journal  of  Samuel  de  Champlain. 

T  is  not  to  be  denied  that  at  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century  the  French 
trod  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  English 
in  the  exploration  of  the  Northern  part 
of  this  continent,  and  anticipated  them  in  the  actual 
settlement  of  it.  Moreover,  they  were  led  by  men  who 
were  more  cultured  and  more  scientifically  observant 
than  the  first  English  adventurers.  There  is  among  the 
earlier  English  explorers  of  New  England  no  man  so 
versatile,  accomplished,  and  masterful  as  Champlain. 
Perhaps  John  Smith  is  the  only  English  captain  who 
can  be  compared  with  him,  but  the  comparison  is  not 
to  Smith's  advantage.  The  ardent  faith  and  courage  of 
Father  Biard  and  other  French  missionaries  may  have 
been  equalled  at  Plymouth  and  Boston,  but  they  were 
not  excelled.  Among  the  earlier  English  discoverers  it 
would  be  difficult  to  match  the  Jesuit  spirit,  unless  it  be 
in  the  gallant  soul  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert. 

The  real  founders  of  French  exploration  and  settle- 
ment in  America  were  the  Breton  fishermen,  who 
reached    the    shores    (1494-1 557)    of   North    America 

69 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

very  soon  after  John  Cabot,  and  left  their  name  at  one 
of  its  eastern  extremities.  To  them  Verrazano  (1524) 
was  probably  chiefly  indebted,  and  the  first  French  ex- 
plorer of  the  continent  was  a  Breton  mariner,  called  by 
the  Spaniards  "a  corsair,"  Jacques  Cartier  {1494— 1557). 
His  four  voyages  (1534,  1535,  1541,  1543)  resulted  in 
the  first  founding  of  the  colony  of  Quebec  under  the 
governorship  of  Jean  Francois  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of 
Roberval  (1540—44),  and  in  the  establishment  of  com- 
mercial relations  with  the  region  of  the  Bay  and  River 
of  St.  Lawrence,  relations  which  were  probably  contin- 
uous from  that  time  until  Champlain  refounded  the 
colony,  July  3,  1608.  Moreover,  the  experiences  of 
Raleigh's  unfortunate  colony  at  Roanoke  were  more 
than  paralleled  by  the  attempt  of  Admiral  Coligny  and 
the  French  Huguenots  to  plant  a  colony  in  Brazil  in 
1555  and  1557  and  in  South  Carolina  in  1562—65,  and 
by  the  attempt  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche  to  found  a 
colony  on  Sable  Island  with  a  shipload  of  castaways  in 

1598. 

All  of  these  efforts  in  the  sixteenth  century  spelt 
failure,  whether  conducted  by  Cartier  and  Coligny  or 
by  Gilbert  and  Raleigh.  With  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  the  first  footholds  were  won.  The 
race  was  close  between  the  rival  nations.  The  first 
serious  attempt  at  colonization  was  made  by  the  French 
under  Sieur  de  Monts  at  St.  Croix  in  1604.  The  first 
permanent  success  was  English,  at  Jamestown ;  the 
second    was    French,    at   Quebec. 

Samuel    de   Champlain    (1567— 1635)    explored    both 

70 


FRENCH  EXPUJRERS:    CILIMPLAIN 

the  coast  and  the  St.  Lawrence  valley  before  selecting 
a  final  site  for  a  colony.  He  was  already  a  soldier  and 
mariner  of  experience  before  he  made  his  first  voyage 
to  North  America  in  1603.  He  was  invited  to  go  by 
the  promoter  of  the  expedition,  Aymar  de  Chastes,  who 
altho  a  Catholic  had  been  a  faithful  soldier  for  King 
Henry  IV  and  was  now  in  old  age  the  Governor  of 
Dieppe.  The  King  also  commissioned  Champlain  to 
accompany  the  expedition  as  "Geographer  Royal." 
The  leaders  of  the  expedition  were  two  Bretons  of  St. 
Malo,  Fran9ois  Grave,  Sieur  du  Pont,  usually  called 
*'  Pontgrave,"  and  Sieur  Prevert.  These  explorers  fol- 
lowed in  the  wake  of  Cartier  up  the  St.  Lawrence  val- 
ley, which  they  studied  with  unusual  thoroughness. 
They  carried  back  a  valuable  cargo  of  furs  to  Dieppe, 
and  found  their  patron,  de  Chastes,  dead.  Champlain's 
voyages  and  achievements  in  this  and  subsequent 
expeditions  in  Canada  are  outside  the  scope  of  this  col- 
lection. They  are  accessible  to  all  in  English  transla- 
tions.' But  from  1604  to  1607  Champlain  was  upon 
the  New  England  coast,  actively  engaged  in  promoting 
de  Monts'  enterprise  of  colonization  on  the  Bay  of 
Fundy.  If  he  had  succeeded.  New  France  would  prob- 
ably have  come  down  to  Long  Island  Sound.  Cham- 
plain's  story  of  these  three  years  of  struggle  is  here 
given. 

^  Cf.  W.  L.  Grant's  "Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain  "  in  the  Original 
Narratives  Series,  and,  in  the  Trailmakers  Series,  translations  by  A.  N.  &  E.  G. 
Bourne  of  Champlain's  final  history  of  his  North  American  voyages,  published  in 
1632.  The  Journals  of  Samuel  de  Champlain  were  translated  for  the  Prince 
Society  of  Boston  by  Dr.  Charles  Pomeroy  Otis,  and  published  in  three  volumes 
(1878,  1880,  1882)  with  critical  notes  by  Dr.  Edmund  F.  Slafter. 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Concerning  his  principal  associates  something  may  be 
said.  These  men  were  Pierre  du  Guast  (or  Gua),  Sieur 
de  Monts;  Jean  de  Biencourt,  Baron  de  Poutrincourt ; 
Pontgrave,  above  referred  to;  and  Marc  Lescarbot.  The 
mantle  of  de  Chastes  fell  first  on  de  Monts,  a  Huguenot 
nobleman  of  Pons  in  Saintonge,  who  was,  therefore,  the 
heir  of  the  traditions  of  Coligny,  Ribault,  and  Laudon- 
niere.  Henry  IV,  in  1603,  made  de  Monts  governor 
of  Acadia,  with  powers  of  jurisdiction  over  all  lands  in 
America  between  latitudes  40°  N.  and  46°  N.,  or  from 
Delaware  Bay  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  with 
a  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  in  those  regions  for  ten 
years.'  De  Monts  associated  with  himself  a  small  group 
of  men  who  were  either  Huguenots  or  Catholics  who 
wxre  friendly  with  the  Huguenots.  Such  were  Cham- 
plain  himself,  Pontgrave,  who  was  a  prominent  mer- 
chant at  St.  Malo,  and  Poutrincourt,  a  gentleman  of 
Picardy  who  followed  King  Henry  as  soon  as  the  latter 
abjured  his  faith.  Marc  Lescarbot  (1570— 1630?)  was 
a  lawyer  by  profession,  outwardly  Catholic,  but  prob- 
ably a  Huguenot  in  secret  or  in  sympathy.  He  spent 
the  winter  of  1606—7  with  the  colony  at  Port  Royal, 
and  explored  the  coast  in  the  spring.  Returning  to 
France  in  1607  he  became  the  historian  of  New  France. 
His  work  appeared  in  four  editions,  1609,  1611,  161  2, 
and   161 8. 

'  This  charter,  antedating  King  James'  charter  to  the  Plymouth  Company 
by  three  years,  may  be  found  in  Lescarbot's  "Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France," 
and  in  Baird's  "Huguenot  Emigration  to  America,"  vol.  I,  p.  341.  It  is  trans- 
lated in  Williamson's  "History  of  Maine,"  I,  651—654.  The  origin  of  the 
word  Acadia,  or  Acadie,  is  thought  to  be  an  Indian  word  "akade,"  meaning  a 
place  where  there  is  an  abundance  of  something.    See  Jesuit  Relations,  vol.  I,  305. 

72 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPLAIN 

In  April,  1604,  de  Monts,  Champlain,  Poutrincourt, 
and  Pontgrave  set  sail  with  a  company  of  i  20  persons 
to  found  a  colony  within  the  limits  of  de  Monts'  grant, 
but  in  some  milder  climate  than  that  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence valley.  Both  religions  were  represented  in  the 
colony,  and  each  religion  had  its  own  priest.  King 
Henry's  agreement  with  de  Monts  stipulated  that, 
while  the  Huguenot  clergy  might  minister  to  the  set- 
tlers, only  the  Catholic  priests  should  be  permitted  to 
instruct  the  Indians. 

The  first  settlement  was  on  an  island  (St.  Croix) 
near  the  mouth  of  the  River  St.  Croix  in  Passama- 
quoddy  Bay.  During  the  autumn  of  1604  Champlain 
sailed  along  the  coast  to  Mt.  Desert  and  up  the  Penob- 
scot River  to  the  vicinity  of  what  is  now  Bangor.  Re- 
turning with  the  charts  of  his  surveys  to  St.  Croix, 
Champlain  wintered  there  with  de  Monts  and  seventy- 
seven  others.  Nearly  half  the  company  died  of  scurvy 
during  the  winter  and  spring.  Poutrincourt,  who 
liked  better  the  appearance  of  the  Annapolis  harbor  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  received  a  gift  of 
that  region  from  de  Monts  and  went  back  to  France 
to  raise  a  colony  of  his  own. 

During  the  summer  of  1605  de  Monts  and  Cham- 
plain made  a  minute  exploration  of  the  New  England 
coast  as  far  as  Cape  Cod  in  search  of  a  better  site.  They 
started  from  St.  Croix  two  days  after  Captain  Way- 
mouth  left  Monhegan  on  his  homeward  voyage  to 
England.  Returning  in  August  to  St.  Croix,  de  Monts 
moved  his  settlement  to   Port  Royal   (Annapolis),  now 

73 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

in  Nova  Scotia.  De  Monts  returned  to  France  for 
help,  leaving  Pontgrave  in  command,  while  Champlain 
continued  his  surveys  of  the  coast.  Twelve  more  died 
of  scurvy  during  the  winter  of  1605—06,  and  Pontgrave 
was  on  the  point  of  departure  for  France  when  Pou- 
trincourt  arrived  with  supplies  and  reinforcements.  In 
the  autumn  of  1606  Champlain  with  Poutrincourt  made 
his  final  voyage  down  the  coast  as  far  as  Vineyard  Sound 
(Wood's  Hole).  In  the  following  May,  1607,  came 
word  from  de  Monts  that  his  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade 
was  revoked,  and  that  the  colony  must  return  to  France. 
This  was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  de  Monts  had 
seized  ships  trading  on  the  coast  as  trespassers  upon  his 
rights,  and  had  thus  made  powerful  enemies  at  court 
who  were  owners  of  those  vessels. 

The  colonists  in  September,  1607,  returned  to  France, 
Champlain  carrying  charts  and  descriptions  of  over  one 
thousand  miles  of  sea-coast,  with  careful  notes  upon  the 
nature  and  products  of  the  soil,  the  native  inhabitants, 
their  manner  of  life,  dress,  occupations,  social  customs, 
institutions,  and  beliefs.  Champlain  and  Lescarbot  were 
the  first  Europeans  to  study  the  Indians  of  New  England 
at  close  range  and  to  penetrate  the  rivers  and  harbors  of 
the  whole  coast. 

Champlain's  reports,  maps,  and  drawings  revived  the 
zeal  of  de  Monts  and  interested  the  King.  Henry 
granted  to  de  Monts  a  renewal  of  the  monopoly  of  the 
fur  trade  for  one  year  on  condition  that  he  would  plant 
his  colony  in  the  interior.  This  would  prevent  col- 
lisions with  the  associations  that  were  sending  ships  to 

74 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPI.AJN 

the  coast.  De  Monts  accepted  the  grant,  fitted  out  two 
ships,  one  to  be  commanded  by  Pontgrave,  made  Cham- 
plain  lieutenant-governor  of  New  France,  and  sent  them 
in  the  spring  of  1608  to  plant  a  colony  upon  the  river 
St.  Lawrence.     Thus  (^lebec  was  reborn. 

The  assassination  of  Henry  IV  in  1610  put  an  end  to 
the  hopes  of  de  Monts.  He  sold  his  property  rights  to 
a  prominent  lady  of  the  Court,  Antoinette  de  Pons, 
Marquise  de  Guercheville,  a  patroness  of  the  Jesuit 
order.  For  purposes  of  colonization  a  new  company, 
headed  by  princes  of  the  blood  royal,  was  organized  by 
Champlain,  who  was  continued  in  the  governorship  of 
the  colony  in  the  St.  Lawrence  valley. 

Champlain  appeared  no  more  in  the  history  of 
Acadia.  But  the  founder  of  Quebec  may  rightly  be 
enumerated  among  the  founders  of  New  England.  His 
exploration  of  the  New  England  coast  was  thorough 
and  scientific.  Gosnold  and  Pring  had  brought  back 
only  stories  of  adventure  and  discursive  comment. 
Champlain  charted  the  coast-line  and  brought  it  defin- 
itely into  the  light  of  cartographic  science.  His  jour- 
nals of  these  explorations  were  published  by  him  in 
1 6 1  3  and  1619,  and  his  writings  and  maps  wxre  soon 
known  and  used  by  Englishmen  and  Spaniards  as  well 
as  by  Frenchmen. 


75 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  SIEUR  DE  CHAMPLAIN  OF 
SAINTONGE,  CAPTAIN  IN  ORDINARY  TO  THE 
KING  IN  THE  MARINE;  OR,  A  MOST  FAITH- 
FUL JOURNAL  OF  OBSERVATIONS  MADE  IN 
THE  EXPLORATION  OF  NEW  FRANCE,  describ- 
ing not  only  the  countries,  coasts,  rivers,  ports,  and  harbors, 
with  their  latitudes  and  the  various  deflections  of  the  mag- 
netic needle,  but  likewise  the  religious  belief  of  the  inhab- 
itants, their  superstitions,  mode  of  life  and  warfare;  furnished 

with  numerous  illustrations. 

« 

TOGETHERWITH  TWO  GEOGRAPHICAL  MAPS:' 

the  first  for  the  purposes  of  navigation,  adapted  to  the  com- 
pass as  used  by  mariners,  which  deflects  to  the  north-east; 
and  the  other  in  its  true  meridian,  with  longitudes  and  lati- 
tudes, to  which  is  added  the  Voyage  to  the  Strait  north  of 
Labrador,  from  the  53d  to  the  63d  degree  of  latitude,  dis- 
covered in  161 2  by  the  English  when  they  were  searching 
for  a  northerly  course  to   China. 

PARIS:  Jean  Berjon,  Rue  St.  Jean  de  Beauvais,  at  the  Fly- 
ing Horse,  and  at  his  store  in  the  Palace,  at  the  Gallery  of 
the  Prisoners.   MDCXIII.    With  authority  of  the  King. 


'  The  maps  and  illustrations  arc  faithfully  reproduced  in  the  translation  of 
Champlain's  Journals  published  by  the  Prince  Society  of  Boston.  This  page  is  a 
translation  of  the  original  title-page  of  161  3.  A  portion  of  the  text  and  some  of 
the  notes  are  reprinted  here  by  the  kind  permission  of  the  Prince  Society. 


76 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 


BOOK  I. 

THE  VOYAGES   OF   1 604-1 607. 
Chapter  i. 

The  benefits  of  commerce  have  induced  several  princes  to  seek  an  easier  route  for 
traffic  with  the  people  of  the  East.  Several  unsuccessful  voyages.  Determin- 
ation of  the  French  for  this  purpose.  Undertaking  of  Sieur  de  Monts  :  his 
commission  and  its  revocation.  New  commission  to  Sieur  de  Monts  to  en- 
able him  to  continue  his  undertaking. 

'T^HE  inclinations  of  men  differ  according  to  their  varied 
-*-  dispositions;  and  each  one  in  his  caUing  has  his  particular 
end  in  view.  Some  aim  at  gain,  some  at  glory,  some  at  the 
public  weal.  The  greater  number  are  engaged  in  trade,  and 
especially  that  which  is  transacted  on  the  sea.  Hence  arise  the 
principal  support  of  the  people,  the  opulence  and  honor  of 
states.  This  is  what  raised  ancient  Rome  to  the  sovereignty 
and  mastery  over  the  entire  world,  and  the  Venetians  to  a 
grandeur  equal  to  that  of  powerful  kings.  It  has  in  all  times 
caused  maritime  towns  to  abound  in  riches,  among  which 
Alexandria  and  Tyre  are  distinguished,  and  numerous  others, 
which  fill  up  the  regions  of  the  interior  with  the  objects  of 
beauty  and  rarity  obtained  from  foreign  nations.  For  this  rea- 
son, many  princes  have  striven  to  find  a  northerly  route  to 
China,  in  order  to  facilitate  commerce  with  the  Orientals,  in  the 
belief  that  this  route  would  be  shorter  and  less  dangerous. 

In  the  year  1496,  the  king  of  England  commissioned  John 
Cabot  and  his  son  Sebastian  to  engage  in  this  search.  About 
the  same  time,  Don  Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  despatched  on 
the  same  errand  Caspar  Cortereal,  who  returned  without  attain- 
ing his  object.'  Resuming  his  journeys  the  year  after,  he  died 
'  Cortereal's  first  voyage  occurred  in  i  500. 

11 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEJV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

in  the  undertaking;'  as  did  also  his  brother  Michel,  who  was 
prosecuting  it  perseveringly.''  In  the  years  1534  and  1535, 
Jacques  Cartier  received  a  like  commission  from  King  Francis 
I.,  but  was  arrested  in  his  course.^  Six  years  after,  Sieur  de 
Roberval,  having  renewed  it,  sent  Jean  Alfonse  of  Saintonge 
farther  northward  along  the  coast  of  Labrador;^  but  he  re- 
turned as  wise  as  the  others.  In  the  years  1576,  1577,  and 
1578,  Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  an  Englishman,  made  three  voy- 
ages along  the  northern  coasts.  Seven  years  later,  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  also  an  Englishman,  set  out  with  five  ships,  but  suf- 
fered shipwreck  on  Sable  Island,  where  three  of  his  vessels 
were  lost.^  In  the  same  [1585]  and  two  following  years,  John 
Davis,  an  Englishman,  made  three  voyages  for  the  same  object; 
penetrating  to  the  72d  degree,  as  far  as  a  strait  which  is  called 
at  the  present  day  by  his  name.  After  him.  Captain  Georges 
made  also  a  voyage  in  1590,  but  in  consequence  of  the  ice 
was  compelled  to  return  without  having  made  any  discovery.^ 
The  Hollanders,  on  their  part,  had  no  more  precise  knowledge 
in  the  direction  of  Nova  Zembla. 

So  many  voyages  and  discoveries  without  result,  and  at- 
tended with  so  much  hardship  and  expense,  have  caused  us 
French  in  late  years  to  attempt  a  permanent  settlement  in 
those  lands  which  we  call  New  France,  in  the  hope  of  thus 
realizing  more  easily  this  object;  since  the  voyage  in  search  of 
the  desired  passage  commences  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean, 

'In  I  501..  He  had  tried  to  carry  ofF  Indians  from  the  Labrador  coast  in 
order  to  sell  them  into  slavery. 

2  In  1502.  There  were  three  vessels.  The  one  commanded  by  Michel 
Cortereal  was  lost.      The  others  returned  to   Portugal. 

3  Cartier  explored  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  the  river  as  far  as  the  site  of 
Montreal,  and  in  154.1  made  his  third  voyage  at  the  instance  ot  Roberval. 

4  In  I  542. 

5  I  583.  See  the  narrative  of  this  voyage,  by  Master  Edward  Haies,  in  Dr. 
Burrage's  "Early  English  and  French  Voyages,"  pp.   175-222. 

^  Dr.  E.  F.  Slafter,  editor  of  Champlain's  Journals,  as  published  by  the 
Prince  Society,  suggests  that  this  may  have  been  a  mistaken  reference  to  the 
voyage  of  Captain  (ieorge  Waymouth  in  1602. 

78 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPEAIN 

and  is  made  along  the  coast  of  this  region.  These  considera- 
tions had  induced  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche,  in  1598,  to  take  a 
commission  from  the  king  for  making  a  settlement  in  the  above 
region.  With  this  object,  he  landed  men  and  supplies  on  Sable 
Island;  but,  as  the  conditions  which  had  been  accorded  to 
him  by  his  Majesty  were  not  fulfilled,  he  was  obliged  to 
abandon  his  undertaking,  and  leave  his  men  there.'  A  year 
after.  Captain  Chauvin  accepted  another  commission  to  trans- 
port settlers  to  the  same  region ;  but,  as  this  was  shortly  after 
revoked,  he  prosecuted  the  matter  no  farther. 

After  the  above,  notwithstanding  all  these  accidents  and  dis- 
appointments, Sieur  de  Monts  desired  to  attempt  what  had 
been  given  up  in  despair,  and  requested  a  commission  for  this 
purpose  of  his  Majesty,  being  satisfied  that  the  previous  enter- 
prises had  failed  because  the  undertakers  of  them  had  not  re- 
ceived assistance,  who  had  not  succeeded,  in  one  nor  even  two 
years'  time,  in  making  the  acquaintance  of  the  regions  and 
people  there,  nor  in  finding  harbors  adapted  for  a  settlement. 
He  proposed  to  his  Majesty  a  means  of  covering  these  ex- 
penses, without  drawing  anything  from  the  royal  revenues ; 
viz.,  by  granting  to  him  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade  in  this 
land.  This  having  been  granted  to  him,  he  made  great  and 
excessive  outlays,  and  carried  out  with  him  a  large  number  of 
men  of  various  vocations.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  caused  the  neces- 
sary number  of  habitations  for  his  followers  to  be  constructed. 
This  expenditure  he  continued  for  three  consecutive  years,  after 

^  The  company  consisted  chiefly  of  desperadoes.  De  la  Roche  was  seeking 
a  place  suitable  for  permanent  settlement,  when  a  storm  drove  him  back  to  France. 
There  he  was  thrown  into  prison  by  an  enemy.  Meanwhile  the  men  on  Sable 
Island  endured  every  privation  and  turned  their  swords  against  each  other. 
Twelve  of  their  number  (originally  there  were  about  forty)  returned  to  France 
in  1603,  and  were  pardoned  by  King  Henry  IV.  Champlain  makes  no  refer- 
ence here  to  his  own  previous  voyages,  one  in  1599—1600,  to  the  West  Indies 
and  New  Spain,  and  one  in  1603  with  Pontgrave,  under  the  auspices  of  Aymar 
de  Chastes,  up  the  St.  Lawrence  River  as  far  as  the  Lachine  Rapids,  and  later  to 
the  country  around  Gaspe. 

79 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

which,  in  consequence  of  the  jealousy  and  annoyance  of  certain 
Basque  merchants,  together  with  some  from  Brittany,  the 
monopoly  which  had  been  granted  to  him  was  revoked  by  the 
Council  to  the  great  injury  and  loss  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  who, 
in  consequence  of  this  revocation,  was  compelled  to  abandon 
his  entire  undertaking,  sacrificing  his  labors  and  the  outfit  for 
his  settlement. 

But  since  a  report  has  been  made  to  the  king  on  the  fertility 
of  the  soil  by  him,  and  by  me  on  the  feasibility  of  discovering 
the  passage  to  China,  without  the  inconveniences  of  the  ice  of  the 
north  or  the  heats  of  the  torrid  zone,  through  which  our  sailors 
pass  twice  in  going  and  twice  in  returning,  with  inconceivable 
hardships  and  risks,  his  Majesty  directed  Sieur  de  Monts  to 
make  a  new  outfit,  and  send  men  to  continue  what  he  had  com- 
menced. This  he  did.  And,  in  view  of  the  uncertainty  of  his 
commission,'  he  chose  a  new  spot  for  his  settlement,  in  order 
to  deprive  jealous  persons  of  any  such  distrust  as  they  had 
previously  conceived.  He  was  also  influenced  by  the  hope  of 
greater  advantages  in  case  of  settling  in  the  interior,  where  the 
people  are  civilized,  and  where  it  is  easier  to  plant  the  Christian 
faith  and  establish  such  order  as  is  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
a  country,  than  along  the  seashore,  where  the  savages  generally 
dwell.  From  this  course,  he  believed  the  king  would  derive 
an  inestimable  profit;  for  it  is  easy  to  suppose  that  Europeans 
will  seek  out  this  advantage  rather  than  those  of  a  jealous  and 
intractable  disposition  to  be  found  on  the  shores,  among  the 
barbarous  tribes. 


'  De  Monts'  first  commission  dated  November  8,  1603,  is  given  in  English 
in  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  2d  Series,  VII,  pp.  2-6.  The  original  text  is  in 
Lescarbot's  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France.  It  granted  to  de  Monts  the  country 
from  the  latitude  of  Philadelphia  to  that  of  Cape  Breton  Island.  In  1606  King 
James'  charter  to  the  Plymoutii  Company  covered  the  same  territory.  De  Monts' 
commission,  here  referred  to,  was  his  second  one,  issued  in  1608. 


80 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 
Chapter  2. 

Description  of  Sable  Island  ;  Cape  Breton  ;  La  Heve  ;  Port  au  Mouton  ;  Port 
Cape  Negrc ;  Sable  Bay  and  Cape ;  Cormorant  Island  ;  Cape  Fourchu  ; 
Long  Island  ;  Bay  of  Saint  Mary  ;  Port  Saint  Margaret ;  and  of  all  note- 
worthy  objects  along  the   coast. 

Sieur  de  Monts,  by  virtue  of  his  commission'  having  pub- 
lished in  all  the  ports  and  harbors  of  this  kingdom  the  prohi- 
bition against  the  violation  of  the  monopoly  of  the  fur-trade 
accorded  him  by  his  Majesty,  gathered  together  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  artisans,  whom  he  embarked  in  two  ves- 
sels: one  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  tons,  commanded  by  Sieur 
de  Pont.  Grave ;  another,  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  in  which 
he  embarked  himself,  together  with  several  noblemen. 

We  set  out  from  Havre  de  Grace  April  7,  1604,  and  Pont 
Grave  April  10,  to  rendezvous  at  Canseau,  twenty  leagues  from 
Cape  Breton.^  But,  after  we  were  in  mid-ocean,  Sieur  de 
Monts  changed  his  plan,  and  directed  his  course  towards  Port 
Mouton,  it  being  more  southerly  and  also  more  favorable  for 
landing  than  Canseau. 

On  May  i,  we  sighted  Sable  Island,  where  we  ran  a  risk  of 
being  lost  in  consequence  of  the  error  of  our  pilots,  who  were 
deceived  in  their  calculation,  which  they  made  forty  leagues 
ahead  of  where  we  were. 

This  island  is  thirty  leagues  north  and  south  from  Cape  Bre- 
ton, and  in  length  is  about  fifteen  leagues.  It  contains  a  small 
lake.  The  island  is  very  sandy,  and  there  are  no  trees  at  all  of 
considerable  size,  only  copse  and  herbage,  which  serve  as  pas- 
turage for  the  bullocks  and  cows,  which  the  Portuguese  carried 
there  more  than  sixty  years  ago,  and  which  were  very  service- 
able to  the  party  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche.    The  latter,  dur- 

'  The  commission  of  1603. 

2  This  name  is  probably  derived  from  the  Breton  sailors,  who  came  for  cod. 
Champlain's  league  was  about  the  same  as  two  English  miles.    Canseau  =:Canso. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Ing  their  sojourn  of  several  years  there,  captured  a  large  number 
of  very  fine  black  foxes,  whose  skins  they  carefully  preserved. 
There  are  many  sea-wolves  '  there,  with  the  skins  of  which  they 
clothed  themselves  since  they  had  exhausted  their  own  stock 
of  garments.  By  order  of  the  Parliamentary  Court  of  Rouen, 
a  vessel  was  sent  there  to  recover  them.  The  directors  of  the 
enterprise  caught  codfish  near  the  island,  the  neighborhood  of 
which  abounds  in  shoals. 

On  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  we  sighted  Cap  de  la  Heve, 
to  the  east  of  which  is  a  bay,  containing  several  islands  covered 
with  fir-trees. "^  On  the  main  land  are  oaks,  elms,  and  birches. 
It  joins  the  coast  of  La  Cadie  at  the  latitude  of  44°  5',  and  at 
16°  15'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic  needle,  distant  east- 
north-east  eighty-five  leagues  from  Cape  Breton,  of  which  we 
shall  speak  hereafter. 

On  the  1 2th  of  May,  we  entered  another  port,  five  leagues 
from  Cape  de  la  Heve,  where  we  captured  a  vessel  engaged  in 
the  fur-trade  in  violation  of  the  king's  prohibition.  The 
master's  name  was  Rossignol,  whose  name  the  port  retained,^ 
which  is  in  latitude  44°  15'. 

On  the  13th  of  May,  we  arrived  at  a  very  fine  harbor,  where 
there  are  two  little  streams,  called  Port  au  Mouton,'*  which  is 
seven  leagues  distant  from  that  of  Rossignol.  The  land  is  very 
stony,  and  covered  with  copse  and  heath.  There  are  a  great 
many  rabbits,  and  a  quantity  of  game  in  consequence  of  the 
ponds  there. 

As  soon  as  we  had  disembarked,  each  one  commenced  mak- 
ing huts  after  his  fashion,  on   a  point  at  the  entrance  of  the 


'  Seals. 

2  The  cape  was  named  from  Cap  de  la  Heve  in  Normandy  near  Havre  de 
Grace.  It  is  now  Cape  La  Have,  about  fifty  miles  southwest  of  Halifax.  Heve, 
in  Normandy,  meant  a  clifF,  the  lower  part  of  which  was  hollowed  out,  a  place 
for  crab-fishing.     The  bay  is  now  called  Palmerston  Bay. 

3  Now  Liverpool. 

4  Still  called  Port  Mouton. 

82 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPEAW 

harbor  near  two  fresh-water  ponds.  Sieur  de  Monts  at  the  same 
time  dispatched  a  shallop,  in  which  he  sent  one  of  us,  with 
some  savages  as  guides,  as  bearers  of  letters,  along  the  coast  of 
La  Cadie,  to  search  for  Pont  Grave,  who  had  a  portion  of  the 
necessary  supplies  for  our  winter  sojourn.  'I'he  latter  was  found 
at  the  Bay  of  All-Isles,'  very  anxious  about  us  (for  he  knew 
nothing  of  the  change  of  plan);  and  the  letters  were  handed  to 
him.  As  soon  as  he  read  them,  he  returned  to  his  ship  at 
Canseau,  where  he  seized  some  Basque  vessels  engaged  in  the 
fur-trade,"  notwithstanding  the  prohibition  of  his  Majesty,  and 
sent  their  masters  to  Sieur  de  Monts,  who  meanwhile  charged 
me  to  reconnoitre  the  coast  and  the  harbors  suitable  for  the 
secure  reception  of  our  vessel. 

With  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  his  wishes,  I  set  out  from 
Port  Mouton  on  the  19th  of  May,  in  a  barque  of  eight  tons, 
accompanied  by  Sieur  Ralleau,  his  secretary,  and  ten  men. 
Advancing  along  the  coast,  we  entered  a  harbor  very  conven- 
ient for  vessels,  at  the  end  of  which  is  a  small  river,  extending 
very  far  into  the  main  land.  This  I  called  the  Port  of  Cape 
Negro,  from  a  rock  whose  distant  view  resembles  a  negro, 
which  rises  out  of  the  water  near  a  cape  passed  by  us  the  same 
day,  four  leagues  off  and  ten  from  Port  Mouton.  This  cape  is 
very  dangerous,  on  account  of  the  rocks  running  out  into  the 
sea.  The  shores  which  I  saw,  up  to  that  point,  are  very  low, 
and  covered  with  such  wood  as  that  seen  at  the  Cape  de  la 
Heve;  and  the  islands  are  all  filled  with  game.  Going  farther 
on,  we  passed  the  night  at  Sable  Bay ,3  where  vessels  can  anchor 
without  any  danger. 

The  next  day  we  went  to  Cape  Sable,  also  very  dangerous, 
in  consequence  of  certain  rocks  and  reefs  extending  almost  a 

'  Dr.  Slafter  identifies  this  with  the  waters  between  Owl's  Head  and  Liscomb 
River  in  Halifax  county. 

2  The  complaints  of  the  owners  of  these  vessels  were  subsequently  instrumental 
in  securing  the  revocation  of  de  Monts'  charter. 

3  Now  Barrington  Harbor,  near  the  southwestern  extremity  of  Nova  Scotia. 

83 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

league  into  the  sea.  It  is  two  leagues  from  Sable  Bay,  where  we 
had  spent  the  night  before.  Thence  we  went  to  Cormorant 
Island,  a  league  distant,  so  called  from  the  infinite  number  of 
cormorants  found  there,  of  whose  eggs  we  collected  a  cask  full. 
From  this  island,  we  sailed  westerly  about  six  leagues,  crossing 
a  bay,  which  makes  up  to  the  north  two  or  three  leagues. 
Then  we  fell  in  with  several  islands '  distant  two  or  three  leagues 
from  the  main  land;  and,  as  well  as  I  could  judge,  some  of 
them  were  two  leagues  in  extent,  others  three,  and  others 
were  still  smaller.  Most  of  them  are  very  dangerous  for  large 
vessels  to  approach,  on  account  of  the  tides  and  the  rocks  on  a 
level  with  the  water.  These  islands  are  filled  with  pines,  firs, 
birches,  and  aspens.  A  little  farther  out,  there  are  four  more. 
In  one,  we  saw  so  great  a  quantity  of  birds,  called  penguins,'' 
that  we  killed  them  easily  with  sticks.  On  another,  we  found 
the  shore  completely  covered  with  sea-wolves,  of  which  we 
captured  as  many  as  we  wished.  At  the  two  others  there  is 
such  an  abundance  of  birds  of  different  sorts  that  one  could  not 
imagine  it,  if  he  had  not  seen  them.  There  are  cormorants, 
three  kinds  of  duck,  geese,  marmettes  ? ^  bustards,  sea-parrots, 
snipe,  vultures,  and  other  birds  of  prey;  gulls,  sea-larks  of  two 
or  three  kinds ;  herons,  large  sea-gulls,  curlews,  sea-magpies, 
divers,  ospreys,  appoils?^  ravens,  cranes,  and  other  sorts  which 
I  am  not  acquainted  with,  and  which  also  make  their  nests 
here.  We  named  them  Sea-Wolf  Islands.  This  harbor  is 
very  convenient  for  vessels  at  its  entrance ;  but  its  remoter 
part  is  entirely  dry  at  low  tide,  except  the  channel  of  a  little 
stream,  completely  bordered  by  meadows,  which  make  this 
spot  very  pleasant.  There  is  good  codfishing  near  the  harbor. 
Departing  from  there,  we  sailed  north  ten  or  twelve  leagues 
without  finding  any  harbor  for  our  vessels,  but  a  number  of 
very   fine    inlets   or   shores,   where    the   soil    seems   to    be   well 

'  Tousquet  Islands. 

=*  These  were  the  Great  Auk,  now  extinct. 

84 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

adapted  for  cultivation.  The  woods  are  exceedingly  fine  here, 
but  there  are  few  pines  or  firs.  The  coast  is  clear,  without 
islands,  rocks,  or  shoals;  so  that,  in  our  judgment,  vessels  can 
securely  go  there.  Being  distant  quarter  of  a  league  from  the 
coast,  we  went  to  an  island  called  Long  Island,  lying  north- 
north-east  and  south-south-west,  which  makes  an  opening  into 
the  great  Baye  Fran^oise,'  so  named  by  Sieur  de  Monts. 

This  island  is  six  leagues  long,  and  nearly  a  league  broad  in 
some  places,  in  others  only  quarter  of  a  league.  It  is  covered 
with  an  abundance  of  wood,  such  as  pines  and  birch.  All  the 
coast  is  bordered  by  very  dangerous  rocks;  and  there  is  no 
place  at  all  favorable  for  vessels,  only  little  inlets  for  shallops 
at  the  extremity  of  the  island,  and  three  or  four  small  rocky 
islands,  where  the  savages  capture  many  sea-wolves.  There  are 
strong  tides,  especially  at  the  little  passage  of  the  island,  which  is 
very  dangerous  for  vessels  running  the  risk  of  passing  through  it. 

From  Long  Island  passage,  we  sailed  north-east  two  leagues, 
when  we  found  a  cove  where  vessels  can  anchor  in  safety,  and 
which  is  a  quarter  of  a  league  or  thereabouts  in  circuit.  The 
bottom  is  all  mire,  and  the  surrounding  land  is  bordered  by 
very  high  rocks.  In  this  place  there  is  a  very  good  silver 
mine,  according  to  the  report  of  the  miner.  Master  Simon,  who 
accompanied  me.  Some  leagues  farther  on  there  is  a  little 
stream  called  River  Boulay,  where  the  tide  rises  half  a  league 
into  the  land,  at  the  mouth  of  which  vessels  of  a  hundred  tons 
can  easily  ride  at  anchor.  Quarter  of  a  league  from  here  there 
is  a  good  harbor  for  vessels,  where  we  found  an  iron  mine, 
which  our  miner  estimated  would  yield  fifty  percent.  Advanc- 
ing three  leagues  farther  on  to  the  north-east,  we  saw  another 
very  good  iron  mine,  near  which  is  a  river  surrounded  by 
beautiful  and  attractive  meadows.     The  neighboring  soil  is  red 

'  Now  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Long  Island  is  still  the  name  of  this  island,  Iving 
between  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  St.  Mary's  Bay,  at  the  western  extremity  of 
Nova  Scotia. 

85 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

as  blood.  Some  leagues  farther  on  there  is  still  another  river, 
dry  at  low  tide,  except  in  its  very  small  channel,  and  which  ex- 
tends near  to  Port  Royal.  At  the  extremity  of  this  bay  is  a 
channel,  also  dry  at  low  tide,  surrounding  which  are  a  number 
of  pastures  and  good  pieces  of  land  for  cultivation,  where  there 
are  nevertheless  great  numbers  of  fine  trees  of  all  the  kinds 
previously  mentioned.  The  distance  from  Long  Island  to  the 
end  of  this  bay  may  be  some  six  leagues.  The  entire  coast  of 
the  mines  is  very  high,  intersected  by  capes,  which  appear 
round,  extending  out  a  short  distance.  On  the  other  side  of 
the  bay,  on  the  south-east,  the  land  is  low  and  good,  where 
there  is  a  very  good  harbor,  having  a  bank  at  its  entrance  over 
which  it  is  necessary  to  pass.  On  this  bar  there  is  a  fathom 
and  a  half  of  water  at  low  tide;  but  after  passing  it  you  find 
three,  with  good  bottoms.  Between  the  two  points  of  the 
harbor  there  is  a  pebbly  islet,  covered  at  full  tide.  This  place 
extends  half  a  league  inland.  The  tide  falls  here  three  fathoms, 
and  there  are  many  shell-fish,  such  as  muscles,  cockles,  and 
sea-snails.  The  soil  is  as  good  as  any  that  I  have  seen.  I 
named  this  harbor  Saint  Margaret.'  This  entire  south-east 
coast  is  much  lower  than  that  of  the  mines,  which  is  only  a 
league  and  a  half  from  that  of  Saint  Margaret,  being  sepa- 
rated by  the  breadth  of  the  bay,  which  is  three  leagues  at  its 
entrance.  I  took  the  altitude  at  this  place,  and  found  the 
latitude  45''3o',  and  a  little  more,  the  deflection  of  the  mag- 
netic needle  being  17°  16'. 

After  having  explored  as  particularly  as  I  could  the  coasts, 
ports,  and  harbors,  I  returned,  without  advancing  any  farther, 
to  Long  Island  passage,  whence  I  went  back  outside  of  all  the 
islands  in  order  to  observe  whether  there  was  any  danger  at  all 
on  the  water  side.  But  we  found  none  whatever,  except  there 
were  some  rocks,  about  half  a  league  from  Sea-Wolf  Islands, 
which,   however,  can   be   easily   avoided,  since   the    sea   breaks 

'  Weymouth  Harbor,  in  St.  Mary's  Bay. 

86 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

over  them.  Continuing  our  voyage,  we  were  overtaken  by 
a  violent  wind,  which  obliged  us  to  run  our  barque  ashore, 
where  we  were  in  danger  of  losing  her,  which  would  have 
caused  us  extreme  perplexity.  The  tempest  having  ceased,  we 
resumed  the  sea,  and  the  next  day  reached  Port  Mouton, 
where  Sieur  de  Monts  was  awaiting  us  from  day  to  day,  thmk- 
ing  only  of  our  long  stay,  and  whether  some  accident  had  not 
befallen  us.  1  made  a  report  to  him  of  our  voyage  and  where 
our  vessels  might  go  in  safety.  Meanwhile  I  observed  very 
particularly  the  place  which  is   in   latitude  44°. 

The  next  day  Sieur  de  Monts  gave  orders  to  weigh  anchor 
and  proceed  to  the  Bay  of  Saint  Mary,'  a  place  which  we  had 
found  to  be  suitable  for  our  vessel  to  remain  in,  until  we  should 
be  able  to  find  one  more  advantageous.  Coasting  along,  we 
passed  near  Cape  Sable  and  the  Sea-Wolf  Islands,  whither 
Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go  in  a  shallop,  and  see  some  islands 
of  which  we  had  made  a  report  to  him,  and  also  of  the  count- 
less number  of  birds  found  there.  Accordingly  he  set  out, 
accompanied  by  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  and  several  other 
noblemen,  with  the  intention  of  going  to  Penguin  Island, 
where  we  had  previously  killed  with  sticks  a  large  number  of 
these  birds.  Being  somewhat  distant  from  our  ship,  it  was  not 
in  our  power  to  reach  it,  and  still  less  to  reach  our  vessel ;  for 
the  tide  was  so  strong  that  we  were  compelled  to  put  in  at  a 
little  island  to  pass  the  night,  where  there  was  much  game.  I 
killed  there  some  river-birds,  which  were  very  acceptable  to  us, 
especially  as  we  had  taken  only  a  few  biscuit,  expecting  to  re- 
turn the  same  day.  The  next  day  we  reached  Cape  Fourchu, 
distant  half  a  league  from  there.  Coasting  along,  we  found  our 
vessel  in  the  Bay  of  Saint  Mary.  Our  company  was  very 
anxious  about  us  for  two  days,  fearing  lest  some  misfortune 
had  befallen  us ;  but  when  they  saw  us  all  safe,  they  were  much 
rejoiced. 

^  Still  so  called.     It  was  named  by  Champlain  on  his  first  visit. 

87 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Two  or  three  days  after  our  arrival,  one  of  our  priests, 
named  Messire  Aubry  from  Paris,  got  lost  so  completely  in 
the  woods  while  going  after  his  sword,  which  he  had  forgotten, 
that  he  could  not  find  the  vessel.  And  he  was  thus  seventeen 
days  without  anything  to  subsist  upon  except  some  sour  and 
bitter  plants  like  the  sorrel,  and  some  small  fruit  of  little  sub- 
stance large  as  currants,'  which  creep  upon  the  ground.  Being 
at  his  wit's  end,  without  hope  of  ever  seeing  us  again,  weak 
and  feeble,  he  found  himself  on  the  shore  of  Baye  Fran^oise, 
thus  named  by  Sieur  de  Monts,  near  Long  Island,  where  his 
strength  gave  out,  when  one  of  our  shallops  out  fishing  dis- 
covered him.  Not  being  able  to  shout  to  them,  he  made  a 
sign  with  a  pole,  on  the  end  of  which  he  had  put  his  hat,  that 
they  should  go  and  get  him.  This  they  did  at  once,  and 
brought  him  off.  Sieur  de  Monts  had  caused  a  search  to  be 
made  not  only  by  his  own  men,  but  also  by  the  savages  of 
these  parts,  who  scoured  all  the  woods,  but  brought  back  no 
intelligence  of  him.  Believing  him  to  be  dead,  they  all  saw 
him  coming  back  in  the  shallop  to  their  great  delight.  A  long 
time  was  needed  to  restore  him  to  his  usual  strength. 


Chapter  j. 

Description  of  Port  Royal  and  the  peculiarities  of  the  same.  Isle  Haute.  Port  of 
Mines.  Baye  Fran^oise.  The  River  St.  John,  and  what  we  observed  be- 
tween the  Port  of  Mines  and  the  same.  The  island  called  by  the  savages 
Manthane.  The  river  of  the  Etechemins,  and  several  line  islands  there. 
St.  Croix   Island,   and  other  noteworthy  objects  on  this  coast. 

Some  days  after,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go  and  examine 
the  coasts  of  the  Bay  of  Fran^oise.  For  this  purpose,  he  set 
out  from  the  vessel  on  the  T6th  of  May,""  and  we  went  through 
the  strait  of  Long  Island.      Not  having  found  in  St.   Mary's 

'  The  partridge-berry.    This  story  is  related  by  Lescarbot  with  more  detail. 
^  If  the  date  of  his  trip  of  exploration  from  Port  Mouton  was  correctly  given 
(May  19),  this  must  be  June  and  not  May. 

88 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    C/UMPLJ/N 

Bay  any  place  in  which  to  fortify  ourselves  except  at  the  cost 
of  much  time,  we  accordingly  resolved  to  see  whether  there 
might  not  be  a  more  flivorable  one  in  the  other  bay.  Heading 
north-east  six  leagues,  there  is  a  cove  where  vessels  can  anchor 
in  four,  five,  six,  and  seven  fathoms  of  water,  '['he  bottom  is 
sandy.  This  place  is  only  a  kind  of  road-stead."  Continuing 
two  leagues  farther  on  in  the  same  direction,  we  entered  one  of 
the  finest  harbors  I  had  seen  along  all  these  coasts,  in  which 
two  thousand  vessels  might  lie  in  security.  The  entrance  is 
eight  hundred  paces  broad;  then  you  enter  a  harbor  two 
leagues  long  and  one  broad,  which  I  have  named  Port  Royal." 
Three  rivers  empty  into  it,  one  of  which  is  very  large,  ex- 
tending eastward,  and  called  Riviere  de  rEquille,^  from  a  little 
fish  of  the  size  of  an  esp/anP,  which  is  caught  there  in  large 
numbers,  as  is  also  the  herring,  and  several  other  kinds  of  fish 
found  in  abundance  in  their  season.  This  river  is  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  league  broad  at  its  entrance,  where  there  is  an 
island''  perhaps  half  a  league  in  circuit,  and  covered  with  wood 
like  all  the  rest  of  the  country,  as  pines,  firs,  spruces,  birches, 
aspens,  and  some  oaks,  although  the  latter  are  found  in  small 
numbers  in  comparison  with  the  other  kinds.  There  are  two 
entrances  to  the  above  river,  one  on  the  north,  the  other  on  the 
south  side  of  the  island.  That  on  the  north  is  the  better,  and 
vessels  can  there  anchor  under  shelter  of  the  island  in  five,  six, 
seven,  eight,  and  nine  fathoms.  But  it  is  necessary  to  be  on 
one's  guard  against  some  shallows  near  the  island  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  mainland  on  the  other,  very  dangerous,  if  one  does 
not  know  the  channel. 

^  Gulliver's  Hole,  about  two  leagues  southwest  of  Digby  Strait. 

=^  Annapolis  Basin.  Slafter  places  the  first  settlement  on  the  north  side  of  the 
bay  in  the  present  village  of  Lower  Granville.  The  present  Annapolis  is  where 
d'  Aulnay's  fort  stood. 

3  Now  the  Annapolis  River.  This  fish  is  long,  round,  and  narrow,  and  is 
usually  caught  upon  or  in  the  sand  at  the  water's  edge.  It  abounds  on  the  coast 
of  Normandy. 

4  Now  Goat  Island. 

89 


VOYAGES  ro  rUE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

We  ascended  the  river  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues, 
where  the  tide  rises,  and  it  is  not  navigable  much  farther.  It 
has  there  a  breadth  of  sixty  paces,  and  about  a  fathom  and  a 
half  of  water.  The  country  bordering  the  river  is  filled  with 
numerous  oaks,  ash,  and  other  trees.  Between  the  mouth  of 
the  river  and  the  point  to  which  we  ascended  there  are  many 
meadows,  which  are  flooded  at  the  spring  tides,  many  little 
streams  traversing  them  from  one  side  to  the  other,  through 
which  shallops  and  boats  can  go  at  full  tide.  This  place  was 
the  most  favorable  and  agreeable  for  a  settlement  that  we  had 
yet  seen.  There  is  another  island  within  the  port,  distant 
nearly  two  leagues  from  the  former.  At  this  point  is  another 
little  stream,'  extending  a  considerable  distance  inland,  which 
we  named  Riviere  St.  Antoine.  Its  mouth  is  distant  from  the 
end  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Mary  some  four  leagues  through  the 
woods.  The  remaining  river  is  only  a  small  stream  filled  with 
rocks,  which  cannot  be  ascended  at  all  on  account  of  the  small 
amount  of  water,  and  which  has  been  named  Rocky  Brook. 
This  place  is  in  latitude  45°,  and  17°  8' of  the  deflection  of  the 
magnetic  needle. 

After  having  explored  this  harbor,  we  set  out  to  advance 
farther  on  in  Baye  Fran^oise,  and  see  whether  we  could  not  find 
the  copper  mine,  which  had  been  discovered  the  year  before. 
Heading  north-east,  and  sailing  eight  or  ten  leagues  along  the 
coast  of  Port  Royal,  we  crossed  a  part  of  the  bay  some  five 
or  six  leagues  in  extent,  when  we  arrived  at  a  place  which  we 
called  the  Cape  of  Two  Bays,  and  we  passed  by  an  island^  a 
league  distant  therefrom,  a  league  also  in  circuit,  rising  up  forty 
or  forty-five  fathoms.  It  is  wholly  surrounded  by  great  rocks, 
except  in  one  place,  which  is  sloping,  at  the  foot  of  which  slope 
there  is  a  pond  of  salt  water,  coming  from  under  a  pebbly 
point,  and  having  the  form  of  a  spur.    The  surface  of  the  island 

'  Bear  Island  and  Bear  River. 

2  Haut  Island,  before  Minas  Channel.     The  cape  is  Cape  Chignecto. 

90 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMP  LA  IN 

is  flat,  covered  with  trees,  and  containing  a  fine  spring  of  water. 
In  this  place  is  a  copper  mine.  Thence  we  proceeded  to  a 
harbor  a  league  and  a  half  distant,  where  we  supposed  the 
copper  mine  was,  which  a  certain  Prevert  of  St.  Malo  had  dis- 
covered by  the  aid  of  the  savages  of  the  country.'  This  port 
is  in  latitude  45^40',  and  is  dry  at  low  tide.  In  order  to  enter 
it,  it  is  necessary  to  place  beacons,  and  mark  out  a  sand-bank 
at  the  entrance,  which  borders  a  channel  that  extends  along  the 
main  land.  Then  you  enter  a  bay  nearly  a  league  in  length, 
and  half  a  league  in  breadth.  In  some  places,  the  bottom  is 
oozy  and  sandy,  where  vessels  may  get  aground.  The  sea  rises 
and  falls  there  to  the  extent  of  four  or  five  fathoms.  We 
landed  to  see  whether  we  could  find  the  mines  which  Prevert 
had  reported  to  us.  Having  gone  about  a  quarter  of  a  league 
along  certain  mountains,  we  found  none,  nor  did  we  recognize 
any  resemblance  to  the  description  of  the  harbor  he  had  given 
us.  Accordingly,  he  had  not  himself  been  there,  but  probably 
two  or  three  of  his  men  had  been  there,  guided  by  some  savages, 
partly  by  land,  and  partly  by  little  streams,  while  he  awaited 
them  in  his  shallop  at  the  mouth  of  a  little  river  in  the  Bay  of 
St.  Lawrence.  These  men,  upon  their  return,  had  brought  him 
several  small  pieces  of  copper,  w^hich  he  showed  us  when  he  re- 
turned from  his  voyage.  Nevertheless,  we  found  in  this  harbor 
two  mines  of  what  seemed  to  be  copper,  according  to  the  report 
of  our  miner,  who  considered  it  very  good,  although  it  was  not 
native  copper. 

The  head  of  the  Baye  Fran^oise,  which  we  crossed,  is  fifteen 
leagues  inland.  All  the  land  which  we  had  seen  in  coasting 
along  from  the  little  passage  of  Long  Island  is  rocky,  and  there 
is  no  place  except  Port  Royal  where  vessels  can  lie  in  safety. 
The  land  is  covered  with  pines  and  birches,  and  in  my  opinion, 
is  not  very  good. 

'  The  expedition  of  1603.    This  is  Advocate's  Harbor,  near  Cape  Chignecto. 

91 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

On  the  20th  of  May/  we  set  out  from  the  Port  of  Mines  to 
seek  a  place  adapted  for  a  permanent  stay,  in  order  to  lose  no 
time,  purposing  afterwards  to  return,  and  see  if  we  could  dis- 
cover the  mine  of  pure  copper  which  Prevert's  men  had  found 
by  aid  of  the  savages.  We  sailed  west  two  leagues  as  far  as  the 
cape  of  the  two  bays,  then  north  five  or  six  leagues ;  and  we 
crossed  the  other  bay,  where  we  thought  the  copper  mine  was, 
of  which  we  have  already  spoken :  inasmuch  as  there  are  two 
rivers,  the  one  coming  from  the  direction  of  Cape  Breton,  and 
the  other  from  Gaspe  or  Tregatte,  near  the  great  river  St. 
Lawrence.^  Sailing  west  some  six  leagues,  we  arrived  at  a  little 
river,  at  the  mouth  of  which  is  rather  a  low  cape,  extending  out 
into  the  sea;  and  a  short  distance  inland  there  is  a  mountain, 
having  the  shape  of  a  cardinal's  hat.^  In  this  place  we  found 
an  iron  mine.  There  is  anchorage  here  for  only  shallops. 
Four  leagues  west-south-west  is  a  rocky  point  extending  out  a 
short  distance  into  the  water,  where  there  are  strong  tides  which 
are  very  dangerous.  Near  the  point  we  saw  a  cove  about  half 
a  league  in  extent,  in  which  we  found  another  iron  mine,  also 
very  good.  Four  leagues  farther  on  is  a  fine  bay  running  up 
into  the  main  land,  at  the  extremity  of  which  there  are  three 
islands  and  a  rock,  two  of  which  are  a  league  from  the  cape  to- 
wards the  west,  and  the  other  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  largest  and 
deepest  river  we  had  yet  seen,  which  we  named  the  St.  John, 
because  it  was  on  this  saint's  day*  that  we  arrived  there.  By 
the  savages  it  is  called  Ouygoudy.  The  river  is  very  dangerous 
if  one  does  not  observe  carefully  certain  points  and  rocks  on 
the  two  sides.  It  is  narrow  at  its  entrance,  and  then  becomes 
broader.     A  certain  point  being   passed,  it  becomes   narrower 

^ June. 

2  They  crossed   Chignecto   Bay  where  it  is  divided  into  Cumberland   Basin 
and   Petitcodiac  River,  New  Brunswick. 

3  Quaco   River  and   Porcupine   Mountain.      They  went  along  the   coast  ot 
New   Brunswick  toward  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John   River. 

■*June  24. 

92 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

again,  and  forms  a  kind  of  a  fall  between  two  large  cliffs,  where 
the  water  runs  so  rapidly  that  a  piece  of  wood  thrown  into  it  is 
drawn  under  and  not  seen  again.  But  by  waiting  until  high 
tide  you  can  pass  this  fall  very  easily.  Then  it  expands  again 
to  the  extent  of  about  a  league  in  some  places,  where  there  are 
three  islands.  We  did  not  explore  it  farther  up.  But  Ralleau, 
secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  went  there  some  time  after  to  see 
a  savage  named  Secondon,  chief  of  this  river,  who  reported  that 
it  was  beautiful,  large,  and  extensive,  with  many  meadows  and 
fine  trees,  as  oaks,  beeches,  walnut-trees,  and  also  wild  grape- 
vines. The  inhabitants  of  this  country  go  by  this  river  to 
Tadoussac,  on  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  making  but  a  short 
portage  on  the  journey.  From  the  river  St.  John  to  Tadoussac' 
is  sixty-five  leagues.  At  its  mouth,  which  is  in  latitude  45°4o', 
there  is  an  iron  mine. 

From  the  river  St.  John  we  went  to  four  islands,^  on  one  of 
which  we  landed,  and  found  great  numbers  of  birds  called  mag- 
pies, of  which  we  captured  many  small  ones,  which  are  as  good 
as  pigeons.  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  came  near  getting  lost  here, 
but  he  came  back  to  our  barque  at  last,  when  we  had  already 
gone  to  search  for  him  about  the  island,  which  is  three  leagues 
distant  from  the  main  land.  Farther  west  are  other  islands; 
among  them  one  six  leagues  in  length,  called  by  the  savages 
Manthane,^  south  of  which  there  are  among  the  islands  several 
good  harbors  for  vessels.  From  the  Magpie  Islands  we  pro- 
ceeded to  a  river  on  the  main  land  called  the  river  of  the 
Etechemins,"*  a  tribe  of  savages  so  called  in  their  country.  We 
passed  by  so  many  islands  that  we  could  not  ascertain  their 
number,  which  were  very  fine.  Some  were  two  leagues  in 
extent,  others  three,  others  more  or  less.  All  of  these  islands 
are  in  a  bay,  having,  in  my  estimation,  a  circuit  of  more   than 

'  At  the  junction  of  the  Saguenay  and  St.  Lawrence  rivers. 

2  The  islands  in  Passamaquoddy  Bay. 

3  Grand  Manan  Island. 

4  The  St.  Croix  River,  which  empties  into  Passamaquoddy  Bay. 

93 


VOYAGES  TO  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

fifteen  leagues.  There  are  so  many  good  places  capable  of 
containing  any  number  of  vessels,  and  abounding  in  fish  in 
the  season,  such  as  codfish,  salmon,  bass,  herring,  halibut,  and 
other  kinds  in  great  numbers.  Sailing  west-north-west  three 
leagues  through  the  islands,  we  entered  a  river  almost  half  a 
league  in  breadth  at  its  mouth,  sailing  up  which  a  league  or  two 
we  found  two  islands  :  one  very  small  near  the  western  bank ; 
and  the  other  in  the  middle,  having  a  circumference  of  perhaps 
eight  or  nine  hundred  paces,  with  rocky  sides  three  or  four 
fathoms  high  all  around,  except  in  one  place,  where  there  is  a 
sandy  point  and  clayey  earth  adapted  for  making  brick  and  other 
useful  articles.  There  is  another  place  affording  a  shelter  for 
vessels  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  tons,  but  it  is  dry  at  low  tide. 
The  island  is  covered  with  firs,  birches,  maples,  and  oaks.  It 
is  by  nature  very  well  situated,  except  in  one  place,  where  for 
about  forty  paces  it  is  lower  than  elsewhere :  this,  however,  is 
easily  fortified,  the  banks  of  the  main  land  being  distant  on 
both  sides  some  nine  hundred  to  a  thousand  paces.  Vessels 
could  pass  up  the  river  only  at  the  mercy  of  the  cannon  on  this 
island,  and  we  deemed  the  location  the  most  advantageous,  not 
only  on  account  of  its  situation  and  good  soil,  but  also  on  ac- 
count of  the  intercourse  which  we  proposed  with  the  savages 
of  these  coasts  and  of  the  interior,  as  we  should  be  in  the  midst 
of  them.  We  hoped  to  pacify  them  in  the  course  of  time  and  put 
an  end  to  the  wars  which  they  carry  on  with  one  another,  so  as 
to  derive  service  from  them  in  future,  and  convert  them  to 
the  Christian  faith.  This  place  was  named  by  Sieur  de  Monts 
the   Island  of  St.  Croix.'     Farther  on,  there  is  a  great  bay,  in 

'  The  name  was  suggested  by  the  fact  that  above  the  island  streams  from 
east  and  west  flow  into  the  main  channel  of  the  river.  The  island  has  been 
called  Dochet's  Island  and  Neutral  Island,  but  is  now  called  De  Monts'  Island 
in  honor  of  its  first  European  owner.  About  1850,  an  excavation  at  the  south- 
ern extremity  of  the  island,  where  De  Monts  placed  his  cannon,  uncovered  five 
small  cannon-balls,  one  of  which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Society.  These  were  probably  relics  of  De  Monts' 
colonv  of  1 604. 

94 


FRENCH  EXP LO HERS:    CIJAMPLAIN 

which  are  two  islands,  one  high  and  the  other  flat;  also  three 
rivers,  two  of  moderate  size,  one  extending  towards  the  east, 
the  other  towards  the  north,  and  the  third  of  large  si'/e,  towards 
the  west.  The  latter  is  that  of  the  Etechemins,  of  which  we 
spoke  before.  Two  leagues  up  there  is  a  waterfall,  around 
which  the  savages  carry  their  canoes  some  five  hundred  paces 
by  land,  and  then  re-enter  the  river.  Passing  afterwards  from 
the  river  a  short  distance  overland,  one  reaches  the  rivers 
Norumbegue'  and  St.  John.  But  the  falls  are  impassable  for 
vessels,  as  there  are  only  rocks  and  but  four  or  five  feet  of  water. 
In  May  and  June,  so  great  a  number  of  herring  and  bass  are 
caught  there  that  vessels  could  be  loaded  with  them.  The  soil 
is  of  the  finest  sort,  and  there  are  fifteen  or  twenty  acres  of 
cleared  land,  where  Sieur  de  Monts  had  some  wheat  sown, 
which  flourished  finely.  The  savages  come  here  sometimes 
five  or  six  weeks  during  the  fishing  season.  All  the  rest  of 
the  country  consists  of  very  dense  forests.  If  the  land  were 
cleared  up,  grain  would  flourish  excellently.  This  place  is 
in  latitude  45°  20',  and  17°  32'  of  the  deflection  of  the  mag- 
netic needle. 

Chapter  4. 

Sieur  de  Monts  finding  no  other  place  better  adapted  for  a  permanent  settlement 
than  the  island  of  St.  Croix,  fortifies  it  and  builds  dwellings.  Return  of  the 
vessels  to  France,  and  of  Ralleau,  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  for  the  sake 
of  arranging  some  business  affairs. 

Not  finding  any  more  suitable  place  than  this  island,  we 
commenced  making  a  barricade  on  a  little  islet  a  short  distance 
from  the  main  island,  which  served  as  a  station  for  placing  our 
cannon.  All  worked  so  energetically  that  in  a  little  while  it  was 
put  in  a  state  of  defence,  although  the  mosquitoes  (which  are 
little  flies)  annoyed  us  excessively  in  our  work.     For  there  were 

'  The  Penobscot   River,  which  is  near  the  St.  Croix  by  the  Mattawamkeag 
portage. 

95 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

several  of  our  men  whose  faces  were  so  swollen  by  their  bites 
that  they  could  scarcely  see.  The  barricade  being  finished, 
Sieur  de  Monts  sent  his  barque  to  notify  the  rest  of  our  party, 
who  were  with  our  vessel  in  the  bay  of  St.  Mary,  to  come  to 
St.  Croix.  This  was  promptly  done,  and  while  awaiting  them 
we  spent  our  time  very  pleasantly. 

Some  days  after,  our  vessels  having  arrived  and  anchored,  all 
disembarked.  Then,  without  losing  time,  Sieur  de  Monts  pro- 
ceeded to  employ  the  workmen  in  building  houses  for  our 
abode,  and  allowed  me  to  determine  the  arrangement  of  our 
settlement.  After  Sieur  de  Monts  had  determined  the  place 
for  the  storehouse,  which  is  nine  fathoms  long,  three  wide,  and 
twelve  feet  high,  he  adopted  the  plan  for  his  own  house,  which 
he  had  promptly  built  by  good  workmen,  and  then  assigned  to 
each  one  his  location.  Straightway,  the  men  began  to  gather 
together  by  fives  and  sixes,  each  according  to  his  desire.  Then 
all  set  to  work  to  clear  up  the  island,  to  go  to  the  woods,  to 
make  the  frame-work,  to  carry  earth  and  other  things  necessary 
for  the  buildings. 

While  we  were  building  our  houses,  Sieur  de  Monts  de- 
spatched Captain  Fouques  in  the  vessel  of  Rossignol,  to  find 
Pont  Grave  at  Canseau,  in  order  to  obtain  for  our  settlement 
what  supplies  remained. 

Some  time  after  he  had  set  out,  there  arrived  a  small  barque 
of  eight  tons,  in  which  was  Du  Glas  of  Honfleur,  pilot  of  Pont 
Grave's  vessel,  bringing  the  Basque  ship-masters,  who  had  been 
captured  by  the  above  Pont  Grave  while  engaged  in  the  fur- 
trade,  as  we  have  stated.  Sieur  de  Monts  received  them  civilly, 
and  sent  them  back  by  the  above  Du  Glas  to  Pont  Grave,  with 
orders  for  him  to  take  the  vessels  he  had  captured  to  Rochelle, 
in  order  that  justice  might  be  done.  Meanwhile,  work  on  the 
houses  went  on  vigorously  and  without  cessation  ;  the  carpenters 
engaged  on  the  storehouse  and  dwelling  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
and  the  others  each  on  his  own  house,  as  I  was  on  mine,  which 

96 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CIMMPL/lfN 

I  built  with  the  assistance  of  sonic  servants  belonging  to  Sieur 
d'Orville  and  myselt.  It  was  forthwith  completed,  and  Sieur 
de  Monts  lodged  in  it  until  his  own  was  finished.  An  oven 
was  also  made,  and  a  hand-mill  for  grinding  our  wheat,  the 
working  of  which  involved  much  trouble  and  labor  to  the  most 
of  us,  since  it  was  a  toilsome  operation.  Some  gardens  were 
afterwards  laid  out,  on  the  main  land  as  well  as  on  the  island. 
Here  many  kinds  of  seeds  were  planted,  which  flourished  very 
well  on  the  main  land,  but  not  on  the  island,  since  there  was 
only  sand  here,  and  the  whole  was  burned  up  when  the  sun 
shone,  although  special  pains  were  taken  to  water  them. 

Some  days  after,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  ascertain 
where  the  mine  of  pure  copper  was  which  we  had  searched  for 
so  much.  With  this  object  in  view,  he  despatched  me  together 
with  a  savage  named  Messamouet,  who  asserted  that  he  knew 
the  place  well.  I  set  out  in  a  small  barque  of  five  or  six  tons, 
with  nine  sailors.  Some  eight  leagues  from  the  island,  towards 
the  river  St.  John,  we  found  a  mine  of  copper  which  was  not 
pure,  yet  good  according  to  the  report  of  the  miner,  who  said 
that  it  would  yield  eighteen  per  cent.  Farther  on  we  found 
others  inferior  to  this.  When  we  reached  the  place  where  we 
supposed  that  was  which  we  were  hunting  for,  the  savage  could 
not  find  it,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  come  back,  leaving  the 
search  for  another  time. 

Upon  my  return  from  this  trip,  Sieur  de  Monts  resolved  to 
send  his  vessels  back  to  France,  and  also  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  who  had  come  only  for  his  pleasure,  and  to  explore 
countries  and  places  suitable  for  a  colony,  which  he  desired  to 
found ;  for  which  reason  he  asked  Sieur  de  Monts  for  Port 
Royal,  which  he  gave  him  in  accordance  with  the  power  and 
directions  he  had  received  from  the  king.  He  sent  back  also 
Ralleau,  his  secretary,  to  arrange  some  matters  concerning  the 
voyage.  They  set  out  from  the  island  of  St.  Croix  the  last  day 
of  August,  1 604. 

97 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGL ANB  COASTS 

Chapter  5. 

Of  the  coast,  inhabitants,  and  river  of  Norumbegue,'   and  of  all   that  occurred 
during  the  exploration  of  the  latter. 

After  the  departure  of  the  vessels,  Sieur  de  Monts,  without 
losing  time,  decided  to  send  persons  to  make  discoveries  along 
the  coast  of  Norumbegue ;  and  he  intrusted  me  with  this  work, 
which  I  found  very  agreeable. 

In  order  to  execute  this  commission,  I  set  out  from  St.  Croix 
on  the  2d  of  September  with  a  patache^  of  seventeen  or  eigh- 
teen tons,  twelve  sailors,  and  two  savages,  to  serve  us  as  guides 
to  the  places  with  which  they  were  acquainted.  The  same  day 
we  found  the  vessels  where  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  was,  which 
were  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix  in  conse- 
quence of  bad  weather,  which  place  we  could  not  leave  before 
the  5th  of  the  month.  Having  gone  two  or  three  leagues  sea- 
ward, so  dense  a  fog  arose  that  we  at  once  lost  sight  of  their 
vessels.  Continuing  our  course  along  the  coast,  we  made  the 
same  day  some  twenty-five  leagues,  and  passed  by  a  large 
number  of  islands,  banks,  reefs,  and  rocks,  which  in  places  ex- 
tend more  than  four  leagues  out  to  sea.  We  called  the  islands 
the  Ranges,  most  of  which  are  covered  with  pines,  firs,  and 
other  trees  of  an  inferior  sort.  Among  these  islands  are  many 
fine  harbors,  but  undesirable  for  a  permanent  settlement.  The 
same  day  we  passed  also  near  to  an  island  about  four  or  five 
leagues  long,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  we  just  escaped  be- 
ing lost  on  a  little  rock  on  a  level  with  the  water,  which  made 
an  opening  in  our  barque  near  the  keel.  From  this  island  to 
the  main  land  on  the  north,  the  distance  is  less  than  a  hundred 
paces.  It  is  very  high  and  notched  in  places,  so  that  there  is 
the  appearance  to  one  at  sea,  as  of  seven  or  eight  mountains 
extending  along  near  each  other.     The  summit  of  the  most  of 

'  The  coast  of  New  England  and  the  Penobscot  River. 
2  A  narrow  boat,  suitable  for  cruising  along  a  coast. 

98 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

them  is  destitute  of  trees,  as  there  are  only  rocks  on  them. 
The  woods  consist  of  pines,  firs,  and  birches  only.  I  named  it 
Isle  des  Monts  Deserts.'     The  latitude  is  44°  30'. 

The  next  day,  the  6th  of  the  month,  we  sailed  two  leagues, 
and  perceived  a  smoke  in  a  cove  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains above  mentioned.  We  saw  two  canoes  rowed  by 
savages,  which  came  within  musket  range  to  observe  us.  1 
sent  our  two  savages  in  a  boat  to  assure  them  of  our  friend- 
ship. Their  fear  of  us  made  them  turn  back.  On  the  morning 
of  the  next  day  they  came  alongside  of  our  barque  and  talked 
with  our  savages.  I  ordered  some  biscuit,  tobacco,  and  other 
trifles  to  be  given  to  them.  These  savages  had  come  beaver- 
hunting  and  to  catch  fish,  some  of  which  they  gave  us.  Hav- 
ing made  an  alliance  with  them,  they  guided  us  to  their  river 
of  Pentegouet,^  so  called  by  them,  where  they  told  us  was  their 
captain,  named  Bessabez,  chief  of  this  river.  I  think  this  river 
is  that  which  several  pilots  and  historians  call  Norumbegue, 
and  which  most  have  described  as  large  and  extensive,  with 
very  many  islands,  its  mouth  being  in  latitude  43°,  43°  30',  ac- 
cording to  others  in  44°,  more  or  less.  With  regard  to  the 
deflection,  I  have  neither  read  nor  heard  any  one  say  anything. 
It  is  related  also  that  there  is  a  large,  thickly  settled  town  of 
savages,  who  are  adroit  and  skilful,  and  who  have  cotton  yarn. 
I  am  confident  that  most  of  those  who  mention  it  have  not  seen 
it,  and  speak  of  it  because  they  have  heard  persons  say  so,  who 
knew  no  more  about  it  than  they  themselves.  I  am  ready  to 
believe  that  some  may  have  seen  the  mouth  of  it,  because  there 
are  in  reality  many  islands,  and  it  is,  as  they  say,  in  latitude  44° 
at  its  entrance.  But  that  any  one  has  ever  entered  it  there  is 
no  evidence,  for  then  they  would  have  described  it  in  another 
manner,  in  order  to  relieve  the  minds  of  many  of  this  doubt. 


^  Mt.  Desert  Island  now. 
2  The  Penobscot. 

99 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

1  will  accordingly  relate  truly  what  I  explored  and  saw,  from 
the  beginning  as  far  as  I  went. 

In  the  first  place,  there  are  at  its  entrance  several  islands  dis- 
tant ten  or  twelve  leagues  from  the  main  land,  which  are  in 
latitude  44°,  and  18°  40'  of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic 
needle.  The  Isle  des  Monts  Deserts  forms  one  of  the  extrem- 
ities of  the  mouth,  on  the  east ;  the  other  is  low  land,  called  by 
the  savages  Bedabedec,'  to  the  west  of  the  former,  the  two  be- 
ing distant  from  each  other  hine  or  ten  leagues.  Almost  mid- 
way between  these,  out  in  the  ocean,  there  is  another  island 
very  high  and  conspicuous,  which  on  this  account  I  have 
named  Isle  Haute. ""  All  around  there  is  a  vast  number  of 
varying  extent  and  breadth,  but  the  largest  is  that  of  the  Mont 
Deserts.  Fishing  and  also  hunting  are  very  good  here;  the  fish 
are  of  various  kinds.  Some  two  or  three  leagues  from  the 
point  of  Bedabedec,  as  you  coast  northward  along  .the  main 
land  which  extends  up  this  river,  there  are  very  high  elevations 
of  land,2  which  in  fair  weather  are  seen  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues 
out  at  sea.  Passing  to  the  south  of  the  Isle  Haute,  and  coast- 
ing along  the  same  for  a  quarter  of  a  league,  where  there  are 
some  reefs  out  of  water,  and  heading  to  the  west  until  you 
open  all  the  mountains  northward  of  this  island,  you  can  be 
sure  that,  by  keeping  in  sight  of  the  eight  or  nine  peaks  of  the 
Monts  Deserts  and  Bedabedec,  you  will  cross  the  river  Norum- 
begue;  and  in  order  to  enter  it  you  must  keep  to  the  north, 
that  is,  towards  the  highest  mountains  of  Bedabedec,  where  you 
will  see  no  islands  before  you,  and  can  enter,  sure  of  having 
water  enough,  although  you  see  a  great  many  breakers,  islands, 
and  rocks  to  the  east  and  west  of  you.  For  greater  security, 
one  should  keep  the  sounding  lead  in  hand.  And  my  observa- 
tions lead  me  to  conclude  that  one  cannot  enter  this   river  in 


'The  region  of  Camden,  Maine,  on  the  west  side  of  Penobscot  Bay. 

2  Still  called  Isle  au  Haute. 

3  The  Camden  hills. 

100 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

any  other  place  except  in  small  vessels  or  shallops.  J^'or,  as  I 
stated  above,  there  are  numerous  islands,  rocks,  shoals,  banks, 
and  breakers  on  all  sides,  so  that  it  is  marvellous  to  behold. 

Now  to  resume  our  course:  as  one  enters  the  river,  there 
are  beautiful  islands,  which  are  very  pleasant  and  contain  fine 
meadows.  We  proceeded  to  a  place  to  which  the  savages 
guided  us,  where  the  river  is  not  more  than  an  eighth  of  a 
league  broad,  and  at  a  distance  of  some  two  hundred  paces 
from  the  western  shore  there  is  a  rock  on  a  level  with  the 
water,  of  a  dangerous  character.  From  here  to  the  Isle  Haute, 
it  is  fifteen  leagues.  From  this  narrow  place,  where  there  is  the 
least  breadth  that  we  had  found,  after  sailing  some  seven  or 
eight  leagues,  we  came  to  a  little  river'  near  which  it  was  neces- 
sary to  anchor,  as  we  saw  before  us  a  great  many  rocks  which 
are  uncovered  at  low  tide,  and  since  also,  if  we  had  desired  to 
sail  farther,  we  could  have  gone  scarcely  half  a  league,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  fall  of  water  there  coming  down  a  slope  of  seven  or 
eight  feet,  which  I  saw  as  I  went  there  in  a  canoe  with  our 
savages;  and  we  found  only  water  enough  for  a  canoe.  But 
excepting  the  fall,  which  is  some  two  hundred  paces  broad,  the 
river  is  beautiful,  and  unobstructed  up  to  the  place  where  we 
had  anchored.  I  landed  to  view  the  country,  and,  going  on  a 
hunting  excursion,  found  it  very  pleasant  so  far  as  I  went. 
The  oaks  here  appear  as  if  they  were  planted  for  ornament.  I 
saw  only  a  few  firs,  but  numerous  pines  on  one  side  of  the 
river;  on  the  other  only  oaks,  and  some  copse  wood  which 
extends  far  into  the  interior.  And  I  will  state  that  from  the 
entrance  to  where  we  went,  about  twenty-five  leagues,  we  saw 
no  town,  nor  village,  nor  the  appearance  of  there  having  been 
one,  but  one  or  two  cabins  of  the  savages  without  inhabitants. 
These  were  made  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  the  Souriquois,' 

'  The  Kenduskeag  River  at  Bangor.    The  "narrow  place"  referred  to  is  just 
above  Castine.     The  dangerous  rock  is  Fort  Point  Ledge. 
2  Indians  of  Nova  Scotia. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

being  covered  with  the  bark  of  trees.  So  far  as  we  could  judge, 
the  savages  on  this  river  are  few  in  number,  and  are  called 
Etechemins.  Moreover,  they  only  come  to  the  islands,  and 
that  only  during  some  months  in  summer,  for  fish  and  game, 
of  which  there  is  a  great  quantity.  They  are  a  people  who 
have  no  fixed  abode,  so  far  as  I  could  observe  and  learn  from 
them.  For  they  spend  the  winter  now  in  one  place  and  now  in 
another,  according  as  they  find  the  best  hunting,  by  which  they 
live  when  urged  by  their  daily  needs,  without  laying  up  any- 
thing for  times  of  scarcity,  which  are  sometimes  severe. 

Now  this  river  must  of  necessity  be  the  Norumbegue ;  for, 
having  coasted  along  past  it  as  far  as  the  41°  of  latitude,  we 
have  found  no  other  on  the  parallel  above  mentioned,  except 
that  of  the  Quinibequy,'  which  is  almost  in  the  same  latitude, 
but  not  of  great  extent.  Moreover,  there  cannot  be  in  any 
other  place  a  river  extending  far  into  the  interior  of  the  country, 
since  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence  washes  the  coast  of  La  Cadie 
and  Norumbegue,  and  the  distance  from  one  to  the  other  by 
land  is  not  more  than  forty-five  leagues,  or  sixty  at  the  widest 
point,  as  can  be  seen  on  my  geographical  map. 

Now  I  will  drop  this  discussion  to  return  to  the  savages  who 
had  conducted  me  to  the  falls  of  the  river  Norumbegue,  who 
went  to  notify  Bessabez,  their  chief,  and  other  savages,  who  in 
turn  proceeded  to  another  little  river  to  inform  their  own, 
named  Cabahis,  and  give  him  notice  of  our  arrival. 

The  1 6th  of  the  month  there  came  to  us  some  thirty  savages 
on  assurances  given  them  by  those  who  had  served  us  as  guides. 
There  came  also  to  us  the  same  day  the  above  named  Bessabez 
with  six  canoes.  As  soon  as  the  savages  who  were  on  land  saw 
him  coming,  they  all  began  to  sing,  dance,  and  jump,  until  he 
had  landed.  Afterwards,  they  all  seated  themselves  in  a  circle 
on  the  ground,  as  is  their  custom,  when  they  wish  to  celebrate 
a  festivity,  or  an  harangue  is  to   be  made.     Cabahis,  the  other 

'  The  Kennebec. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CllAMPLAIN 

chief,  arrived  also  a  little  later  with  twenty  or  thirty  of  his  coni- 
panions,  who  withdrew  one  side  and  greatly  enjoyed  seeing  us, 
as  it  was  the  first  time  they  had  seen  Christians,  A  little  while 
after,  I  went  on  shore  with  two  of  my  companions  and  two  of 
our  savages  who  served  as  interpreters.  I  directed  the  men  in 
our  barque  to  approach  near  the  savages,  and  hold  their  arms  in 
readiness  to  do  their  duty  in  case  they  noticed  any  movement 
of  these  people  against  us.  Bessabez,  seeing  us  on  land,  bade 
us  sit  down,  and  began  to  smoke  with  his  companions,  as  they 
usually  do  before  an  address.  They  presented  us  with  venison 
and  game. 

I  directed  our  interpreter  to  say  to  our  savages  that  they 
should  cause  Bessabez,  Cabahis,  and  their  campanions  to  under- 
stand that  Sieur  de  Monts  had  sent  me  to  them  to  see  them,  and 
also  their  country,  and  that  he  desired  to  preserve  friendship 
with  them  and  to  reconcile  them  with  their  enemies,  the  Souri- 
quois  and  Canadians,  and  moreover  that  he  desired  to  inhabit 
their  country  and  show  them  how  to  cultivate  it,  in  order  that 
they  might  not  continue  to  lead  so  miserable  a  life  as  they  were 
doing,  and  some  other  words  on  the  same  subject.  This  our 
savages  interpreted  to  them,  at  which  they  signified  their  great 
satisfaction,  saying  that  no  greater  good  could  come  to  them 
than  to  have  our  friendship,  and  that  they  desired  to  live  in 
peace  with  their  enemies,  and  that  we  should  dwell  in  their 
land,  in  order  that  they  might  in  future  more  than  ever  before 
engage  in  hunting  beavers,  and  give  us  a  part  of  them  in  return 
for  our  providing  them  with  things  which  they  wanted.  After 
he  had  finished  his  discourse,  I  presented  them  with  hatchets, 
paternosters,'  caps,  knives,  and  other  little  knick-knacks,  when 
we  separated  from  each  other.  All  the  rest  of  this  day  and  the 
following  night,  until  break  of  day,  they  did  nothing  but  dance, 
sing,   and    make   merry,   after   which   we    traded   for   a   certain 

'  Perhaps  Champlain  gave  rosaries  to  the  Indians,  but  more  probably  he  refers 
to  the  long  fishline  called  a  paternoster. 

103 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

number  of  beavers.  Then  each  party  returned,  Bessabez  with 
his  companions  on  the  one  side,  and  we  on  the  other,  highly 
pleased  at  having  made  the  acquaintance  of  this  people. 

The  17th  of  the  month  I  took  the  altitude,  and  found  the 
latitude  45°  25'.  This  done,  we  set  out  for  another  river  called 
Quinibequy,  distant  from  the  place  thirty-five  leagues,  and 
nearly  twenty  from  Bedabedec.  This  nation  of  savages  of 
Quinibequy  are  called  Etechemins,  as  well  as  those  of  Norum- 
begue. 

The  1 8th  of  the  month  we  passed  near  a  small  river  where 
Cabahis  was,  who  came  with  us  in  our  barque  some  twelve 
leagues  ;  and  having  asked  him  whence  came  the  river  Norum- 
begue,  he  told  me  that  it  passes  the  fall  which  I  mentioned 
above,  and  that  one  journeying  some  distance  on  it  enters  a 
lake  by  way  of  which  they  come  to  the  river  of  St.  Croix,  by 
going  some  distance  over  land,  and  then  entering  the  river  of 
the  Etechemins.  Moreover,  another  river  enters  the  lake,  along 
which  they  proceed  some  days,  and  afterwards  enter  another 
lake  and  pass  through  the  midst  of  it.  Reaching  the  end  of  it, 
they  make  again  a  land  journey  of  some  distance,  and  then 
enter  another  little  river,'  which  has  its  mouth  a  league  from 
Quebec,  which  is  on  the  great  river  of  St.  Lawrence.  All  these 
people  of  Norumbegue  are  very  swarthy,  dressed  in  beaver- 
skins  and  other  furs,  like  the  Canadian  and  Souriquois  savages, 
and  they  have  the  same  mode  of  life. 

The  20th  of  the  month  we  sailed  along  the  western  coast, 
and  passed  the  mountains  of  Bedabedec,  when  we  anchored. 
The  same  day  we  explored  the  entrance  to  the  river,  where 
large  vessels  can  approach  ;  but  there  are  inside  some  reefs,  to 
avoid  which  one  must  advance  with  sounding  lead  in  hand. 
Our  savages  left  us,  as  they  did  not  wish  to  go  to  Quinibequy, 
for  the  savages  of  that  place  are  great  enemies  to  them.  We 
sailed  some  eight  leagues  along  the  western  coast  to  an  island 

'  The  Chaudiere. 

104 


FRENCH  EXPI.ORIiRS:    CllAMPL/lW 

ten  leagues  distant  from  Ouinibequy,  where  we  were  obliged 
to  put  in  on  account  of  bad  weather  and  contrary  wind.  At 
one  point  in  our  course,  we  passed  a  large  number  of  islands 
and  breakers  extending  some  leagues  out  to  sea,  and  very 
dangerous.  And  in  view  of  the  bad  weather,  which  was  so  un- 
favorable to  us,  we  did  not  sail  more  than  three  or  four  leagues 
farther.  All  these  islands  and  coasts  are  covered  with  extensive 
woods,  of  the  same  sort  as  that  which  I  have  reported  above  as 
existing  on  the  other  coasts.  And  in  consideration  of  the  small 
quantity  of  provisions  which  we  had,  we  resolved  to  return  to 
our  settlement  and  wait  until  the  following  year,  when  we  hoped 
to  return  and  explore  more  extensively.  We  accordingly  set 
out  on  our  return  on  the  '23d  of.September,  and  arrived  at  our 
settlement  on  the  id  of  October  following. 

The  above  is  an  exact  statement  of  all  that  I  have  observed 
respecting  not  only  the  coasts  and  people,  but  also  the  river 
Norumbegue ;  and  there  are  none  of  the  marvels  there  which 
some  persons  have  described.  I  am  of  opinion  that  this  region 
is  as  disagreeable  in  winter  as  that  of  our  settlement,  in  which 
we  were  greatly  deceived. 


Chapter  6. 

Of  the  Mai  de  la  Terre,  a  very  desperate  malady.  How  the  savages,  men  and 
women,  spend  their  time  in  winter.  And  all  that  occurred  at  the  settlement 
while  we  were  passing  the  winter. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  each  one  had 
finished  his  place  of  abode.  Winter  came  upon  us  sooner  than 
we  expected,  and  prevented  us  from  doing  many  things  which 
we  had  proposed.  Nevertheless,  Sieur  de  Monts  did  not  fail 
to  have  some  gardens  made  on  the  island.  Many  began  to 
clear  up   the  ground,  each  his  own.     I  also  did  so  with  mine, 

105 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

which  was  very  large,  where  I  planted  a  quantity  of  seeds,  as 
also  did  the  others  who  had  any,  and  they  came  up  very  well. 
But  since  the  island  was  all  sandy,  everything  dried  up  almost 
as  soon  as  the  sun  shone  upon  it,  and  we  had  no  water  for  irri- 
gation except  from  the  rain,  which  was  infrequent. 

Sieur  de  Monts  caused  also  clearings  to  be  made  on  the  main 
land  for  making  gardens,  and  at  the  falls  three  leagues  from  our 
settlement  he  had  work  done  and  some  wheat  sown,  which  came 
up  very  well  and  ripened.  Around  our  habitation  there  is,  at 
low  tide,  a  large  number  of  shell-fish,  such  as  cockles,  muscles, 
sea-urchins,  and  sea-snails,  which  were  very  acceptable  to  all. 

The  snows  began  on  the  6th  of  October.  On  the  3d  of 
December,  we  saw  ice  pass  which  came  from  some  frozen  river. 
The  cold  was  sharp,  more  severe  than  in  France,  and  of  much 
longer  duration ;  and  it  scarcely  rained  at  all  the  entire  winter. 
I  suppose  that  is  owing  to  the  north  and  north-west  winds 
passing  over  high  mountains  always  covered  with  snow.  The 
latter  was  from  three  to  four  feet  deep  up  to  the  end  of  the 
month  of  April ;  lasting  much  longer,  I  suppose,  than  it  w  ould 
be  if  the  country  were  cultivated. 

During  the  winter,  many  of  our  company  were  attacked  by  a 
certain  malady  called  the  mal  de  la  terre ;  otherwise  scurvy,  as 
I  have  since  heard  from  learned  men.  There  were  produced, 
in  the  mouths  of  those  who  had  it,  great  pieces  of  superfluous 
and  drivelling  flesh  (causing  extensive  putrefaction),  which  got 
the  upper  hand  to  such  an  extent  that  scarcely  anything  but 
liquid  could  be  taken.  Their  teeth  became  very  loose,  and 
could  be  pulled  out  with  the  fingers  without  its  causing  them 
pain.  The  superfluous  flesh  was  often  cut  out,  which  caused  them 
to  eject  much  blood  through  the  mouth.  Afterwards,  a  violent 
pain  seized  their  arms  and  legs,  which  remained  swollen  and 
very  hard,  all  spotted  as  if  with  flea-bites  ;  and  they  could  not 
walk  on  account  of  the  contraction  of  the  muscles  so  that  they 
were  almost  without  strength,  and  suffered  intolerable  pains. 

106 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CU/lMPL/llN 

They  experienced  pain  also  in  the  loins,  stomach,  and  bowels, 
had  a  very  had  cough,  and  short  breath.  In  a  word,  they  were 
in  such  a  condition  that  the  majority  of  them  could  not  rise  nor 
move,  and  could  not  even  be  raised  up  on  their  feet  without 
falling  down  in  a  swoon.  So  that  out  of  seventy-nine,  who 
composed  our  party,  thirty-five  died,  and  more  than  twenty 
were  on  the  point  of  death.  The  majority  of  those  who  re- 
mained well  also  complained  of  slight  pains  and  short  breath. 
We  were  unable  to  find  any  remedy  for  these  maladies.  A 
^ost  mortem  examination  of  several  was  made  to  investigate  the 
cause  of  their  disease. 

In  the  case  of  many,  the  interior  parts  were  found  mortified, 
such  as  the  lungs,  which  were  so  changed  that  no  natural  fluid 
could  be  perceived  in  them.  The  spleen  was  serious  and 
swollen.  The  liver  was  lequeux?'  and  spotted,  without  its 
natural  color.  The  vena  cava^  superior  and  inferior,  was  filled 
with  thick  coagulated  and  black  blood.  The  gall  was  tainted. 
Nevertheless,  many  arteries,  in  the  middle  as  well  as  lower 
bowels,  were  found  in  very  good  condition.  In  the  case  of 
some,  incisions  with  a  razor  were  made  on  the  thighs  where 
they  had  purple  spots,  whence  there  issued  a  very  black  clotted 
blood.  This  is  what  was  observed  on  the  bodies  of  those  in- 
fected with  this  malady. 

Our  surgeons  could  not  help  suffering  themselves  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  rest.  Those  who  continued  sick  were  healed  by 
spring,  which  commences  in  this  country  in  May.  That  led  us 
to  believe  that  the  change  of  season  restored  their  health  rather 
than  the  remedies  prescribed. 

During  this  winter,  all  our  liquors  froze,  except  the  Spanish 
wine."*  Cider  was  dispensed  by  the  pound.  The  cause  of  this 
loss  was  that  there  were  no  cellars  to  our  storehouse,  and  that 
the  air  which  entered  by  the  cracks  was  sharper  than  that  out- 

'  Probably  ligneux  =  woody  or  fibrous. 
2  Sherry. 

107 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

side.  We  were  obliged  to  use  very  bad  water,  and  drink  melted 
snow,  as  there  were  no  springs  nor  brooks ;  for  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  go  to  the  main  land  in  consequence  of  the  great  pieces 
of  ice  drifted  by  the  tide,  which  varies  three  fathoms  between 
low  and  high  water.  Work  on  the  hand-mill  was  very  fatigu- 
ing, since  the  most  of  us,  having  slept  poorly,  and  suffering 
from  insufficiency  of  fuel,  which  we  could  not  obtain  on  account 
of  the  ice,  had  scarcely  any  strength,  and  also  because  we  ate 
only  salt  meat  and  vegetables  during  the  winter,  which  produce 
bad  blood.  The  latter  circumstance  was,  in  my  opinion,  a  par- 
tial cause  of  these  dreadful  maladies.  All  this  produced  discon- 
tent in  Sieur  de  Monts  and  others  of  the  settlement. 

It  would  be  very  difficult  to  ascertain  the  character  of  this 
region  without  spending  a  winter  in  it ;  for,  on  arriving  here 
in  summer,  every  thing  is  very  agreeable,  in  consequence  of 
the  woods,  fine  country,  and  the  many  varieties  of  good  fish 
which  are  found  there.  There  are  six  months  of  winter  in  this 
country. 

The  savages  who  dwell  here  are  few  in  number.  During  the 
winter,  in  the  deepest  snows,  they  hunt  elks  and  other  animals, 
on  which  they  live  most  of  the  time.  And,  unless  the  snow  is 
deep,  they  scarcely  get  rewarded  for  their  pains,  since  they  can- 
not capture  anything  except  by  a  very  great  effort,  which  is  the 
reason  for  their  enduring  and  suffering  much.  When  they  do 
not  hunt,  they  live  on  a  shell-fish,  called  the  cockle.  They 
clothe  themselves  in  winter  with  good  furs  of  beaver  and  elk. 
The  women  make  all  the  garments,  but  not  so  exactlv  but  that 
you  can  see  the  flesh  under  the  arm-pits,  because  they  have  not 
ingenuity  enough  to  fit  them  better.  When  they  go  a  hunting, 
they  use  a  kind  of  snow-shoe  twice  as  large  as  those  hereabouts, 
which  they  attach  to  the  soles  of  their  feet,  and  walk  thus  over 
the  snow  without  sinking  in,  the  women  and  children  as  well  as 
the  men.  They  search  for  the  track  of  animals,  which,  having 
found,  they  follow,  until   they  get  sight  of  the  creature,  when 

io8 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

they  shoot  at  it  with  their  hows,  or  kill  it  hv  means  of  daggers 
attached  to  the  end  of  a  short  pike,  which  is  very  easily  done, 
as  the  animals  cannot  walk  on  the  snow  without  sinking  in. 
1  hen  the  women  and  children  come  up,  erect  a  hut,  and  they 
give  themselves  to  feasting.  Afterwards,  they  return  in  search 
of  other  animals,  and  thus  they  pass  the  winter.  In  the  month 
of  March  following,  some  savages  came  and  gave  us  a  portion 
of  their  game  in  exchange  for  bread  and  other  things  which  we 
gave  them.  This  is  the  mode  of  Hfe  in  winter  of  these  people, 
which  seems  to  me  a  very  miserable  one. 

We  looked  for  our  vessels  at  the  end  of  April ;  but,  as  this 
passed  without  their  arriving,  all  began  to  have  an  ill-boding, 
fearing  that  some  accident  had  befallen  them.  For  this  reason, 
on  the  i5Lh  of  May,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  have  a  barque 
of  fifteen  tons  and  another  of  seven  fitted  up,  so  that  we  might 
go  at  the  end  of  the  month  of  June  to  Gaspe  in  quest  of  vessels 
in  which  to  return  to  France,  in  case  our  own  should  not  mean- 
while arrive.  But  God  helped  us  better  than  we  hoped;  for, 
on  the  15th  of  June  ensuing,  while  on  guard  about  11  o'clock 
at  night,  Pont  Grave,  captain  of  one  of  the  vessels  of  Sieur  de 
Monts,  arriving  in  a  shallop,  informed  us  that  his  ship  was 
anchored  six  leagues  from  our  settlement,  and  he  was  welcomed 
amid  the  great  joy  of  all. 

The  next  day  the  vessel  arrived,  and  anchored  near  our  hab- 
itation. Pont  Grave  informed  us  that  a  vessel  from  St.  Malo, 
called  the  St.  Estienne,  was  following  him,  bringing  us  pro- 
visions and  supplies. 

On  the  17th  of  the  month,  Sieur  de  Monts  decided  to  go  in 
quest  of  a  place  better  adapted  for  an  abode,  and  with  a  better 
temperature  than  our  own.  With  this  view,  he  had  the  barque 
made  ready,  in  which  he  had  purposed  to  go  to  Gaspe. 


109 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Chapter  /. 

Discovery  of  the  coast  of  the  Almouchiquois  as  far  as  the  forty-second  degree  of 
latitude,  and  details  of  this  voyage. 

On  the  1 8th  of  June,  1605,  Sieur  de  Monts  set  out  from  the 
Island  of  St.  Croix  with  some  gentlemen,  twenty  sailors,  and  a 
savage  named  Panounias,  together  with  his  wife,  whom  he  was 
unwilling  to  leave  behind.  These  we  took,  in  order  to  serve  us 
as  guides  to  the  country  of  the  Almouchiquois,  in  the  hope  of 
exploring  and  learning  more  particularly  by  their  aid  what  the 
character  of  this  country  was,  especially  since  she  was  a  native 
of  it. 

Coasting  along  inside  of  Manan,  an  island  three  leagues  from 
the  main  land,  we  came  to  the  Ranges  on  the  seaward  side,  at 
one  of  which  we  anchored,  where  there  was  a  large  number  of 
crows,  of  which  our  men  captured  a  great  many,  and  we  called 
it  the  Isle  aux  Corneilles.  Thence  we  went  to  the  Island  of 
Monts  Deserts,  at  the  entrance  of  the  river  Norumbegue,  as  I 
have  before  stated,  and  sailed  five  or  six  leagues  among  many 
islands.  Here  there  came  to  us  three  savages  in  a  canoe  from 
Bedabedec  Point,  where  their  captain  was ;  and,  after  we  had 
had  some  conversation  with  them,  they  returned  the  same 
day. 

On  Friday,  the  ist  of  July,  we  set  out  from  one  of  the 
islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  there  is  a  very  good 
harbor  for  vessels  of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  tons. 
This  dav  we  made  some  twenty-five  leagues  between  Bedabedec 
Point  and  many  islands  and  rocks,  which  we  observed  as  far  as 
the  river  Ouinibequy,  at  the  mouth  of  which  is  a  very  high 
island,  which  we  called  the  Tortoise.'  Between  the  latter  and 
the  main  land  there  are  some  scattering  rocks  which  are  covered 
at  full  tide,  although  the  sea  is  then  seen  to  break  over  them. 
Tortoise   Island   and   the  river  lie  south-south-east  and  north- 

'  Seguin  Island. 

110 


FRENCH  EXPLORPIRS:    CllAMPLAlN 

north-west.  As  you  enter,  there  are  two  mcdium-si/ed  islands 
forming  the  entrance,  one  on  one  side,  the  other  on  the  other; 
and  some  three  hundred  paces  farther  in  are  two  rocks,  where 
there  is  no  wood,  but  some  little  grass.  We  anchored  three 
hundred  paces  from  the  entrance  in  five  and  six  fathoms  of 
water.  While  in  this  place,  we  were  overtaken  by  fogs  on  ac- 
count of  which  we  resolved  to  enter,  in  order  to  see  the  upper 
part  of  the  river  and  the  savages  who  live  there ;  and  we  set 
out  for  this  purpose  on  the  5th  of  the  month.  Having  made 
some  leagues  our  barque  came  near  being  lost  on  a  rock  which 
we  grazed  in  passing.  Further  on,  we  met  two  canoes  which 
had  come  to  hunt  birds,  which  for  the  most  part  are  moulting 
at  this  season,  and  cannot  fly.  We  addressed  these  savages  by 
aid  of  our  own,  who  went  to  them  with  his  wife,  who  made 
them  understand  the  reason  of  our  coming.  We  made  friends 
with  them  and  with  the  savages  of  this  river,  who  served  us  as 
guides.  Proceeding  farther,  in  order  to  see  their  captain, 
named  Manthoumermer,  we  passed,  after  we  had  gone  seven 
or  eight  leagues,  by  some  islands,  straits,  and  brooks,  which  ex- 
tend along  the  river,  where  we  saw  some  fine  meadows.  After 
we  had  coasted  along  an  island  some  four  leagues  in  length, 
they  conducted  us  to  where  their  chief  was  with  twenty-five  or 
thirty  savages,  who,  as  soon  as  we  had  anchored,  came  to  us  in 
a  canoe,  separated  a  short  distance  from  ten  others,  in  which 
were  those  who  accompanied  him.'  Coming  near  our  barque, 
he  made  an  harangue,  In  which  he  expressed  the  pleasure  it 
gave  him  to  see  us,  and  said  that  he  desired  to  form  an  alliance 
with  us  and  to  make  peace  with  his  enemies  through  our  medi- 
ation. He  said  that,  on  the  next  day,  he  would  send  two  other 
captains  of  savages,  who  were  in  the  interior,  one  called 
Marchin,  and  the  other  Sasinou,  chief  of  the  river  Quinibequy. 
Sleur  de  Monts  gave  them  some  cakes  and  peas,  with  which 
they  were  greatly  pleased.     The  next  day  they  guided  us  down 

'  Wcstport  Island  and  Wiscasset  harbor. 


VOYAGES  TO  ^HE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

the  river  another  way  than  that  by  which  we  had  come,  in 
order  to  go  to  a  lake ;  and,  passing  by  some  islands,  they  left, 
each  one  of  them,  an  arrow  near  a  cape'  where  all  the  savages 
pass,  and  they  believe  that  if  they  should  not  do  this  some 
misfortune  would  befall  them,  according  to  the  persuasions  of 
the  devil.  They  live  in  such  superstitions,  and  practise  many 
others  of  the  same  sort.  Beyond  this  cape  we  passed  a  very 
narrow  waterfall,  but  only  with  great  difficulty  ;  for,  although 
we  had  a  favorable  and  fresh  wind,  and  trimmed  our  sails  to 
receive  it  as  well  as  possible,  in  order  to  see  whether  we  could 
not  pass  it  in  that  way,  we  were  obliged  to  attach  a  hawser  to 
some  trees  on  shore  and  all  pull  on  it.  In  this  way,  by  means  of 
our  arms  together  with  the  help  of  the  wind,  which  was  favor- 
able to  us,  we  succeeded  in  passing  it.  The  savages  accom- 
panying us  carried  their  canoes  by  land,  being  unable  to  row 
them.  After  going  over  this  fall,  we  saw  some  fine  meadows. 
I  was  greatly  surprised  by  this  fall,  since  as  we  descended  with 
the  tide  we  found  it  in  our  favor,  but  contrary  to  us  when  we 
came  to  the  fall.  But,  after  we  had  passed  it,  it  descended  as 
before,  which  gave  us  great  satisfaction.  Pursuing  our  route, 
we  came  to  the  lake,  which  is  from  three  to  four  leagues  in 
length.'  Here  are  some  islands,  and  two  rivers  enter  it,  the 
Quinibequy  coming  from  the  north-north-east,  and  the  other 
from  the  north-west,  whence  were  to  come  Marchin  and  Sasi- 
nou.  Having  awaited  them  all  this  day,  and  as  they  did  not 
come,  we  resolved  to  improve  our  time.  We  weighed  anchor 
accordingly,  and  there  accompanied  us  two  savages  from  this 
lake  to  serve  as  guides.    The  same  day  we  anchored  at  the  mouth 


'  Hockomock  Point.  Dr.  Slafter  describes  the  probable  route  of  the  ex- 
plorers thus:  "Entering  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  they  went  on  a  flood-tide 
up  Back  River  and  into  Hockomock  Bay,  then  southward  around  the  south  end 
of  Westport  Island,  up  its  east  side  to  Wiscasset,  down  its  west  side,  around 
Hockomock  Point,  and  so  through  the  Sasanoa  River,  Upper  Hell  Gate,  the 
Sagadahoc,  and  the  Neck,  and  into  Merrymeeting  Bay." 

^  Merrymeeting  Bay,  at  the  junction  of  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

of  the  river,  where  we  caught  a  large  number  of  excellent  fish 
of  various  sorts.  Meanwhile,  our  savages  went  hunting,  hut 
did  not  return.  The  route  by  which  we  descended  this  river 
is  much  safer  and  better  than  that  by  which  we  had  gone. 
Tortoise  Island  before  the  mouth  of  this  river  is  in  latitude  44°  ; 
and  19°  12' of  the  deflection  of  the  magnetic  needle.  They  go 
by  this  river  across  the  country  to  Qiiebec  some  fifty  leagues, 
making  only  one  portage  of  two  leagues.  After  the  portage, 
you  enter  another  little  stream  which  flows  into  the  great  river 
St.  Lawrence."  This  river  Quinibequy  is  very  dangerous  for 
vessels  half  a  league  from  its  mouth,  on  account  of  the  small 
amount  of  water,  great  tides,  rocks  and  shoals  outside  as  well  as 
within.  But  it  has  a  good  channel,  if  it  were  well  marked  out. 
The  land,  so  far  as  I  have  seen  it  along  the  shores  of  the  river, 
is  very  poor,  for  there  are  only  rocks  on  all  sides.  There  are 
a  great  many  small  oaks,  and  very  little  arable  land.  Fish 
abound  here,  as  in  the  other  rivers  which  I  have  mentioned. 
The  people  live  like  those  in  the  neighborhood  of  our  settle- 
ment; and  they  told  us  that  the  savages,  who  plant  the  Indian 
corn,  dwelt  very  far  in  the  interior,  and  that  they  had  given  up 
planting  it  on  the  coasts  on  account  of  the  war  they  had  with 
others,  who  came  and  took  it  away.  This  is  what  I  have  been 
able  to  learn  about  this  region,  which  I  think  is  no  better  than 
the  others. 

On  the  8th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  the  mouth  of  this 
river,  not  being  able  to  do  so  sooner  on  account  of  the  fogs. 
We  made  that  day  some  four  leagues,  and  passed  a  bay,  where 
there  are  a  great  many  islands.  From  here  large  mountains  are 
seen  to  the  west,^  in  which  is  the  dwelling-place  of  a  savage 
captain  called  Aneda,  who  encamps  near  the  river  Quinibequy. 
I  was  satisfied  from  this  name  that  it  was  one  of  his  tribe  that 


^  The  Chaudiere. 

=2  Probably  the  White  Mountains,  visible  from  Casco  Bay. 

113 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

had  discovered  the  plant  called  Aneda/  which  Jacques  Cartier 
said  was  so  powerful  against  the  malady  called  scurvy,  of  which 
we  have  already  spoken,  which  harassed  his  company  as  well  as 
our  own,  when  they  wintered  in  Canada.  The  savages  have  no 
knowledge  at  all  of  this  plant,  and  are  not  aware  of  its  exist- 
ence, although  the  above-mentioned  savage  has  the  same  name. 
The  following  day  we  made  eight  leagues.  As  we  passed  along 
the  coast,  we  perceived  two  columns  of  smoke  which  some 
savages  made  to  attract  our  attention.  We  went  and  anchored 
in  the  direction  of  them  behind  a  small  island^  near  the  main 
land,  where  we  saw  more  than  eighty  savages  running  along  the 
shore  to  see  us,  dancing  and  giving  expression  to  their  joy. 
Sieur  de  Monts  sent  two  men  together  with  our  savage  to 
visit  them.  After  they  had  spoken  some  time  with  them,  and 
assured  them  of  our  friendship,  we  left  with  them  one  of  our 
number,  and  they  delivered  to  us  one  of  their  companions  as  a 
hostage.  Meanwhile,  Sieur  de  Monts  visited  an  island,  which 
is  very  beautiful  in  view  of  what  it  produces ;  for  it  has  fine 
oaks  and  nut-trees,  the  soil  cleared  up,  and  many  vineyards 
bearing  beautiful  grapes  in  their  season,  which  were  the  first  we 
had  seen  on  all  these  coasts  from  the  Cap  de  la  Heve.  We 
named  it  Isle  de  Bacchus. ^  It  being  full  tide,  we  weighed 
anchor  and  entered  a  little  river,  which  we  could  not  sooner 
do ;  for  there  is  a  bar,  there  being  at  low  tide  only  half  a 
fathom  of  water,  at  full  tide  a  fathom  and  a  half,  and  at  the 
highest  water  two  fathoms.  On  the  other  side  of  the  bar  there 
are  three,  four,  five,  and  six  fathoms.  When  we  had  anchored, 
a  large  number  of  savages  came  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  and 
began  to  dance.  Their  captain  at  the  time,  whom  they  called 
Honemechin,  was  not  with  them.  He  arrived  about  two  or 
three    hours    later  with   two    canoes,  when    he   came    sweeping 

'  Said  to  be  the  white  pine. 

2  At  Old  Orchard  Beach  —  the  island  is  Stratton  Island.    The  Indians  came 
down  from  what  is  now  called  Prout's  Neck. 

3  Richmond  Island. 

114 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CIIAMPLAIN 

entirely  round  our  barque.  Our  savage  could  understand. only 
a  few  words,  as  the  language  of  the  Almouchiquois  (for  that  is 
the  name  of  this  nation)  differs  entirely  from  that  of  the 
Souriquois  and  Etechemins.  These  people  gave  signs  of  being 
greatly  pleased.  Their  chief  had  a  good  figure,  was  young  and 
agile.  We  sent  some  articles  of  merchandise  on  shore  to  barter 
with  them  ;  but  they  had  nothing  but  their  robes  to  give  in 
exchange,  for  they  preserve  only  such  furs  as  they  need  for 
their  garments.  Sieur  de  Monts  ordered  some  provisions  to 
be  given  to  their  chief,  with  which  he  was  greatly  pleased,  and 
came  several  times  to  the  side  of  our  boat  to  see  us.  These 
savages  shave  off  the  hair  far  up  on  the  head,  and  wear  what 
remains  very  long,  which  they  comb  and  twist  behind  in  various 
ways  very  neatly,  intertwined  with  feathers  which  they  attach  to 
the  head.  They  paint  their  faces  black  and  red,  like  the  other 
savages  which  we  have  seen.  They  are  an  agile  people,  with 
well-formed  bodies.  Their  weapons  are  pikes,  clubs,  bows  and 
arrows,  at  the  end  of  which  some  attach  the  tail  of  a  fish  called 
the  signoc,  others  bones,  while  the  arrows  of  others  are  entirely 
of  wood.  They  till  and  cultivate  the  soil,  something  which  we 
have  not  hitherto  observed.  In  the  place  of  ploughs,  they  use 
an  instrument  of  very  hard  wood,  shaped  like  a  spade.  This 
river  is  called  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  Choiiacoet." 

The  next  day  Sieur  de  Monts  and  I  landed  to  observe  their 
tillage  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  We  saw  their  Indian  corn, 
which  they  raise  in  gardens.  Planting  three  or  four  kernels  in 
one  place,  they  then  heap  up  about  it  a  quantity  of  earth  with 
shells  of  the  signoc  before  mentioned.  Then  three  feet  distant 
they  planted  as  much  more,  and  thus  in  succession.  With  this 
corn  they  put  in  each  hill  three  or  four  Brazilian  beans,  which 
are  of  different  colors.  When  they  grow  up,  they  interlace 
with  the  corn,  which  reaches  to  the  height  of  from  five  to  six 
feet ;  and  they  keep  the  ground  very  free  from  weeds.    We  saw 

^  The  Saco  River. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

there  many  squashes,  and  pumpkins,  and  tobacco,  which  they 
likewise  cultivate. 

The  Indian  corn  which  we  saw  was  at  that  time  about  two 
feet  high,  some  of  it  as  high  as  three.  The  beans  were  begin- 
ning to  flower,  as  also  the  pumpkins  and  squashes.  They 
plant  their  corn  in  May,  and  gather  it  in  September.  We  saw 
also  a  great  many  nuts,  which  are  small  and  have  several  divi- 
sions. There  were  as  yet  none  on  the  trees,  but  we  found 
plenty  under  them,  from  the  preceding  year.  We  saw  also 
many  grape-vines,  on  which  there  was  a  remarkably  fine  berry, 
from  which  we  made  some  very  good  verjuice.  We  had  here- 
tofore seen  grapes  only  on  the  Island  of  Bacchus,  distant 
nearly  two  leagues  from  this  river.  Their  permanent  abode, 
the  tillage,  and  the  fine  trees  led  us  to  conclude  that  the  air 
here  is  milder  and  better  than  that  where  we  passed  the  winter, 
and  at  the  other  places  we  visited  on  the  coast.  But  I  cannot 
believe  that  there  is  not  here  a  considerable  degree  of  cold, 
although  it  is  in  latitude  43^45'.  The  forests  in  the  interior 
are  very  thin,  although  abounding  in  oaks,  beeches,  ash,  and 
elms ;  in  wet  places  there  are  many  willows.  The  savages 
dwell  permanently  in  this  place,  and  have  a  large  cabin  sur- 
rounded by  palisades  made  of  rather  large  trees  placed  by  the 
side  of  each  other,  in  which  they  take  refuge  when  their  enemies 
make  war  upon  them.  They  cover  their  cabins  with  oak  bark. 
This  place  is  very  pleasant,  and  as  agreeable  as  any  to  be  seen. 
The  river  is  very  abundant  in  fish,  and  is  bordered  by  meadows. 
At  the  mouth  there  is  a  small  island '  adapted  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a  good  fortress,  where  one  could  be  in  security. 

On  Sunday,  the  12th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  the 
river  Choiiacoet.  After  coasting  along  some  six  or  seven 
leagues,  a  contrary  wind  arose,  which  obliged  us  to  anchor 
and  go  ashore,  where  we  saw  two  meadows,  each  a  league 
in   length   and   half  a  league  in    breadth.     We  saw  there  two 

'  Ram  Island. 

116 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

savages,  whom  at  first  we  took  to  be  the  great  birds  called 
bustards,  to  be  found  in  this  country  ;  who,  as  soon  as  they 
caught  sight  of  us,  took  flight  into  the  woods,  and  were  not 
seen  again.  From  Choiiacoet  to  this  place,  where  we  saw  some 
little  birds,  which  sing  like  blackbirds,  and  are  black  except- 
ing the  ends  of  the  wings,  which  are  orange-colored,  there 
is  a  large  number  of  grape-vines  and  nut-trees.  This  coast  is 
sandy,  for  the  most  part,  all  the  way  from  Qiiinibequy.  This 
day  we  returned  two  or  three  leagues  towards  Choiiacoet,  as  far 
as  a  cape  which  we  called  Island  Harbor,'  favorable  for  vessels  of 
a  hundred  tons,  about  which  are  three  islands.  Heading  north- 
east a  quarter  north,  one  can  enter  another  harbor^  near  this 
place,  to  which  there  is  no  approach,  although  there  are  islands, 
except  the  one  where  you  enter.  At  the  entrance  there  are 
some  dangerous  reefs.  There  are  in  these  islands  so  many  red 
currants  that  one  sees  for  the  most  part  nothing  else,  and  an 
infinite  number  of  pigeons,  of  which  we  took  a  great 'quantity. 
This  Island  Harbor  is  in  latitude  43°  25'. 

On  the  15th  of  the  month  we  made  twelve  leagues.  Coast- 
ing along,  we  perceived  a  smoke  on  the  shore,  which  we  ap- 
proached as  near  as  possible,  but  saw  no  savage,  which  led  us 
to  believe  that  they  had  fled.  The  sun  set,  and  we  could  find 
no  harbor  for  that  night,  since  the  coast  was  flat  and  sandy. 
Keeping  off",  and  heading  south,  in  order  to  find  an  anchorage, 
after  proceeding  about  two  leagues,  we  observed  a  cape^  on  the 
main  land  south  a  quarter  south-east  of  us,  some  six  leagues 
distant.  Two  leagues  to  the  east  we  saw  three  or  four  rather 
high  islands,^  and  on  the  west  a  large  bay.  The  coast  of  this 
bay,  reaching  as  far  as  the  cape,  extends  inland  from  where  we 
were  perhaps  four  leagues.  It  has  a  breadth  of  two  leagues, 
from  north  to  south,  and  three  at  its  entrance.     Not  observing 

^  Cape  Porpoise  harbor. 

2  Goose  Fair  Bay. 

3  Cape  Ann. 

4  The  Isles  of  Shoals,  which  Capt.  John  Smith  later  named  after  himself. 

117 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

any  place  favorable  for  putting  In,  we  resolved  to  go  to  the 
cape  above  mentioned  with  short  sail,  which  occupied  a  portion 
of  the  night.  Approaching  to  where  there  were  sixteen  fathoms 
of  water,  we  anchored  until  daybreak. 

On  the  next  day  we  went  to  the  above-mentioned  cape, 
where  there  are  three  Islands'  near  the  main  land,  full  of  wood 
of  different  kinds,  as  at  Choiiacoet  and  all  along  the  coast;  and 
still  another  flat  one,  where  there  are  breakers,  and  which  ex- 
tends a  little  farther  out  to  sea  than  the  others,  on  which  there 
Is  no  wood  at  all.  We  named  this  place  Island  Cape,  near 
which  we  saw  a  canoe  containing  five  or  six  savages,  who  came 
out  near  our  barque,  and  then  went  back  and  danced  on  the 
beach.  Sleur  de  Monts  sent  me  on  shore  to  observe  them,  and 
to  give  each  one  of  them  a  knife  and  some  biscuit,  which 
caused  them  to  dance  again  better  than  before.  This  over,  I 
made  them  understand,  as  well  as  I  could,  that  I  desired  them 
to  show  me  the  course  of  the  shore.  After  I  had  drawn  with  a 
crayon  the  bay,  and  the  Island  Cape,  where  we  were,  with  the 
same  crayon  they  drew  the  outline  of  another  bay,^  which  they 
represented  as  very  large ;  here  they  placed  six  pebbles  at  equal 
distances  apart,  giving  them  to  understand  by  this  that  these 
signs  represented  as  many  chiefs  and  tribes.  Then  they  drew 
within  the  first-mentioned  bay  a  river  ^  which  we  had  passed, 
which  has  shoals  and  Is  very  long.  We  found  In  this  place  a 
great  many  vines,  the  green  grapes  on  which  were  a  little  larger 
than  peas,  also  many  nut-trees  the  nuts  on  which  were  no 
larger  than  musket-balls.  The  savages  told  us  that  all  those 
Inhabiting  this  country  cultivated  the  land  and  sowed  seeds 
like  the  others,  whom  we  had  before  seen.  The  latitude  of 
this  place  is  43°  and  some  minutes.  Sailing  half  a  league 
farther,  we  observed  several  savages  on  a  rocky  point,  who  ran 

'  Straitsmouth,  Thatcher,  and   Milk  Islands,  near  Cape  Ann,  which  islands 
Capt.  Smith  called  "Three  Turks'  Heads." 

2  Massachusetts  Bay. 

3  The  Merrimac  River. 

118 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPLAIN 

along  the  shore,  dancing  as  they  went,  to  their  companions  to 
inform  them  of  our  coming.  After  pointing  out  to  us  the  di- 
rection of  their  abode,  they  made  a  signal  with  smoke  to  show 
us  the  place  of  their  settlement.  We  anchored  near  a  little 
island,  and  sent  our  canoe  with  knives  and  cakes  for  the  savages. 
From  the  large  number  of  those  we  saw,  we  concluded  that 
these  places  were  better  inhabited  than  the  others  we  had  seen. 
After  a  stay  of  some  two  hours  for  the  sake  of  observing 
these  people,  whose  canoes  are  made  of  birch  bark,  like  those 
of  the  Canadians,  Souriquois,  and  Etechemins,  we  weighed 
anchor  and  set  sail  with  a  promise  of  fine  weather.  Continuing 
our  course  to  the  west-south-west,  we  saw  numerous  islands  on 
one  side  and  the  other.  Having  sailed  seven  or  eight  leagues, 
we  anchored  near  an  island,  whence  we  observed  many  smokes 
along  the  shore,  and  many  savages  running  up  to  see  us.  Sieur 
de  Monts  sent  two  or  three  men  in  a  canoe  to  them,  to  whom 
he  gave  some  knives  and  paternosters  to  present  to  them ;  and 
with  which  they  were  greatly  pleased,  and  danced  several  times 
in  acknowledgment.  We  could  not  ascertain  the  name  of  their 
chief,  as  we  did  not  know  their  language.  All  along  the  shore 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  land  cleared  up  and  planted  with  Indian 
corn.  The  country  is  very  pleasant  and  agreeable,  and  there 
is  no  lack  of  fine  trees.  The  canoes  of  those  who  live  there 
are  made  of  a  single  piece,  and  are  very  liable  to  turn  over  if 
one  is  not  skilful  in  managing  them.  We  had  not  before  seen 
any  of  this  kind.  They  are  made  in  the  following  manner. 
After  cutting  down,  at  a  cost  of  much  labor  and  time,  the  largest 
and  tallest  tree  they  can  find,  by  means  of  stone  hatchets  (for 
they  have  no  others  except  some  few  which  they  received  from 
the  savages  on  the  coasts  of  La  Cadie,'  who  obtained  them  in  ex- 

^  The  origin  and  meaning  of  this  word  has  been  much  disputed.  Champlain 
uses  the  forms  "Arcadie,  Accadie,  LaCadie,  Acadie,  L'Acadie."  Lescarbot  always 
wrote  La  Cadie.  Its  Indian  source  is  probably  seen  in  the  words  Passemacadie, 
Shubenacadie,  Tracadie.  These  meanings  have  been  offered  :  i ,  The  land  of  dogs. 
2,  Our  village.    3,  The  fish  called  pollock.    4,  Place.    5,  Abundance  of  anything. 

119 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

change  for  furs),  they  remove  the  bark,  and  round  off  the  tree 
except  on  one  side,  where  they  apply  fire  gradually  along  its 
entire  length ;  and  sometimes  they  put  red-hot  pebble-stones 
on  top.  When  the  fire  is  too  fierce,  they  extinguish  it  with  a 
little  water,  not  entirely,  but  so  that  the  edge  of  the  boat  may 
not  be  burnt.  It  being  hollowed  out  as  much  as  they  wish, 
they  scrape  it  all  over  with  stones,  which  they  use  instead  of 
knives.     These  stones  resemble  our  musket  flints. 

On  the  next  day  the  17th  of  the  month,  we  weighed  anchor 
to  go  to  a  cape  we  had  seen  the  day  before,  which  seemed  to 
lie  on  our  south-south-west.  This  day  we  were  able  to  make 
only  five  leagues,  and  we  passed  by  some  islands '  covered  with 
wood.  I  observed  in  the  bay  all  that  the  savages  had  described 
to  me  at  Island  Cape.  As  we  continued  our  course,  large 
numbers  came  to  us  in  canoes  from  the  islands  and  main  land. 
We  anchored  a  league  from  a  cape,^  which  we  named  St.  Louis, 
where  we  noticed  smoke  in  several  places.  While  in  the  act 
of  going  there,  our  barque  grounded  on  a  rock,  where  we  were 
in  great  danger,  for,  if  we  had  not  speedily  got  it  off,  we  would 
have  been  overturned  in  the  sea,  since  the  tide  was  falling  all 
around,  and  there  were  five  or  six  fathoms  of  water.  But  God 
preserved  us,  and  we  anchored  near  the  above-named  cape, 
when  there  came  to  us  fifteen  or  sixteen  canoes  of  savages.  In 
some  there  were  fifteen  or  sixteen,  who  began  to  manifest  great 
signs  of  joy,  and  made  various  harangues,  which  we  could  not 
in  the  least  understand.  Sieur  de  Monts  sent  three  or  four 
men  on  shore  in  our  canoe,  not  only  to  get  water,  but  to  see 
their  chief,  whose  name  was  Honabetha.  The  latter  had  a 
number  of  knives  and  other  trifles,  which  Sieur  de  Monts  gave 
him,  when  he  came  alongside  to  see  us,  together  with  some  of 
his  companions,  who  were  present  both  along  the  shore  and  in 
their  canoes.    We  received  the  chief  very  cordially,  and  made 

'  Perhaps  the  islands  in  Boston  Harbor. 
2  Brant  Point. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CllAMPLAlN 

him  welcome;  who,  after  remaining  some  time,  went  back. 
Those  whom  we  had  sent  to  them  brought  us  some  little 
squashes  as  big  as  a  fist,  which  we  ate  as  a  salad,  like  cucum- 
bers, and  which  we  found  very  good.  They  brought  us  also 
some  purslane,  which  grows  in  large  quantities  among  the  Indian 
corn,  and  of  which  they  make  no  more  account  than  of  weeds. 
We  saw  here  a  great  many  little  hovises,  scattered  over  the 
fields  where  they  plant  their  Indian  corn. 

There  is,  moreover,  in  this  bay  a  very  broad  river,  which  we 
named  River  du  Guast."  It  stretches,  as  it  seemed  to  me, 
towards  the  Iroquois,  a  nation  in  open  warfare  with  the  Mon- 
tagnais,  who  live  on  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence. 


Chapter  8. 

Continuation  of  the  discoveries  along  the  coast  of  the  Almouchiquois,  and  what 
we  observed  in  detail. 

The  next  day  we  redoubled  Cap  St.  Louis,  so  named  by 
Sieur  de  Monts,  a  land  rather  low,  and  in  latitude  42°  45'.^  The 
same  day  we  sailed  two  leagues  along  a  sandy  coast,  as  we 
passed  along  which  we  saw  a  great  many  cabins  and  gardens. 
The  wind  being  contrary,  we  entered  a  little  bay  to  await  a 
time  favorable  for  proceeding.  There  came  to  us  two  or  three 
canoes,  which  had  just  been  fishing  for  cod  and  other  fish 
which  are  found  there  in  large  numbers.  These  they  catch 
with  hooks  made  of  pieces  of  wood,  to  which  they  attach  a 
bone  in  the  shape  of  a  spear,  and  fasten  it  very  securely.  The 
whole  has  a  fang-shape,  and  the  line  attached  to  it  is  made  out 
of  the  bark   of  a   tree.     They  gave   me   one   of  their  hooks, 

'  Charles  River ;  du  Guast  was  the  family  name  of  Sieur  de  Monts.  It  is 
also,  and  perhaps  more  commonly,  spelled  "du  Gua."  Champlain  saw  only 
the  mouth  of  the  Charles,  and  therefore  supposed  it  to  be  a  "broad"  river." 

2  Actually  42°  5'. 

121 


VOl'^AGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

which  I  took  as  a  curiosity.  In  it  the  bone  was  fastened  on  by 
hemp,  like  that  in  France,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  and  they  told 
me  that  they  gathered  this  plant  without  being  obliged  to  culti- 
vate it;  and  indicated  that  it  grew  to  the  height  of  four  or  five 
feet.'  This  canoe  went  back  on  shore  to  give  notice  to  their 
fellow  inhabitants,  who  caused  columns  of  smoke  to  rise  on  our 
account.  We  saw  eighteen  or  twenty  savages,  who  came  to  the 
shore  and  began  to  dance.  Our  canoe  landed  in  order  to  give 
them  some  bagatelles,  at  which  they  were  greatly  pleased. 
Some  of  them  came  to  us,  and  begged  us  to  go  to  their  river. 
We  weighed  anchor  to  do  so,  but  were  unable  to  enter  on  ac- 
count of  the  very  small  amount  of  water,  it  being  low  tide, 
and  were  accordingly  obliged  to  anchor  at  the  mouth.  I  went 
ashore,  where  I  saw  many  others,  who  received  us  very  cor- 
dially. I  made  also  an  examination  of  the  river,  but  saw  only  an 
arm  of  water  extending  a  short  distance  inland,  where  the  land 
is  only  in  part  cleared  up.  Running  into  this  is  merely  a  brook 
not  deep  enough  for  boats  except  at  full  tide.  The  circuit  of 
the  bay  is  about  a  league.  On  one  side  of  the  entrance  of  this 
bay  there  is  a  point  which  is  almost  an  island,  covered  with 
wood,  principally  pines,  and  adjoins  sand-banks,  which  are  very 
extensive.  On  the  other  side,  the  land  is  high.  There  are  two 
islets  in  this  bay,  which  are  not  seen  until  one  has  entered,  and 
around  which  it  is  almost  entirely  dry  at  low  tide.  This  place 
is  very  conspicuous  from  the  sea,  for  the  coast  is  very  low,  ex- 
cepting the  cape  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay.^  We  named  it  the 
Port  du  Cap  St.  Louis,  distant  two  leagues  from  the  above  cape, 
and  ten  from  the  Island  Cape.  It  is  about  the  same  latitude  as 
Cap  St.  Louis. 

On  the  19th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  this  place.  Coast- 
ing along  in  a  southerly  direction,  we  sailed  four  or  five  leagues, 
and  passed  near  a  rock  on  a  level  with  the  surface  of  the  water. 

1  Indian  hemp  or  swamp  milkweed. 

2  The  harbor  of  Plymouth. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CllAMPLAlN 

As  we  continued  our  course,  we  saw  some  land  which  seemed 
to  us  to  be  ishmds,  hut  as  we  came  nearer  we  found  it  to  be 
the  mainland,  lying  to  the  north-north-west  of  us,  and  that  it 
was  the  cape  of  a  large  bay,  containing  more  than  eighteen  or 
nineteen  leagues  in  circuit,  into  which  we  had  run  so  far  that 
we  had  to  wear  off  on  the  other  tack  in  order  to  double  the 
cape  which  we  had  seen.  The  latter  we  named  Cap  Blanc,' 
since  it  contained  sands  and  downs  that  had  a  white  appearance. 
A  favorable  wind  was  of  great  assistance  to  us  here,  for  other- 
wise we  should  have  been  in  danger  of  being  driven  upon  the 
coast.  This  bay  is  very  safe,  provided  the  land  is  not  ap- 
proached nearer  than  a  good  league,  there  being  no  islands  or 
rocks  except  that  just  mentioned,  which  is  near  a  river  that 
extends  some  distance  inland,  which  we  named  St.  Suzanne  du 
Cap  Blanc,^  whence  across  to  Cap  St.  Louis  the  distance  is  ten 
leagues.  Cap  Blanc  is  a  point  of  sand,  which  bends  around 
toward  the  south  some  six  leagues.  This  coast  is  rather  high, 
and  consists  of  sand,  which  is  very  conspicuous  as  one  comes 
from  the  sea.  At  a  distance  of  some  fifteen  or  eighteen  leagues 
from  land,  the  depth  of  the  water  is  thirty,  forty,  and  fifty 
fathoms,  but  only  ten  on  nearing  the  shore,  which  is  unob- 
structed. There  is  a  large  extent  of  open  country  along  the 
shore  before  reaching  the  woods,  which  are  very  attractive  and 
beautiful.  We  anchored  on  the  coast,  and  saw  some  savages, 
towards  whom  four  of  our  company  proceeded.  Making  their 
way  upon  a  sand-bank,  they  observed  something  like  a  bay, 
and  cabins  bordering  it  on  all  sides.  When  they  were  about  a 
league  and  a  half  from  us,  there  came  to  them  a  savage  dancing 
all  over,  as  they  expressed  it.  He  had  come  down  from  the 
high  shore,  but  turned  about  shortly  after  to  inform  his  fellow 
inhabitants  of  our  arrival. 


^  This  is  Cape  Cod,  already  so  named  by  Gosnold  in  1602.     The  bay,  of 
course,  is  Cape  Cod  Bay. 
2  Wellfleet  harbor. 

123 


VOYAGES  TO  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  next  day,  the  20th  of  the  month,  we  went  to  the  place 
which  our  men  had  seen,  and  which  we  found  a  very  dangerous 
harbor  in  consequence  of  the  shoals  and  banks,  where  we  saw 
breakers  in  all  directions.  It  was  almost  low  tide  when  we 
entered,  and  there  were  only  four  feet  of  water  in  the  northern 
passage ;  at  high  tide  there  are  two  fathoms.  After  we  had 
entered,  we  found  the  place  very  spacious,  being  perhaps  three 
or  four  leagues  in  circuit,  entirely  surrounded  by  little  houses, 
around  each  of  which  there  was  as  much  land  as  the  occupant 
needed  for  his  support.  A  small  river  enters  here,  which  is 
very  pretty,  in  which  at  low  tide  there  are  some  three  and  a  half 
feet  of  water.  There  are  also  two  or  three  brooks  bordered  by 
meadows.  It  would  be  a  very  fine  place,  if  the  harbor  were 
good.  I  took  the  altitude,  and  found  the  latitude  42°,  and  the 
deflection  of  the  magnetic  needle  18°  40'.  Many  savages,  men 
and  women,  visited  us,  and  ran  up  on  all  sides  dancing.  We 
named  this  place  Port  de  Mallebarre.' 

The  next  day,  the  21st  of  the  month,  Sieur  de  Monts  deter- 
mined to  go  and  see  their  habitation.  Nine  or  ten  of  us 
accompanied  him  with  our  arms;  the  rest  remained  to  guard 
the  barque.  We  went  about  a  league  along  the  coast.  Before 
reaching  their  cabins,  we  entered  a  field  planted  with  Indian 
corn  in  the  manner  above  described.  The  corn  was  in  flower, 
and  five  and  a  half  feet  high.  There  was  some  less  advanced, 
which  they  plant  later.  We  saw  many  Brazilian  beans,  and 
many  squashes  of  various  sizes,  very  good  for  eating;  some 
tobacco,  and  roots  which  they  cultivate,  the  latter  having  the 
taste  of  an  artichoke.  The  woods  are  filled  with  oaks,  nut- 
trees,  and  beautiful  cypresses,^  which  are  of  a  reddish  color  and 
have  a  very  pleasant  odor.  There  were  also  several  fields  en- 
tirely uncultivated,  the  land  being  allowed  to  remain  fallow. 
When  they   wish  to  plant  it   they  set   fire   to   the  weeds,   and 

^  Now  Nauset  Harbor. 
2  Red  cedars. 

124 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CH/IMPEAIN 

then  work  it  over  with  their  wooden  spades.  Their  cabins  are 
round,  and  covered  with  heavy  thatch  made  of  reeds.  \x\  the 
roof  there  is  an  opening  of  about  a  foot  and  a  half,  whence  the 
smoke  from  the  fire  passes  out.  We  asked  them  if  they  had 
their  permanent  abode  in  this  place,  and  whether  there  was 
much  snow.  But  we  were  unable  to  ascertain  this  fully  from 
them,  not  understanding  their  language,  although  they  made  an 
attempt  to  inform  us  by  signs",  by  taking  some  sand  in  their 
hands,  spreading  it  out  over  the  ground,  and  indicating  that  it 
was  of  the  color  of  our  collars,  and  that  it  reached  the  depth  of 
a  foot.  Others  made  signs  that  there  was  less,  and  gave  us  to 
understand  also  that  the  harbor  never  froze;  but  we  were  un- 
able to  ascertain  whether  the  snow  lasted  long.  I  conclude, 
however,  that  this  region  is  of  moderate  temperature,  and  the 
winter  not  severe.  While  we  were  there,  there  was  a  north- 
east storm,  which  lasted  four  days;  the  sky  being  so  overcast 
that  the  sun  hardly  shone  at  all.  It  was  very  cold,  and  we 
were  obliged  to  put  on  our  great  coats,  which  we  had  entirely 
left  off.  Yet  I  think  the  cold  was  accidental,  as  it  is  often  ex- 
perienced elsewhere  out  of  season. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  four  or  five  seamen  having  gone  on 
shore  with  some  kettles  to  get  fresh  water,  which  was  to  be 
found  in  one  of  the  sand-banks  a  short  distance  from  our 
barque,  some  of  the  savages,  coveting  them,  watched  the  time 
when  our  men  went  to  the  spring,  and  then  seized  one  out  of 
the  hands  of  a  sailor,  who  was  the  first  to  dip,  and  who  had 
no  weapons.  One  of  his  companions,  starting  to  run  after 
him,  soon  returned,  as  he  could  not  catch  him,  since  he  ran 
much  faster  than  himself.  The  other  savages,  of  whom  there 
were  a  large  number,  seeing  our  sailors  running  to  our  barque 
and  at  the  same  time  shouting  to  us  to  fire  at  them,  took  to 
flight.  At  the  time  there  were  some  of  them  in  our  barque, 
who  threw  themselves  into  the  sea,  only  one  of  whom  we  were 
able  to  seize.     Those  on  the  land  who  had  taken  to  flight,  see- 

125 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

ing  them  swimming,  returned  straight  to  the  sailor  from  whom 
they  had  taken  away  the  kettle,  hurled  several  arrows  at  him 
from  behind,  and  brought  him  down.  Seeing  this,  they  ran  at 
once  to  him,  and  despatched  him  with  their  knives.  Mean- 
while, haste  was  made  to  go  on  shore,  and  muskets  were  fired 
from  our  barque:  mine,  bursting  in  my  hands,  came  near  kill- 
ing me.  The  savages,  hearing  this  discharge  of  fire-arms,  took 
to  flight,  and  with  redoubled  speed  when  they  saw  that  we  had 
landed,  for  they  were  afraid  when  they  saw  us  running  after 
them.  There  was  no  likelihood  of  our  catching  them,  for  they 
are  as  swift  as  horses.  We  brought  in  the  murdered  man,  and 
he  was  buried  some  hours  later.  Meanwhile,  we  kept  the 
prisoner  bound  by  the  feet  and  hands  on  board  of  our  barque, 
fearing  that  he  might  escape.  But  Sieur  de  Monts  resolved 
to  let  him  go,  being  persuaded  that  he  was  not  to  blame,  and 
that  he  had  no  previous  knowledge  of  what  had  transpired, 
as  also  those  who,  at  the  time,  were  in  and  about  our  barque. 
Some  hours  later  there  came  some  savages  to  us,  to  excuse 
themselves,  indicating  by  signs  and  demonstrations  that  it  was 
not  they  who  had  committed  this  malicious  act,  but  others 
farther  off  in  the  interior.  We  did  not  wish  to  harm  them,  al- 
though it  was  in  our  power  to  avenge  ourselves. 

All  these  savages  from  the  Island  Cape  wear  neither  robes 
nor  furs,  except  very  rarely;  moreover,  their  robes  are  made 
of  grasses  and  hemp,  scarcely  covering  the  body,  and  coming 
down  only  to  their  thighs.  They  have  only  the  sexual  parts 
concealed  with  a  small  piece  of  leather;  so  likewise  the  women, 
with  whom  it  comes  down  a  little  lower  behind  than  with  the 
men,  all  the  rest  of  the  body  being  naked.  Whenever  the 
women  came  to  see  us,  they  wore  robes  which  were  open  in 
front.  The  men  cut  ofi^  the  hair  on  the  top  of  the  head  like 
those  at  the  river  Choiiacoet.  I  saw,  among  other  things,  a  girl 
with  her  hair  very  neatly  dressed,  with  skin  colored  red,  and 
bordered  on  the  upper  part  with  little  shell  beads.     A  part  of 

1 26 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

her  hair  hung  down  behind,  the  rest  being  braided  in  various 
ways.  These  people  paint  the  face  red,  black,  and  yellow. 
They  have  scarcely  any  beard,  and  tear  it  out  as  fast  as  it  grows. 
Their  bodies  are  well-proportioned.  I  cannot  tell  what  govern- 
ment they  have  but  I  think  that  in  this  respect  they  resemble 
their  neighbors,  who  have  none  at  all.  They  know  not  how  to 
worship  or  pray;  yet,  like  the  other  savages,  they  have  some 
superstitions,  which  I  shall  describe  in  their  place.  As  for 
weapons,  they  have  only  pikes,  clubs,  bows  and  arrows.  It 
would  seem  from  their  appearance  that  they  have  a  good  dis- 
position, better  than  those  of  the  north,  but  they  are  all  in  fact 
of  no  great  worth.  Even  a  slight  intercourse  with  them  gives 
you  at  once  a  knowledge  of  them.  They  are  great  thieves  and, 
if  they  cannot  lay  hold  of  any  thing  with  their  hands,  they  try 
to  do  so  with  their  feet,  as  we  have  oftentimes  learned  by 
experience.  1  am  of  opinion  that,  if  they  had  any  thing  to  ex- 
change with  us,  they  would  not  give  themselves  to  thieving. 
They  bartered  away  to  us  their  bows,  arrows,  and  quivers  for 
pins  and  buttons ;  and  if  they  had  had  any  thing  else  better 
they  would  have  done  the  same  with  it.  It  is  necessary  to  be 
on  one's  guard  against  this  people,  and  live  in  a  state  of  dis- 
trust of  them,  yet  without  letting  them  perceive  it.  They  gave 
us  a  large  quantity  of  tobacco,  which  they  dry  and  then  reduce 
to  powder.  When  they  eat  Indian  corn,  they  boil  it  in  earthen 
pots,  which  they  make  in  a  way  different  from  ours.  They 
bray  it  also  in  wooden  mortars  and  reduce  it  to  flour,  of  which 
they  then  make  cakes,  like  the  Indians  of  Peru. 

In  this  place  and  along  the  whole  coast  from  Quinibequy, 
there  are  a  great  many  siguenocs,'  which  is  a  fish  with  a  shell  on 
its  back  like  the  tortoise,  yet  different,  there  being  in  the  middle 
a  row  of  little  prickles,  of  the  color  of  a  dead  leaf,  like  the  rest 
of  the  fish.  At  the  end  of  this  shell,  there  is  another  still 
smaller,  bordered  by  very  sharp  points.     The  length  of  the  tail 

'  The  king-crab,  or  horse-foot. 

127 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

varies  according  to  their  size.  With  the  end  of  it,  these  people 
point  their  arrows,  and  it  contains  also  a  row  of  prickles  like 
the  large  shell  in  which  are  the  eyes.  There  are  eight  small 
feet  like  those  of  the  crab,  and  two  behind  longer  and  flatter 
which  they  use  in  swimming.  There  are  also  in  front  two 
other  very  small  ones  with  which  they  eat.  When  walking,  all 
the  feet  are  concealed  excepting  the  two  hindermost,  which  are 
slightly  visible.  Under  the  small  shell  there  are  membranes 
which  swell  up,  and  beat  like  the  throat  of  a  frog,  and  rest 
upon  each  other  like  the  folds  of  a  waistcoat.  The  largest 
specimen  of  this  fish  that  I  saw  was  a  foot  broad,  and  a  foot 
and  a  half  long. 

We  saw  also  a  sea-bird'  with  a  black  beak,  the  upper  part 
slightly  aquiline,  four  inches  long  and  in  the  form  of  a  lancet; 
namely,  the  lower  part  representing  the  handle  and  the  upper 
the  blade,  which  is  thin,  sharp  on  both  sides,  and  shorter  by  a 
third  than  the  other,  which  circumstance  is  a  matter  of  astonish- 
ment to  many  persons,  who  cannot  comprehend  how  it  is  pos- 
sible for  this  bird  to  eat  with  such  a  beak.  It  is  of  the  size  of 
a  pigeon,  the  wings  being  very  long  in  proportion  to  the  body, 
the  tail  short,  as  also  the  legs,  which  are  red ;  the  feet  being 
small  and  flat.  The  plumage  on  the  upper  part  is  gray-brown, 
and  on  the  under  part  pure  white.  They  go  always  in  flocks 
along  the  sea-shore,  like  the  pigeons  with  us. 

The  savages,  along  all  these  coasts  where  we  have  been,  say 
that  other  birds  which  are  very  large  come  along  when  their 
corn  is  ripe.  They  imitated  for  us  their  cry,  which  resembles 
that  of  the  turkey.  They  showed  us  their  feathers  in  several 
places,  with  which  they  feather  their  arrows,  and  which  they 
put  on  their  heads  for  decoration;  and  also  a  kind  of  hair  which 
they  have  under  the  throat  like  those  we  have  in  France,  and 
they  say  that  a  red  crest  falls  over  upon  the  beak.  According 
to  their  description,  they  are  as  large  as  a  bustard,  which  is  a 

'  The  razor-bill,  or  cut-water. 

128 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CIIAMPLAIN 

kind  of  goose,  having  the  neck  longer  and  twice  as  large  as 
those  with  us.  All  these  indications  led  us  to  conclude  that 
they  were  turkeys.  We  should  have  been  glad  to  see  some  of 
these  birds,  as  well  as  their  feathers,  for  the  sake  of  greater  cer- 
tainty. Before  seeing  their  feathers,  and  the  little  hunch  of 
hair  which  they  have  under  the  throat,  and  hearing  their  cry 
imitated,  I  should  have  thought  that  they  were  certainly  birds 
like  turkeys,  which  are  found  in  some  places  in  Peru,  along  the 
sea-shore,  eating  carrion  and  other  dead  things  like  crows.  But 
these  are  not  so  large;  nor  do  they  have  so  long  a  bill,  or  a  cry 
like  that  of  real  turkeys ;  nor  are  they  good  to  eat  like  those 
which  the  Indians  say  come  in  flocks  in  summer,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  winter  go  away  to  warmer  countries,  their  natural 
dwelling-place. 

Chapter  g. 

Return  from  the  discoveries  along  the  coast  of  the  Almouchiquois. 

We  had  spent  more  than  five  weeks  in  going  over  three 
degrees  of  latitude,  and  our  voyage  was  limited  to  six,  since  we 
had  not  taken  provisions  for  a  longer  time.  In  consequence  of 
fogs  and  storms,  we  had  not  been  able  to  go  farther  than  Mal- 
lebarre,  where  we  waited  several  days  for  fair  weather,  in  order 
to  sail.  Finding  ourselves  accordingly  pressed  by  the  scanti- 
ness of  provisions,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  return  to  the 
island  of  St.  Croix,  in  order  to  find  another  place  more  favor- 
able for  our  settlement,  as  we  had  not  been  able  to  do  on  any 
of  the  coasts  which  we  had  explored  on  this  voyage. 

Accordingly,  on  the  25th  of  July,  we  set  out  from  this 
harbor,  in  order  to  make  observations  elsewhere.  In  going  out 
we  came  near  being  lost  on  the  bar  at  the  entrance,  from  the 
mistake  of  our  pilots,  Cramolet  and  Champdore,  masters  of  the 
barque,  who  had  imperfectly  marked  out  the  entrance  of  the 
channel  on   the  southern  side,  where  we  were  to  go.     Having 

1 29 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

escaped  this  danger,  we  headed  north-east  for  six  leagues,  until 
we  reached  Cap  Blanc,  sailing  on  from  there  to  Island  Cape,  a 
distance  of  fifteen  leagues,  with  the  same  wind.  Then  we 
headed  east-north-east  sixteen  leagues,  as  far  as  Choiiacoet, 
where  we  saw  the  savage  chief,  Marchin,  whom  we  had  ex- 
pected to  see  at  the  Lake  Quinibequy.  He  had  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  one  of  the  valiant  ones  of  his  people.  He  had  a 
fine  appearance:  all  his  motions  were  dignified,  savage  as  he 
was.  Sieur  de  Monts  gave  him  many  presents,  with  which  he 
was  greatly  pleased:  and,  in  return,  Marchin  gave  him  a  young 
Etechemin  boy,  whom  he  had  captured  in  war,  and  whom  we 
took  away  with  us ;  and  thus  we  set  out,  mutually  good  friends. 
We  headed  north-east  a  quarter  east  for  fifteen  leagues,  as  far 
as  Quinibequy,  where  we  arrived  on  the  29th  of  the  month, 
and  where  we  were  expecting  to  find  a  savage,  named  Sasinou, 
of  whom  I  spoke  before.  Thinking  that  he  would  come,  we 
waited  some  time  for  him,  in  order  to  recover  from  him  an 
Etechemin  young  man  and  girl,  whom  he  was  holding  as 
prisoners.  While  waiting  there  came  to  us  a  captain  called 
Anassou,  who  trafficked  a  little  in  furs,  and  with  whom  we 
made  an  alliance.  He  told  us  that  there  was  a  ship,  ten 
leagues  off^  the  harbor,  which  was  engaged  in  fishing,  and  that 
those  on  her  had  killed  five  savages  of  this  river,  under  cover 
of  friendship.'  From  his  description  of  the  men  on  the  vessel, 
we  concluded  that  they  were  English,  and  we  named  the 
island^  where  they  were  La  Nef;  for,  at  a  distance,  it  had  the 
appearance  of  a  ship.  Finding  that  the  above-mentioned 
Sasinou  did  not  come,  we  headed  east-south-east,  for  twenty 
leagues,  to   Isle  Haute,  where  we  anchored   for  the  night. 

On  the  next  day,  the    ist  of  August,  we  sailed  east  some 
twenty  leagues  to   Cap   Corneille,^  where  we  spent  the  night. 

I  Capt.  George  Waymouth's  expedition,  which  took  five  Indians  to  England, 
not  killing  them. 

^  The  island  of  Monhegan. 

3  Probably  the  point  of  land  between  Machias  and  Little  Machias  bays. 

130 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CllAMPLAIN 

On  the  second  of  the  month,  we  sailed  north-east  seven 
leagues  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  on  the  western 
shore.  Having  anchored  between  the  two  first  islands,'  Sieur 
de  Monts  embarked  in  a  canoe,  at  a  distance  of  six  leagues 
from  the  settlement  of  St.  Croix,  where  we  arrived  the  next 
day  with  our  barque.  We  found  there  Sieur  des  Antons  of  St. 
Malo,  who  had  come  in  one  of  the  vessels  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
to  bring  provisions  and  also  other  supplies  for  those  who  were 
to  winter  in  this  country. 


Chapter  lo. 

The  dwelling-place  on  the  island  of  St.  Croix  transferred  to  Port  Royal,  and  the 
reason  why. 

Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to  change  his  location,  and  make 
another  settlement,  in  order  to  avoid  the  severe  cold  and  the 
bad  winter  which  we  had  had  in  the  Island  of  St.  Croix.  As  we 
had  not,  up  to  that  time,  found  any  suitable  harbor,  and,  in 
view  of  the  short  time  we  had  for  building  houses  in  which  to 
establish  ourselves,  we  fitted  out  two  barques,  and  loaded  them 
with  the  framework  taken  from  the  houses  of  St.  Croix,  in  order 
to  transport  it  to  Port  Royal,^  twenty-five  leagues  distant,  where 
we  thought  the  climate  was  much  more  temperate  and  agree- 
able. Pont  Grave  and  I  set  out  for  that  place;  and,  having 
arrived,  we  looked  for  a  site  favorable  for  our  residence,  under 
shelter  from  the  north-west  wind,  which  we  dreaded,  having 
been  very  much   harassed  by  it. 

After  searching  carefully  in  all  directions,  we  found  no  place 
more  suitable  and  better  situated  than  one  slightly  elevated, 
about  which  there  are  some  marshes  and  good  springs  of  water. 
This  place  is  opposite  the  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Equille.     To  the  north  of  us  about  a  league,  there  is  a  range 

^  Campobello  and  Moose  Island. 
2  At  Annapolis  Basin. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

of  mountains,  extending  nearly  ten  leagues  in  a  north-east  and 
south-west  direction.  The  whole  country  is  filled  with  thick 
forests,  as  I  mentioned  above,  except  at  a  point  a  league  and  a 
half  up  the  river,  where  there  are  some  oaks,  although  scatter- 
ing, and  many  wild  vines,  which  one  could  easily  remove  and 
put  the  soil  under  cultivation,  notwithstanding  it  is  light  and 
sandy.  We  had  almost  resolved  to  build  there ;  but  the  con- 
sideration that  we  should  have  been  too  far  up  the  harbor  and 
river  led  us  to  change  our  mind. 

Recognizing  accordingly  the  site  of  our  habitation  as  a  good 
one,  we  began  to  clear  up  the  ground,  which  was  full  of  trees, 
and  to  erect  houses  as  soon  as  possible.  Each  one  was  busy  in 
this  work.  After  everything  had  been  arranged,  and  the 
majority  of  the  dwellings  built,  Sieur  de  Monts  determined  to 
return  to  France,  in  order  to  petition  his  Majesty  to  grant  him 
all  that  might  be  necessary  for  his  undertaking.  He  had  de- 
sired to  leave  Sieur  d'  Orville  to  command  in  this  place  in  his 
absence.  But  the  climatic  malady,  mal  de  terre,  with  which  he 
was  afflicted  would  not  allow  him  to  gratify  the  wish  of  Sieur 
de  Monts.  On  this  account,  a  conference  was  held  with  Pont 
Grave  on  the  subject,  to  whom  this  charge  was  offered,  which 
he  was  happy  to  accept ;  and  he  finished  what  little  of  the 
habitation  remained  to  be  built.  I,  at  the  same  time,  hoping  to 
have  an  opportunity  to  make  some  new  explorations  towards 
Florida,  determined  to  stay  there  also,  of  which  Sieur  de 
Monts  approved. 


Chapter  ii. 

What  took  place  after  the  departure  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  until,  no  tidings  of  what 
he  had  promised  being  received,  we  departed  from  Port  Royal  to  return  to 
France. 

As  soon  as  Sieur  de  Monts  had  departed,  a  portion  of  the 
forty  or  forty-five  who  remained  began  to   make  gardens.     I, 

132 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CILIMPLAIN 

also,  for  the  sake  of  occupying  my  time,  made  one,  which  was 
surrounded  with  ditches  full  of  water,  in  which  I  placed  some 
fine  trout,  and  into  which  flowed  three  brooks  of  very  fine  run- 
ning water,  from  which  the  greater  part  of  our  settlement  was 
supplied.  I  made  also  a  little  sluice-way  towards  the  shore,  in 
order  to  draw  off  the  water  when  I  wished.  This  spot  was  en- 
tirely surrounded  by  meadows,  where  I  constructed  a  summer- 
house,  with  some  fine  trees,  as  a  resort  for  enjoying  the  fresh 
air.  I  made  there,  also,  a  little  reservoir  for  holding  salt-water 
fish,  which  we  took  out  as  we  wanted  them.  I  took  especial 
pleasure  in  it,  and  planted  there  some  seeds  which  turned  out 
well.  But  much  work  had  to  be  laid  out  in  preparation.  We 
resorted  often  to  this  place  as  a  pastime ;  and  it  seemed  as  if 
the  little  birds  round  about  took  pleasure  in  it,  for  they  gathered 
there  in  large  numbers,  warbling  and  chirping  so  pleasantly  that 
I  think  I  never  heard  the  like. 

The  plan  of  the  settlement  was  ten  fathoms  long  and  eight 
wide,  making  the  distance  round  thirty-six.  On  the  eastern 
side  is  a  store-house,  occupying  the  width  of  it,  and  a  very  fine 
cellar  from  five  to  six  feet  deep.  On  the  northern  side  are 
quarters  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  handsomely  finished.  About  the 
back  yard  are  the  dwellings  of  the  workmen.  At  a  corner  of  the 
western  side  is  a  platform,  where  four  cannon  were  placed;  and 
at  the  other  corner,  towards  the  east,  is  a  palisade  shaped  like 
a  platform. 

Some  days  after  the  buildings  were  completed,  1  went  to  the 
river  St.  John  to  find  the  savage  named  Secondon,  the  same 
that  conducted  Prevert's  party  to  the  copper-mine,  which  I  had 
already  gone  in  search  of  with  Sieur  de  Monts,  when  we  were 
at  the  Port  of  Mines,  though  without  success.  Having  found 
him,  I  begged  him  to  go  there  with  us,  which  he  very  readily 
consented  to  do,  and  proceeded  to  show  it  to  us.  We  found 
there  some  little  pieces  of  copper  of  the  thickness  of  a  sou,  and 
others  still   thicker  imbedded  in  grayish  and  red  rocks.     The 

^11 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

miner  accompanying  us,  whose  name  was  Master  Jacques,  a 
native  of  Sclavonia,  a  man  very  skilful  in  searching  for  minerals, 
made  the  entire  circuit  of  the  hills  to  see  if  he  could  find  any 
gangue,'  but  without  success.  Yet  he  found,  some  steps  from 
where  we  had  taken  the  pieces  of  copper  before  mentioned, 
something  like  a  mine,  which,  however,  was  far  from  being  one. 
He  said  that,  from  the  appearance  of  the  soil,  it  might  prove 
to  be  good,  if  it  were  worked ;  and  that  it  was  not  probable 
that  there  could  be  pure  copper  on  the  surface  of  the  earth, 
without  there  being  a  large  quantity  of  it  underneath.  The 
truth  is  that,  if  the  water  did  not  cover  the  mines  twice  a  day, 
and  if  they  did  not  lie  in  such  hard  rocks,  something  might  be 
expected  from  them. 

After  making  this  observation,  we  returned  to  our  settlement, 
where  we  found  some  of  our  company  sick  with  the  mal  de 
terre,  but  not  so  seriously  as  at  the  Island  of  St.  Croix;  al- 
though, out  of  our  number  of  forty-five,  twelve  died,  including 
the  miner,  and  five  were  sick,  who  recovered  the  following 
spring.  Our  surgeon,  named  Des  Champs,  from  Honfleur, 
skilful  in  his  profession,  opened  some  of  the  bodies,  to  see 
whether  he  might  be  more  successful  in  discovering  the  cause 
of  the  maladies  than  our  surgeons  had  been  the  year  before. 
He  found  the  parts  of  the  body  aff'ected  in  the  same  manner  as 
those  opened  at  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  but  could  discover  no 
means  of  curing  them,  any  more  than  the  other  surgeons. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  it  began  to  snow,  and  some  ice 
passed  along  before  our  settlement.  The  winter  was  not  so  sharp 
as  the  year  before,  nor  the  snow  so  deep,  or  of  so  long  duration. 
Among  other  incidents,  the  wind  was  so  violent  on  the  20th 
of  February,  1605,''  that  it  blew  over  a  large  number  of  trees, 
roots  and  all,  and  broke  off  many  others.  It  was  a  remarkable 
sight.     The   rains  were  very  frequent,  which  was   the  cause  of 

'  That  part  of  a  mineral  deposit  which  has  no  commercial  value. 
2  It  should  be  1606. 

134 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

the  mild  winter  in  comparison  with  the  past  one,  although  it  is 
only  twenty-five  leagues  from  Port  Royal  to  St.  Croix. 

On  the  first  day  of  March,  Pont  Grave  ordered  a  barque  of 
seventeen  or  eighteen  tons  to  be  fitted  up,  which  was  ready  on 
the  I  5th,  in  order  to  go  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  along  the 
coast  of  Florida.'  With  this  view,  we  set  out  on  the  16th  fol- 
lowing, but  were  obliged  to  put  in  at  an  island  to  the  south  of 
Manan,  having  gone  that  day  eighteen  leagues.  We  anchored 
in  a  sandy  cove,  exposed  to  the  sea  and  the  south  wind.  The 
latter  increased,  during  the  night,  to  such  an  impetuosity  that 
we  could  not  stand  by  our  anchor,  and  were  compelled,  with- 
out choice,  to  go  ashore,  at  the  mercy  of  God  and  the  waves. 
The  latter  were  so  heavy  and  furious  that  while  we  were  attach- 
ing the  buoy  to  the  anchor,  so  as  to  cut  at  the  hawse-hole,  it 
did  not  give  us  time,  but  broke  straightway  of  itself.  The  wind 
and  the  sea  cast  us,  as  the  wave  receded,  upon  a  little  rock, 
and  we  awaited  only  the  moment  to  see  our  barque  break  up, 
and  to  save  ourselves,  if  possible,  upon  its  fragments.  In  these 
desperate  straits,  after  we  had  received  several  waves,  there 
came  one  so  large  and  fortunate  for  us  that  it  carried  us  over 
the  rock,  and  threw  us  on  to  a  little  sandy  beach,  which  in- 
sured us  for  this  time  from   shipwreck. 

The  barque  being  on  shore,  we  began  at  once  to  unload 
what  there  was  in  her,  in  order  to  ascertain  where  the  damage 
was,  which  was  not  so  great  as  we  expected.  She  was  speedily 
repaired  by  the  diligence  of  Champdore,  her  master.  Having 
been  put  in  order,  she  was  reloaded ;  and  we  waited  for  fair 
weather  and  until  the  fury  of  the  sea  should  abate,  which  was 
not  until  the  end  of  four  days,  namely,  the  21st  of  March, 
when  we  set  out  from  this  miserable  place,  and  proceeded  to 
Port  aux  Coquilles,^  seven  or  eight  leagues  distant.    The  latter 

^  The  coast  south  of  Norumbega. 

2  The  harbor  of  shells,  probably  Head  Harbor,  near  the  northeastern  end  of 
Campobello  Island. 

135 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

is  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  where  there  was  a  large 
quantity  of  snow.  We  stayed  there  until  the  29th  of  the 
month,  in  consequence  of  the  fogs  and  contrary  winds,  which 
are  usual  at  this  season,  when  Pont  Grave  determined  to  put 
back  to  Port  Royal,  to  see  in  what  condition  our  companions 
were,  whom  we  had  left  there  sick.  Having  arrived  there, 
Pont  Grave  was  attacked  with  illness,  which  delayed  us  until 
the   8th  of  April. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  he  embarked,  although  still  indis- 
posed, from  his  desire  to  see  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  in  the 
belief  that  a  change  of  air  would  restore  his  health.  The  same 
day  we  anchored  and  passed  the  night  at  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor,  two   leagues  distant  from   our  settlement. 

The  next  morning  before  day,  Champdore  came  to  ask  Pont 
Grave  if  he  wished  to  have  the  anchor  raised,  who  replied  in 
the  affirmative,  if  he  deemed  the  weather  favorable  for  setting 
out.  Upon  this,  Champdore  had  the  anchor  raised  at  once, 
and  the  sail  spread  to  the  wind,  which  was  north-north-east,  ac- 
cording to  his  report.  The  weather  was  thick  and  rainy,  and  the 
air  full  of  fog,  with  indications  of  foul  rather  than  fair  weather. 

While  going  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,' we  were  sud- 
denly carried  by  the  tide  out  of  the  passage,  and,  before  per- 
ceiving them,  were  driven  upon  the  rocks  on  the  east-north- 
east coast.  Pont  Grave  and  I,  who  were  asleep,  were  awaked 
by  hearing  the  sailors  shouting  and  exclaiming,  "  We  are 
lost !  "  which  brought  me  quickly  to  my  feet,  to  see  what  was 
the  matter.  Pont  Grave  was  still  ill,  which  prevented  him 
from  rising  as  quickly  as  he  wished.  I  was  scarcely  on  deck, 
when  the  barque  was  thrown  upon  the  coast;  and  the  wind, 
which  was  north,  drove  us  upon  a  point.  We  unfurled  the 
mainsail,  turned  it  to  the  wind,  and  hauled  it  up  as  high  as 
we  could,  that  it  might  drive  us  up  as  far  as  possible  on  the 
rocks,  for  fear  that  the  reflux  of  the  sea,  which  fortunately  was 

'  Annapolis  Bay. 

136 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPLAIN 

falling,  would  draw  us  in,  when  it  would  have  been  impossible 
to  save  ourselves.  At  the  first  blow  of  our  boat  upon  the 
rocks,  the  rudder  broke,  a  part  of  the  keel  and  three  or  four 
planks  were  smashed,  and  some  ribs  stove  in,  which  frightened 
us,  for  our  barque  filled  immediately ;  and  all  that  we  could  do 
was  to  wait  until  the  sea  fell,  so  that  we  might  get  ashore. 
For,  otherwise,  we  were  in  danger  of  our  lives,  in  consequence 
of  the  swell,  which  was  very  high  and  furious  about  us.  The 
sea  having  fallen,  we  went  on  shore  amid  the  storm,  when  the 
barque  was  speedily  unloaded,  and  we  saved  a  large  portion  of 
the  provisions  in  her,  with  the  help  of  the  savage,  Captain  Se- 
condon  and  his  companions,  who  came  to  us  with  their  canoes, 
to  carry  to  our  habitation  what  we  had  saved  from  our  barque, 
which,  all  shattered  as  she  was,  went  to  pieces  at  the  return  of 
the  tide.  But  we,  most  happy  at  having  saved  our  lives,  re- 
turned to  our  settlement  with  our  poor  savages,  who  stayed 
there  a  large  part  of  the  winter  and  we  praised  God  for  hav- 
ing rescued  us  from  this  shipwreck,  from  which  we  had  not 
expected   to  escape  so  easily. 

The  loss  of  our  barque  caused  us  great  regret,  since  we 
found  ourselves,  through  want  of  a  vessel,  deprived  of  the 
prospect  of  being  able  to  accomplish  the  voyage  we  had  under- 
taken. And  we  were  unable  to  build  another;  for  time  was 
pressing,  and  although  there  was  another  barque  on  the  stocks, 
yet  it  would  have  required  too  long  to  get  it  ready,  and  we 
could  scarcely  have  made  use  of  it  before  the  return  from 
France   of  the  vessels  we  were  daily  expecting. 

This  was  a  great  misfortune,  and  owing  to  the  lack  of  fore- 
sight on  the  part  of  the  master,  who  was  obstinate,  but  little 
acquainted  with  seamanship,  and  trusting  only  his  own  head. 
He  was  a  good  carpenter,  skilful  in  building  vessels,  and  care- 
ful in  provisioning  them  with  all  necessaries,  but  in  no  wise 
adapted  to  sailing  them. 

Pont  Grave,  having  arrived  at  the  settlement,  received  the 

137 


VOYAGES  TO  ^HE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

evidence  against  Champdore,  who  was  accused  of  having  run 
the  barque  on  shore  with  evil  intent.  Upon  such  information, 
he  was  imprisoned  and  handcuffed,  with  the  intention  of  tak- 
ing him  to  France  and  handing  him  over  to  Sieur  de  Monts, 
to  be  treated  as  justice  might  direct. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  Pont  Grave,  finding  that  the  vessels 
did  not  return  from  France,  had  the  handcuffs  taken  off  from 
Champdore  that  he  might  finish  the  barque  which  was  on  the 
stocks,  which  service  he  discharged  very  well. 

On  the  1 6th  of  July,  the  time  when  we  were  to  leave,  in 
case  the  vessels  had  not  returned,  as  was  provided  in  the  com- 
mission which  Sieur  de  Monts  had  given  to  Pont  Grave,  we  set 
out  from  our  setttlement  to  go  to  Cape  Breton  or  to  Gaspe  in 
search  of  means  of  returning  to  France,  since  we  had  received 
no  intelligence  from  there. 

Two  of  our  men'  remained,  of  their  accord,  to  take  care 
of  the  provisions  which  were  left  at  the  settlement,  to  each  of 
whom  Pont  Grave  promised  fifty  crowns  in  money,  and  fifty 
more  at  which  he  agreed  to  estimate  their  pay  when  he  should 
come  to  get  them  the  following  year. 

There  was  a  captain  of  the  savages  named  Mabretou,^  who 
promised  to  take  care  of  them,  and  that  they  should  be  treated 
as  kindly  as  his  own  children.  We  found  him  a  friendly  savage 
all  the  time  we  were  there,  although  he  had  the  name  of  being 
the  worst  and  most  traitorous  man  of  his  tribe. 

Chapter  12. 

Departure  from  Port  Royal  to  return  to  France.    Meeting  Ralleau  at  Cape  Sable, 
which  caused  us  to  turn  back. 

On  the  17th  of  the  month,  in  accordance  with  the  resolution 
we  had  formed,  we  set  out  from  the  mouth  of  Port  Royal  with 
two  barques,  one  of  eighteen  tons,  the  other  of  seven  or  eight, 

'  Their  names,  according  to  Lescarbot,  were  La  Taille  and  Miquelet. 
2  Lescarbot  and  Father  Biard  (Jcs.  Rels.)  call  him  Membertou. 

138 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CTIAMPL/lIN 

with  the  view  of  pursuing  the  voyage  to  Cape  Breton  or  Can- 
seau.  We  had  anchored  in  the  strait  of  Long  Island,  where 
during  the  night  our  cable  broke,  and  we  came  near  being  lost, 
owing  to  the  violent  tides  which  strike  upon  several  rocky- 
points  in  and  about  this  place.  But,  through  the  diligent  exer- 
tions of  all,  we  were  saved,  and  escaped  once  more. 

On  the  2ist  of  the  month  there  was  a  violent  wind,  which 
broke  the  irons  of  our  rudder  between  Long  Island  and  Cape 
Fourchu,  and  reduced  us  to  such  extremities  that  we  were  at  a 
loss  what  to  do.  For  the  fury  of  the  sea  did  not  permit  us  to 
land,  since  the  breakers  ran  mountain  high  along  the  coast,  so 
that  we  resolved  to  perish  in  the  sea  rather  than  to  land,  hoping 
that  the  wind  and  tempest  would  abate,  so  that,  with  the  wind 
astern,  we  might  go  ashore  on  some  sandy  beach.  As  each  one 
thought  by  himself  what  might  be  done  for  our  preservation,  a 
sailor  said  that  a  quantity  of  cordage  attached  to  the  stern  of 
our  barque,  and  dragging  in  the  water,  might  serve  in  some 
measure  to  steer  our  vessel.  But  this  was  of  no  avail ;  and  we 
saw  that,  unless  God  should  aid  us  by  other  means,  this  would 
not  preserve  us  from  shipwreck.  As  we  were  thinking  what 
could  be  done  for  our  safety,  Champdore,  who  had  been  again 
handcuffed,  said  to  some  of  us  that,  if  Pont  Grave  desired  it, 
he  would  find  means  to  steer  our  barque.  This  we  reported 
to  Pont  Grave,  who  did  not  refuse  this  offer,  and  the  rest  of 
us  still  less.  He  accordingly  had  his  handcuffs  taken  off  the 
second  time,  and  at  once  taking  a  rope,  he  cut  it  and  fastened 
the  rudder  with  it  in  such  a  skilful  manner  that  it  would  steer 
the  ship  as  well  as  ever.  In  this  way,  he  made  amends  for  the 
mistakes  he  had  made  leading  to  the  loss  of  the  previous 
barque,  and  was  discharged  from  his  accusation  through  our 
entreaties  to  Pont  Grave  who,  although  somewhat  reluctantly, 
acceded  to  it. 

The  same  day  we  anchored  near   La   Baye   Courante, '   two 

'  At  the  mouth  of  Argyll  River,  sometimes  called  Lobster  Bay. 

139 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

leagues  from  Cape  Fourchu,  and  there  our  barque  was  re- 
paired. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  we  proceeded  near  to  Cape  Sable. 

On  the  24th  of  the  month,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
we  perceived  a  shallop,  near  Cormorant  Island,  coming  from 
Cape  Sable.  Some  thought  it  was  savages  going  away  from 
Cape  Breton  or  the  Island  of  Canseau.  Others  said  it  might  be 
shallops  sent  from  Canseau  to  get  news  of  us.  Finally,  as  we 
approached  nearer,  we  saw  that  they  were  Frenchmen,  which 
delighted  us  greatly.  When  it  had  almost  reached  us,  we  rec- 
ognized Ralleau,  the  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts,  which  re- 
doubled our  joy.  He  informed  us  that  Sieur  de  Monts  had 
despatched  a  vessel  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  tons,  commanded 
by  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  had  come  with  fifty  men  to  act 
as  Lieutenant-General,  and  live  in  the  country ;  that  he  had 
landed  at  Canseau,  whence  the  above  mentioned  vessel  had 
gone  out  to  sea,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  find  us,  while  he, 
meanwhile,  was  proceeding  along  the  coast  in  a  shallop,  in 
order  to  meet  us  in  case  we  should  have  set  out,  supposing  we 
had  departed  from  Port  Royal,  as  was  in  fact  the  case :  in  so 
doing,  they  acted  very  wisely.  All  this  intelligence  caused  us 
to  turn  back;  and  we  arrived  at  Port  Royal  on  the  25th  of  the 
month,  where  we  found  the  above-mentioned  vessel  and  Sieur 
de  Poutrincourt,  and  were  greatly  delighted  to  see  realized 
what  we  had  given  up  in  despair.  He  told  us  that  his  delay 
had  been  caused  by  an  accident  which  happened  to  the  ship  in 
leaving  the  boom  at  Rochelle,  where  he  had  taken  his  depart- 
ure, and  that  he  had  been  hindered  by  bad  weather  on  his 
voyage. 

The  next  day,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  proceeded  to  set  forth 
his  views  as  to  what  should  be  done;  and,  in  accordance  with 
the  opinion  of  all,  he  resolved  to  stay  at  Port  Royal  this  year, 
inasmuch  as  no  discovery  had  been  made  since  the  departure 
of  Sieur  de  Monts,  and  the  period  of  four  months  before  winter 

140 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMP  LA  IN 

was  not  long  enough  to  search  out  a  site  and  construct  another 
settlement,  especially  in  a  large  vessel,  unlike  a  barque  which 
draws  little  water,  searches  everywhere,  and  finds  places  to  one's 
mind  for  effecting  settlements.  But  he  decided  that,  during 
this  period,  nothing  more  should  be  done  than  to  try  to  find 
some  place  better  adapted  for  our  abode. 

Thus  deciding,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  despatched  at  once 
some  laborers  to  work  on  the  land  in  a  spot  which  he  deemed 
suitable,  up  the  river,  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  settlement 
of  Port  Royal,  and  where  we  had  thought  of  making  our 
abode.'  Here  he  ordered  wheat,  rye,  hemp,  and  several  other 
kinds  of  seeds  to  be  sown,  in  order  to  ascertain  how  they  would 
flourish. 

On  the  2 2d  of  August,  a  small  barque  was  seen  approaching 
our  settlement.  It  was  that  of  Des  Antons,  of  St.  Malo,  who 
had  come  from  Canseau,  where  his  vessel  was  engaged  in  fish- 
ing, to  inform  us  that  there  were  some  vessels  about  Cape 
Breton  engaged  in  the  fur-trade ;  and  that,  if  we  would  send 
our  ship,  we  might  capture  them  on  the  point  of  returning  to 
France.  It  was  determined  to  do  so  as  soon  as  some  supplies, 
which  were  in  the  ship,  could  be  unloaded. 

This  being  done,  Pont  Grave  embarked,  together  with  his 
companions,  who  had  wintered  with  him  at  Port  Royal,  except- 
ing Champdore  and  Foulgere  de  Vitre.  I  also  stayed  with  De 
Poutrincourt,  in  order,  with  God's  help,  to  complete  the  map 
of  the  coasts  and  countries  which  I  had  commenced.  Every 
thing  being  put  in  order  in  the  settlement,  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court ordered  provisions  to  be  taken  on  board  for  our  voyage 
along  the  coast  of  Florida. 

On  the  29th  of  August,  we  set  out  from  Port  Royal,  as  did 
also  Pont  Grave  and  Des  Antons,  who  were  bound  for  Cape 
Breton  and  Canseau,  to  seize  the  vessels  which  were  engaging 
in  the  fur-trade,  as  I  have  before  stated.     After  getting  out  to 

'  Where  the  present  village  of  Annapolis  stands. 

141 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

sea,  we  were  obliged  to  put  back  on  account  of  bad  weather. 
But  the  large  vessel  kept  on  her  course,  and  we  soon  lost  sight 
of  her. 

Chapter  ij. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  sets  out  from   Port   Royal  to  make  discoveries.     All  that 
was  seen   and  what  took  place  as  far  as  Mallebarre. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  we  set  out  again  from  Port  Royal. 
On  the  7th,  we  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  where 
we  found  a  large  number  of  savages,  among  others  Secondon 
and  Messamouet.  We  came  near  being  lost  there  on  a  rocky 
islet,  on  account  of  Champdore's  usual  obstinacy. 

The  next  day  we  proceeded  in  a  shallop  to  the  Island  of 
St.  Croix,  where  Sieur  de  Monts  had  wintered,  to  see  if  we 
could  find  any  spikes  of  wheat  and  other  seeds  which  we  had 
planted  there.  We  found  some  wheat  which  had  fallen  on  the 
ground,  and  come  up  as  finely  as  one  could  wish ;  also  a  large 
number  of  garden  vegetables,  which  also  had  come  up  fair  and 
large.  It  gave  us  great  satisfaction  to  see  that  the  soil  there 
was  good  and  fertile. 

After  visiting  the  island,  we  returned  to  our  barque,  which 
was  one  of  eighteen  tons,  on  the  way  catching  a  large  number 
of  mackerel,  which  are  abundant  there  at  this  season.  It  was 
decided  to  continue  the  voyage  along  the  coast,  which  was  not 
a  very  well-considered  conclusion,  since  we  lost  much  time  in 
passing  over  again  the  discoveries  made  by  Sieur  de  Monts  as 
far  as  the  harbor  of  Mallebarre.  It  would  have  been  much 
better,  in  my  opinion,  to  cross  from  where  we  were  directly  to 
Mallebarre,  the  route  being  already  known,  and  then  use  our 
time  in  exploring  as  far  as,  the  fortieth  degree,  or  still  farther 
south,  revisiting,  upon  our  homeward  voyage,  the  entire  coast 
at  pleasure. 

After  this  decision,  we  took  with  us  Secondon  and  Messa- 
mouet, who  went  as  far  as  Choijacoet  in  a  shallop,  where  they 

1 42 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CH/IMPLAIN 

wished  to  make  an  alliance  with  the  people  of  the  country,  by 
ofFering  them  some  presents. 

On  the  1 2th  of  September,  we  set  out  from  the  river  St. 
Croix. 

On  the  2 1  St,  we  arrived  at  Choiiacoet,  where  we  saw  One- 
mechin,  chief  of  the  river,  and  Marchin,  who  had  harvested 
their  corn.  We  saw  at  the  Island  of  Bacchus'  some  grapes 
which  were  ripe  and  very  good,  and  some  others  not  yet  ripe, 
as  fine  as  those  in  France;  and  I  am  sure  that,  if  they  were 
cultivated,  they  would  produce  good  wine. 

In  this  place,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  secured  a  prisoner  that 
Onemechin  had,  to  whom  Messamouet  made  presents  of 
kettles,  hatchets,  knives,  and  other  things.  Onemechin  recip- 
rocated the  same  with  Indian  corn,  squashes,  and  Brazilian 
beans;  which  was  not  very  satisfactory  to  Messamouet,  who 
went  away  very  ill-disposed  towards  them  for  not  properly 
recognizing  his  presents,  and  with  the  intention  of  making  war 
upon  them  in  a  short  time.  For  these  nations  give  only  in 
exchange  for  something  in  return,  except  to  those  who  have 
done  them  a  special  service,  as  by  assisting  them  in  their  wars. 

Continuing  our  course,  we  proceeded  to  the  Island  Cape,^ 
where  we  encountered  rather  bad  weather  and  fogs,  and  saw 
little  prospect  of  being  able  to  spend  the  night  under  shelter, 
since  the  locality  was  not  favorable  for  this.  While  we  were  thus 
in  perplexity,  it  occurred  to  me  that,  while  coasting  along  with 
Sieur  de  Monts,  I  had  noted  on  my  map,  at  a  distance  of  a 
league  from  here,  a  place  which  seemed  suitable  for  vessels,  ^ 
but  which  we  did  not  enter,  because,  when  we  passed  it,  the 
wind  was  favorable  for  continuing  on  our  course.  This  place 
we  had  already  passed,  which  led  me  to  suggest  to  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt    that   we   should    stand    in    for  a  point  in   sight, 

'  Richmond  Island. 

2  Cape  Ann. 

3  Gloucester  Harbor. 

H3 


VOYAGES  TO  r//£  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

where  the  place  in  question  was,  which  seemed  to  me  favorable 
for  passing  the  night.  We  proceeded  to  anchor  at  the  mouth, 
and  went  in  the  next  day. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  landed  with  eight  or  ten  of  our  com- 
pany. We  saw  some  very  fine  grapes  just  ripe,  Brazilian 
peas,'  pumpkins,  squashes,  and  very  good  roots, ^  which  the 
savages  cultivate,  having  a  taste  similar  to  that  of  chards. 
They  made  us  presents  of  some  of  these,  in  exchange  for  little 
trifles  which  we  gave  them.  They  had  already  finished  their 
harvest.  We  saw  two  hundred  savages  in  this  very  pleasant 
place ;  and  there  are  here  a  large  number  of  very  fine  walnut- 
trees,  cypresses,  sassafras,  oaks,  ash,  and  beeches.  The  chief 
of  this  place  is  named  Quiouhamenec,  who  came  to  see  us  with 
a  neighbor  of  his,  named  Cohoiiepech,  whom  we  entertained 
sumptuously.  Onemechin,  chief  of  Choiiacoet,  came  also  to 
see  us,  to  whom  we  gave  a  coat,  which  he,  however,  did  not 
keep  a  long  time,  but  made  a  present  of  it  to  another,  since  he 
was  uneasy  in  it,  and  could  not  adapt  himself  to  it.  We  saw 
also  a  savage  here,  who  had  so  wounded  himself  in  the  foot, 
and  lost  so  much  blood,  that  he  fell  down  in  a  swoon.  Many 
others  surrounded  him,  and  sang  some  time  before  touching 
him.  Afterwards,  they  made  some  motions  with  their  feet  and 
hands,  shook  his  head  and  breathed  upon  him,  when  he  came 
to  himself  Our  surgeon  dressed  his  wounds,  when  he  went 
off  in  good  spirits. 

The  next  day,  as  we  were  calking  our  shallop,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  in  the  woods  noticed  a  number  of  savages  who 
were  going,  with  the  intention  of  doing  us  some  mischief,  to  a 
little  stream,  where  a  neck  connects  with  the  main  land,  at 
which  our  party  were  doing  their  washing.  As  I  was  walking 
along  this  neck,  these  savages  noticed  me;  and,  in  order  to  put 

'  Probably  beans  should  be  the  word. 

2  Jerusalem   artichokes.     Chards  are   the   middle   stalks   of  white   beets   and 
artichokes. 

144 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CIIAMPLAIN 

a  good  face  upon  it,  since  they  saw  that  I  had  discovered  them 
thus  seasonably,  they  began  to  shout  and  dance,  and  then 
came  towards  me  with  their  bows,  arrows,  quivers,  and  other 
arms.  And,  inasmuch  as  there  was  a  meadow  between  them 
and  myself,  I  made  a  sign  to  them  to  dance  again.  This  they 
did  in  a  circle,  putting  all  their  arms  in  the  middle.  But  they 
had  hardly  commenced,  when  they  observed  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  in  the  wood  with  eight  musketeers,  which  frightened 
them.  Yet  they  did  not  stop  until  they  had  finished  their 
dance,  when  they  withdrew  in  all  directions,  fearing  lest  some 
unpleasant  turn  might  be  served  them.  We  said  nothing  to 
them,  however,  and  showed  them  only  demonstrations  of  glad- 
ness. Then  we  returned  to  launch  our  shallop,  and  take  our 
departure.  They  entreated  us  to  wait  a  day,  saying  that  more 
than  two  thousand  of  them  would  come  to  see  us.  But,  un- 
able to  lose  any  time,  we  were  unwilling  to  stay  here  longer. 
I  am  of  opinion  that  their  object  was  to  surprise  us.  Some  of 
the  land  was  already  cleared  up,  and  they  were  constantly 
making  clearings.  Their  mode  of  doing  it  is  as  follows:  after 
cutting  down  the  trees  at  the  distance  of  three  feet  from  the 
ground,  they  burn  the  branches  upon  the  trunk,  and  then 
plant  their  corn  between  these  stumps,  in  course  of  time  tear- 
ing up  also  the  roots.  There  are  likewise  fine  meadows  here, 
capable  of  supporting  a  large  number  of  cattle.  This  harbor  is 
very  fine,  containing  water  enough  for  vessels,  and  affording  a 
shelter  from  the  weather  behind  the  islands.  It  is  in  latitude 
43   degrees,  and  we  gave  it  the  name  of  Le  Beauport. 

The  last  day  of  September  we  set  out  from  Beauport,  and, 
passing  Cap  St.  Louis,  stood  on  our  course  all  night  for  Cap 
Blanc.  In  the  morning,  an  hour  before  daylight,  we  found 
ourselves  to  the  leeward  of  Cap  Blanc,  in  Baye  Blanche,  with 
eight  feet  of  water,  and  at  a  distance  of  a  league  from  the 
shore.  Here  we  anchored,  in  order  not  to  approach  too  near 
before  daylight,  and  to  see  how  the  tide  was.     Meanwhile,  we 

H5 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

sent  our  shallop  to  make  soundings.  Only  eight  feet  of  water 
were  found,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  determine  before  day- 
light what  we  would  do.  The  water  sank  as  low  as  five  feet, 
and  our  barque  sometimes  touched  on  the  sand,  yet  without 
any  injury,  for  the  water  was  calm,  and  we  had  not  less  than 
three  feet  of  water  under  us.  Then  the  tide  began  to  rise, 
which  gave  us  encouragement. 

When  it  was  day,  we  saw  a  very  low,  sandy  shore,  off  which 
we  were,  and  more  to  the  leeward.  A  shallop  was  sent  to 
make  soundings  in  the  direction  of  land  somewhat  high, 
where  we  thought  there  would  be  deep  water;  and,  in  fact,  we 
found  seven  fathoms.  Here  we  anchored,  and  at  once  got 
ready  the  shallop,  with  nine  or  ten  men  to  land  and  examine  a 
place  where  we  thought  there  was  a  good  harbor  to  shelter 
ourselves  in,  if  the  wind  should  increase.  An  examination 
having  been  made,  we  entered  in  two,  three,  and  four  fathoms 
of  water.  When  we  were  inside,  we  found  five  and  six.  There 
were  many  very  good  oysters  here,  which  we  had  not  seen  be- 
fore, and  we  named  the  place  Port  aux  Huistres.'  It  is  in 
latitude  42  degrees.  Three  canoes  of  savages  came  out  to  us. 
On  this  day,  the  wind  coming  round  in  our  favor,  we  weighed 
anchor  to  go  to  Cap  Blanc,  distant  from  here  five  leagues 
north  a  quarter  north-east,  and  we  doubled  the  cape. 

On  the  next  day,  the  id  of  October,  we  arrived  off  Malle- 
barre,  where  we  stayed  some  time  on  account  of  the  bad 
weather.  During  this  time,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  with  the 
shallop,  accompanied  by  twelve  or  fifteen  men,  visited  the 
harbor,  where  some  hundred  and  fifty  savages,  singing  and 
dancing  according  to  their  custom,  appeared  before  him. 
After  seeing  this  place,  we  returned  to  our  vessel,  and,  the 
wind  coming  favorable,  sailed  along  the  coast  towards  the 
south. 

'  Barnstable  Harbor. 

146 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAJN 

Chapter   /./. 

Continuation    of  the   above    discoveries,    and   what   was    observed    of  particular 
importance. 

When  we  were  some  six  leagues  trom  Mallebarre,  we 
anchored  near  the  coast,  the  wind  not  being  fair,  along  which 
we  observed  columns  of  smoke  made  by  the  savages,  which 
led  us  to  determine  to  go  to  them,  for  which  purpose  the 
shallop  was  made  ready.  But  when  near  the  coast,  which  is 
sandy,  we  could  not  land,  for  the  swell  was  too  great.  Seeing 
this,  the  savages  launched  a  canoe,  and  came  out  to  us,  eight 
or  nine  of  them,  singing  and  making  signs  of  their  joy  at  see- 
ing us,  and  they  indicated  to  us  that  lower  down  there  was  a 
harbor  where  we  could  put  our  barque  in  a  place  of  security. 
Unable  to  land,  the  shallop  came  back  to  the  barque ;  and  the 
savages,  whom  we  had  treated  civilly,  returned  to  the  shore. 

On  the  next  day,  the  wind  being  favorable,  we  continued 
our  course  to  the  north'  five  leagues,  and  hardly  had  we  gone 
this  distance,  when  we  found  three  and  four  fathoms  of  water 
at  a  distance  of  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  shore.  On  going 
a  little  farther,  the  depth  suddenly  diminished  to  a  fathom  and 
a  half  and  two  fathoms,  which  alarmed  us,  since  we  saw  the  sea 
breaking  all  around,  but  no  passage  by  which  we  could  retrace 
our  course,  for  the  wind  was  directly  contrary. 

Accordingly  being  shut  in  among  the  breakers  and  sand- 
banks, we  had  to  go  at  hap-hazard  where  there  seemed  to  be 
the  most  water  for  our  barque,  which  was  at  most  only  four 
feet :  we  continued  among  these  breakers  until  we  found  as 
much  as  four  feet  and  a  half.  Finally,  we  succeeded,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  in  going  over  a  sandy  point  running  out  nearly 
three  leagues  seaward  to  the  south-south-east,  and  a  very 
dangerous  place.  Doubling  this  cape,  which  we  named  Cap 
Batturier,^  which    is    twelve    or    thirteen    leagues  from  Malle- 

I  They  were  sailing  south.       ^  Apparently  Monomoy   Point,    at  the  south- 
eastern extremity  of  the  Cape  Cod  peninsula. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

barre,  we  anchored  in  two  and  a  half  fathoms  of  water,  since  we 
saw  ourselves  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  breakers  and  shoals, 
except  in  some  places  where  the  sea  was  breaking  but  little. 
The  shallop  was  sent  to  find  a  channel,  in  order  to  go  to  a 
place,  which  we  concluded  to  be  that  which  the  savages  had 
indicated.  We  also  thought  there  was  a  river  there,  where 
we  could   lie  in  security. 

When  our  shallop  arrived  there,  our  party  landed  and  ex- 
amined the  place,  and,  returning  with  a  savage  whom  they 
brought  off,  they  told  us  that  we  could  enter  at  full  tide,  which 
was  resolved  upon.  We  immediately  weighed  anchor,  and, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  savage  who  piloted  us,  proceeded  to 
anchor  at  a  roadstead  before  the  harbor,  in  six  fathoms  of 
water  and  a  good  bottom ;  for  we  could  not  enter,  as  the  night 
overtook  us. 

On  the  next  day,  men  were  sent  to  set  stakes  at  the  end  of  a 
sand-bank  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  when,  the  tide,  rising, 
we  entered  in  two  fathoms  of  water.  When  we  had  arrived, 
we  praised  God  for  being  in  a  place  of  safety.  Our  rudder  had 
broken,  which  we  had  mended  with  ropes ;  but  we  were  afraid 
that,  amid  these  shallows  and  strong  tides,  it  would  break 
anew,  and  we  should  be  lost.  Within  this  harbor'  there  is 
only  a  fathom  of  water,  and  two  at  full  tide.  On  the  east,  there 
is  a  bay  extending  back  on  the  north  some  three  leagues,  in 
which  there  is  an  island  and  two  other  little  bays  which  adorn 
the  landscape,  where  there  is  a  considerable  quantity  of  land 
cleared  up,  and  many  little  hills,  where  they  cultivate  corn  and 
the  various  grains  on  which  they  live.  There  are,  also,  very 
fine  vines,  many  walnut-trees,  oaks,  cypresses,  but  only  a  few 
pines.  All  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  are  very  fond  of  agri- 
culture, and  provide  themselves  with  Indian  corn  for  the 
winter,  which  they  store   in   the  following  manner: 

*  Stage  Harbor,  in  Chatham  township,  to  which  Champlain  soon  afterwards 
gave  the  name  Port  Fortune. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

They  make  trenches  in  the  sand  on  the  slope  of  the  hills, 
some  five  to  six  feet  deep,  more  or  less.  I^utting  their  corn 
and  other  grains  into  large  grass  sacks,  they  throw  them  into 
these  trenches,  and  cover  them  with  sand  three  or  four  feet 
above  the  surface  of  the  earth,  taking  it  out  as  their  needs  re- 
quire. In  this  way,  it  is  preserved  as  well  as  it  would  be  pos- 
sible to  do  in  our  granaries. 

We  saw  in  this  place  some  five  to  six  hundred  savages,  all 
naked  except  their  sexual  parts,  which  they  cover  with  a  small 
piece  of  doe  or  seal-skin.  The  women  are  also  naked,  and, 
like  the  men,  cover  theirs  with  skins  or  leaves.  They  wear 
their  hair  carefully  combed  and  twisted  in  various  ways,  both 
men  and  women,  after  the  manner  of  the  savages  of  Choiiacoet. 
Their  bodies  are  well-proportioned,  and  their  skin  olive- 
colored.  They  adorn  themselves  with  feathers,  beads  of  shell, 
and  other  gewgaws,  which  they  arrange  very  neatly  in  em- 
broidery work.  As  weapons,  they  have  bows,  and  clubs. 
They  are  not  so  much  great  hunters  as  good  fishermen  and 
tillers  of  the  land. 

In  regard  to  their  police,  government,  and  belief,  we  have 
been  unable  to  form  a  judgment;  but  I  suppose  that  they  are 
not  different  in  this  respect  from  our  savages,  the  Souriquois 
and  Canadians,  who  worship  neither  the  moon  nor  the  sun, 
nor  any  thing  else,  and  pray  no  more  than  the  beasts.  There 
are,  however,  among  them  some  persons  who,  as  they  say,  are 
in  concert  with  the  devil,  in  whom  they  have  great  faith.  They 
tell  them  all  that  is  to  happen  to  them,  but  in  so  doing  lie  for 
the  most  part.  Sometimes  they  succeed  in  hitting  the  mark 
very  well,  and  tell  them  things  similar  to  those  which  actually 
happen  to  them.  For  this  reason,  they  have  faith  in  them, 
as  if  they  were  prophets;  while  they  are  only  impostors  who 
delude  them,  as  the  Egyptians  and  Bohemians  (/.^.,  the  Gypsies) 
do  the  simple  villagers.  They  have  chiefs,  whom  they  obey 
in  matters  of  war,  but  not  otherwise,  and  who  engage  in  labor 

149 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

and  hold  no  higher  rank  than  their  companions.  Each  one 
has  only  so  much  land  as  he  needs  for  his  support. 

Their  dwellings  are  separate  from  each  other,  according  to 
the  land  which  each  one  occupies.  They  are  large,  o^  a  circular 
shape,  and  covered  with  thatch  made  of  grasses  or  the  husks 
of  Indian  corn.  They  are  furnished  only  with  a  bed  or  two, 
raised  a  foot  from  the  ground,  made  of  a  number  of  little 
pieces  of  wood  pressed  against  each  other,  on  which  they 
arrange  a  reed  mat,  after  the  Spanish  style,  which  is  a  kind  of 
matting  two  or  three  fingers  thick :  on  these  they  sleep.  They 
have  a  great  many  fleas  in  summer,  even  in  the  fields.  One 
day  as  we  went  out  walking,  we  were  beset  by  so  many  of 
them  that  we  were  obliged  to  change  our  clothes. 

All  the  harbors,  bays,  and  coasts  from  Choiiacoet  are  filled 
with  every  variety  of  fish,  like  those  which  we  have  before  our 
habitation,  and  in  such  abundance  that  I  can  confidently  as- 
sert that  there  was  not  a  day  or  night  when  we  did  not  see 
and  hear  pass  by  our  barque  more  than  a  thousand  porpoises, 
which  were  chasing  the  smaller  fry.  There  are  also  many 
shell-fish  of  various  sorts,  principally  oysters.  Game  birds  are 
very  plenty. 

It  would  be  an  excellent  place  to  erect  buildings  and  lay  the 
foundations  of  a  state,  if  the  harbor  were, somewhat  deeper  and 
the  entrance  safer.  Before  leaving  the  harbor,  the  rudder  was 
repaired ;  and  we  had  some  bread  made  from  flour,  which  we 
had  brought  for  our  subsistence,  in  case  our  biscuit  should 
give  out.  Meanwhile,  we  sent  the  shallop  with  five  or  six 
men  and  a  savage  to  see  whether  a  passage  might  be  found 
more  favorable  for  our  departure  than  that  by  which  we  had 
entered. 

After  they  had  gone  five  or  six  leagues  and  were  near  the 
land,  the  savage  made  his  escape,  since  he  was  afraid  of  being 
taken  to  other  savages  farther  south,  the  enemies  of  his  tribe, 
as  he  gave  those  to  understand  who  were  in  the  shallop.     The 

150 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CII.IMPL/IIN 

latter,  upon  their  return,  reported  that,  as  far  as  they  had 
advanced,  there  were  at  least  three  fathoms  of  water,  and  that 
farther  on  there  were  neither  shallows  nor  reefs. 

We  accordingly  made  haste  to  repair  our  barque,  and  make 
a  supply  of  bread  for  fifteen  days.  Meanwhile,  Sieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt,  accompanied  by  ten  or  twelve  arquebusiers,  visited 
all  the  neighboring  country,  which  is  very  fine,  as  I  have  said 
before,  and  where  we  saw  here  and  there  a  large  number  of 
little  houses. 

Some  eight  or  nine  days  after,  while  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt 
was  walking  out,  as  he  had  previously  done,  we  observed  the 
sav^ages  taking  down  their  cabins  and  sending  their  women, 
children,  provisions,  and  other  necessaries  of  life  into  the 
woods.  This  made  us  suspect  some  evil  intention,  and  that 
they  purposed  to  attack  those  of  our  company  who  were  work- 
ing on  shore,  where  they  stayed  at  night  in  order  to  guard 
that  which  could  not  be  embarked  at  evening  except  with  much 
trouble.  This  proved  to  be  true ;  for  they  determined  among 
themselves,  after  all  their  effects  had  been  put  in  a  place  of 
security,  to  come  and  surprise  those  on  land,  taking  advantage 
of  them  as  much  as  possible,  and  to  carry  off  all  they  had. 
But,  if  by  chance  they  should  find  them  on  their  guard,  they 
resolved  to  come  with  signs  of  friendship,  as  they  were  wont 
to  do,  leaving  behind  their  bows  and  arrows. 

Now,  in  view  of  what  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  had  seen,  and 
the  order  which  it  had  been  told  him  they  observed  when  they 
wished  to  play  some  bad  trick,  when  we  passed  by  some  cabins, 
where  there  was  a  large  number  of  women,  we  gave  them  some 
bracelets  and  rings  to  keep  them  quiet  and  free  from  fear,  and 
to  most  of  the  old  and  distinguished  men  hatchets,  knives,  and 
other  things  which  they  desired. 

This  pleased  them  greatly,  and  they  repaid  it  all  in  dances, 
gambols,  and  harangues,  which  we  did  not  understand  at  all. 
We  went  wherever  we  chose  without  their  having  the  assurance 

'51 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

to  say  anything  to  us.  It  pleased  us  greatly  to  see  them  show 
themselves  so  simple  in  appearance. 

We  returned  very  quietly  to  our  barque,  accompanied  by 
some  of  the  savages.  On  the  way,  we  met  several  small  troops 
of  them,  who  gradually  gathered  together  with  their  arms,  and 
did  not  suppose  that  we  had  just  made  a  circuit  of  nearly  four 
or  five  leagues  about  their  territory.  Passing  near  us,  they 
trembled  with  fear,  lest  harm  should  be  done  them,  as  it  was 
in  our  power  to  do.  But  we  did  them  none,  although  we 
knew  their  evil  intentions.  Having  arrived  where  our  men  were 
working,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  inquired  if  everything  was  in 
readiness  to  resist  the  designs  of  this  rabble. 

He  ordered  everything  on  shore  to  be  embarked.  This  was 
done,  except  that  he  who  was  making  the  bread  stayed  to 
finish  a  baking,  and  two  others  with  him.  They  were  told  that 
the  savages  had  some  evil  intent,  and  that  they  should  make 
haste  to  embark  the  coming  evening,  since  they  carried  their 
plans  into  execution  only  at  night,  or  at  daybreak,  which  in 
their  plots  is  generally  the  hour  for  making  a  surprise. 

Evening  having  come,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  gave  orders 
that  the  shallop  should  be  sent  ashore  to  get  the  men  who 
remained.  This  was  done  as  soon  as  the  tide  would  permit, 
and  those  on  shore  were  told  that  they  must  embark  for  the 
reason  assigned.  This  they  refused  in  spite  of  the  remon- 
strances that  were  made,  setting  forth  the  risks  they  ran  and 
the  disobedience  to  their  chief.  They  paid  no  attention  to  it, 
with  the  exception  of  a  servant  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who 
embarked.  Two  others  disembarked  from  the  shallop  and 
went  to  the  three  on  shore,  who  had  stayed  to  eat  some  cakes 
made  at  the  same  time  with  the  bread. 

But,  as  they  were  unwilling  to  do  as  they  were  told,  the 
shallop  returned  to  the  vessel.  It  was  not  mentioned  to  Sieur 
de  Poutrincourt,  who  had  retired,  thinking  that  all  were  on 
board. 

152 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CIIAMPLAIN 

The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  the  15th  of  October,  the 
savages  did  not  fail  to  come  and  see  in  what  condition  our 
men  were,  whom  they  found  asleep,  except  one,  who  was  near 
the  fire.  When  they  saw  them  in  this  condition,  they  came,  to 
the  number  of  four  hundred,  softly  over  a  little  hill,  and  sent 
them  such  a  voUev  of  arrows,  that  to  rise  up  was  death.  Flee- 
ing the  best  they  could  towards  our  barque,  shouting,  "  Help  I 
they  are  killing  us  ! "  a  part  fell  dead  in  the  water ;  the  others 
were  all  pierced  with  arrows,  and  one  died  in  consequence  a 
short  time  after.  The  savages  made  a  desperate  noise  with 
roarings,  which  it  was  terrible  to  hear. 

Upon  the  occurrence  of  this  noise  and  that  of  our  men,  the 
sentinel,  on  our  vessel,  exclaimed,  "  To  arms !  They  are  kill- 
ing our  men."  Consequently,  each  one  Immediately  seized  his 
arms ;  and  we  embarked  in  the  shallop,  some  fifteen  or  sixteen 
of  us,  in  order  to  go  ashore.  But,  being  unable  to  get  there 
on  account  of  a  sand-bank  between  us  and  the  land,  we  threw 
ourselves  into  the  water,  and  waded  from  this  bank  to  the 
shore,  the  distance  of  a  musket-shot.  As  soon  as  we  were 
there,  the  savages,  seeing  us  within  arrow  range,  fled  into  the 
interior.  To  pursue  them  was  fruitless,  for  they  are  marvel- 
lously swift.  All  that  we  could  do  was  to  carry  away  the  dead 
bodies  and  bury  them  near  a  cross,  which  had  been  set  up  the 
day  before,  and  then  to  go  here  and  there  to  see  if  we  could 
get  sight  of  any  of  them.  But  it  was  time  wasted,  therefore  we 
came  back.  Three  hours  afterwards,  they  returned  to  us  on 
the  sea-shore.  We  discharged  at  'them  several  shots  from  our 
little  brass  cannon ;  and,  when  they  heard  the  noise,  they 
crouched  down  on  the  ground  to  avoid  the  fire.  In  mockery 
of  us,  they  beat  down  the  cross  and  disinterred  the  dead, 
which  displeased  us  greatly,  and  caused  us  to  go  for  them  a 
second  time ;  but  they  fied,  as  they  had  done  before.  We  set 
up  again  the  cross,  and  reinterred  the  dead,  whom  they  had 
thrown  here  and  there  amid  the  heath,  where  they  kindled  a 

153 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

fire  to  burn  them.  We  returned  without  any  result,  as  we  had 
done  before,  well  aware  that  there  was  scarcely  hope  of  aveng- 
ing ourselves  this  time,  and  that  we  should  have  to  renew  the 
undertaking  when  it  should  please  God. 

On  the  1 6th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  Port  Fortune, 
to  which  we  had  given  this  name  on  account  of  the  misfortune 
which  had  happened  to  us  there.  This  place  is  in  latitude 
41  degrees  20',  and  some  twelve  or  thirteen  leagues  from 
Mallebarre. 

Chapter  i§. 

The  inclemency  of  the  weather  not  permitting  us  at  that  time  to  continue  our 
discoveries,  we  resolved  to  return  to  our  settlement.  What  happened  to  us 
until  we  reached  it. 

After  having  gone  some  six  or  seven  leagues,  we  sighted  an 
island,  which  we  named  La  Soup9onneuse,'  because  in  the  dis- 
tance we  had  several  times  thought  it  was  not  an  island.  Then 
the  wind  became  contrary,  which  caused  us  to  put  back  to  the 
place  whence  we  had  set  out,  where  we  stayed  two  or  three 
days,  no  savage  during  this  time  presenting  himself  to  us. 

On  the  20th,  we  set  out  anew,  and  coasted  along  to  the 
south-west  nearly  twelve  leagues,  where  we  passed  near  a  river 
which  is  small  and  difficult  of  access  in  consequence  of  the 
shoals  and  rocks  at  its  mouth,  and  which  I  called  after  my  own 
name.  This  coast  is,  so  far  as  we  saw,  low  and  sandy.  The 
wind  again  grew  contrary  and  very  strong,  which  caused  us  to 
put  out  to  sea,  as  we  were  unable  to  advance  on  one  tack  or  the 
other;  it,  however,  finally  abated  a  little  and  grew  favorable. 
But  all  we  could  do  was  to  return  again  to  Port  Fortune, 
where  the  coast,  though  low,  is  fine  and  good,  yet  difficult  of 
access,  there  being  no  harbors,  many  reefs,  and  shallow  water 

^  "The  Doubtful,"  probably  Martha's  Vineyard.  The  river  mentioned  be- 
low, which  the  explorer  named  after  himself,  is  probably  the  tidal  passage  at 
Wood's  Hole  connecting  Vineyard  Sound  and  Buzzard's  Bay.  These  points 
were  therefore  the  southern  limits  of  this   tour  ot  exploration. 

154 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CI  I /I  M  PL/1  IN 

for  the  distance  of  nearly  two  leagues  from  land.  The  most 
that  we  found  was  seven  or  eight  fathoms  in  some  channels, 
which,  however,  continued  only  a  cable's  length,  when  there 
were  suddenly  only  two  or  three  fathoms;  but  one  should  not 
trust  the  water  who  has  not  well  examined  the  depth  with  the 
lead  in  hand. 

Some  hours  after  we  had  returned  to  port,  a  son  of  Pont 
Grave,  named  Robert,  lost  a  hand  in  firing  a  musket,  which 
burst  in  several  pieces,  but  without  injuring  any  one  near  him. 

Seeing  now  the  wind  continuing  contrary,  and  being  unable 
to  put  to  sea,  we  resolved  meanwhile  to  get  possession  of  some 
savages  of  this  place,  and,  taking  them  to  our  settlement,  put 
them  to  grinding  corn  at  the  hand-mill,  as  punishment  for  the 
deadly  assault  which  they  had  committed  on  five  or  six  of  our 
company.  But  it  was  very  difficult  to  do  this  when  we  were 
armed,  since,  if  we  went  to  them  prepared  to  fight,  they  would 
turn  and  flee  into  the  woods,  where  they  were  not  to  be  caught. 
It  was  necessary,  accordingly,  to  have  recourse  to  artifice,  and 
this  is  what  we  planned :  when  they  should  come  to  seek 
friendship  with  us,  to  coax  them  by  showing  them  beads  and 
other  gewgaws,  and  assure  them  repeatedly  of  our  good  faith ; 
then  to  take  the  shallop  well  armed,  and  conduct  on  shore  the 
most  robust  and  strong  men  we  had,  each  one  having  a  chain 
of  beads  and  a  fathom  of  match'  on  his  arm;  and  there,  while 
pretending  to  smoke  with  them  (each  one  having  an  end  of  his 
match  lighted  so  as  not  to  excite  suspicion,  it  being  customary 
to  have  fire  at  the  end  of  a  cord  in  order  to  light  the  tobacco), 
coax  them  with  pleasing  words  so  as  to  draw  them  into  the 
shallop ;  and,  if  they  should  be  unwilling  to  enter,  each  one 
approaching  should  at  the  same  time  put  the  rope  on  him  to 
draw  him  by  force.  But,  if  they  should  be  too  boisterous,  and 
it  should  not  be  possible  to  succeed,  they  should  be  stabbed, 
the   rope   being  firmly  held;    and,  if  by  chance  any   of  them 

'  Match,  a  tow  rope  to  hold  fire,  for  use  with  the  match-lock  musket. 

155 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

should  get  away,  there  should  be  men  on  land  to  charge  upon 
them  with  swords.  Meanwhile,  the  little  cannon  on  our 
barque  was  to  be  kept  ready  to  fire  upon  their  companions  in 
case  they  should  come  to  assist  them,  under  cover  of  which 
firearms  the  shallop  could  withdraw  in  security.  The  plan 
above-mentioned  was  well  carried  out  as  had  been  arranged. 
Some  days  after  these  events  had  occurred,  there  came 
savages  by  threes  and  fours  to  the  shore,  making  signs  to  us 
to  go  to  them.  But  we  saw  their  main  body  in  ambuscade 
under  a  hillock  behind  some  bushes,  and  1  suppose  that  they 
were  only  desirous  of  beguiling  us  into  the  shallop  in  order  to 
discharge  a  shower  of  arrows  upon  us,  and  then  to  take  to 
flight.  Nevertheless,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  did  not  hesitate 
to  go  to  them  with  ten  of  us,  well  equipped  and  determined  to 
fight  them,  if  occasion  offered.  We  landed  at  a  place  beyond 
their  ambuscade,  as  we  thought,  and  where  they  could  not  sur- 
prise us.  There  three  or  four  of  us  went  ashore  together  with 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt;  the  others  did  not  leave  the  shallop,  in 
order  to  protect  it  and  be  ready  for  an  emergency.  We  as- 
cended a  knoll  and  went  about  the  woods  to  see  if  we  could 
not  discover  more  plainly  the  ambuscade.  When  they  saw  us 
going  so  unconcernedly  to  them,  they  left  and  went  to  other 
places,  which  we  could  not  see,  and  of  the  four  savages  we  saw 
only  tw^o,  who  went  away  very  slowly.  As  they  withdrew,  they 
made  signs  to  us  to  take  our  shallop  to  another  place,  thinking 
that  it  was  not  favorable  for  the  carrying  out  of  their  plan. 
And,  when  we  saw  that  they  had  no  desire  to  come  to  us,  we 
re-embarked  and  went  to  the  place  they  indicated,  which  was 
the  second  ambuscade  they  had  made,  in  their  endeavor  to 
draw  us  unarmed  to  themselves  by  signs  of  friendship.  But 
this  we  were  not  permitted  to  do  at  that  time,  yet  we  ap- 
proached very  near  them  without  seeing  this  ambuscade, 
which  we  supposed  was  not  far  off.  As  our  shallop  approached 
the  shore,  they  took  to  flight,  as  also  those  in  ambush,  after 

156 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

whom  we  fired  some  musket-shots,  since  we  saw  that  their  in- 
tention was  only  to  deceive  us  by  flattery,  in  which  they  were 
disappointed;  for  we  recognized  clearly  what  their  purpose  was, 
which  had  only  mischief  in  view.'  We  retired  to  our  barque 
after  having  done  all  we  could. 

On  the  same  day,  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  resolved  to  return 
to  our  settlement  on  account  of  four  or  five  sick  and  wounded 
men,  whose  wounds  were  growing  worse  through  lack  of  salves, 
of  which  our  surgeon,  by  a  great  mistake  on  his  part,  had 
brought  but  a  small  provision,  to  the  detriment  of  the  sick  and 
our  own  discomfort,  as  the  stench  from  their  wounds  was  so 
great,  in  a  little  vessel  like  our  own,  that  one  could  scarcely 
endure  it.  Moreover,  we  were  afraid  that  they  would  generate 
disease.  Also  we  had  provisions  only  for  going  eight  or  ten 
days  farther,  however  much  economy  might  be  practised ;  and 
we  knew  not  whether  the  return  would  last  as  long  as  the  ad- 
vance, which  was  nearly  two  months. 

At  any  rate,  our  resolution  being  formed,  we  withdrew,  but 
with  the  satisfaction  that  God  had  not  left  unpunished  the 
misdeeds  of  these  barbarians.  We  advanced  no  farther  than  to 
latitude  41  degrees  30',  which  was  only  half  a  degree  farther 
than  Sieur  de  Monts  had  gone  on  his  voyage  of  discovery. 
We  set  out  accordingly  from  this  harbor. 

On  the  next  day  we  anchored  near  Mallebarre,  where  we 
remained  until  the  28th  of  the  month,  when  we  set  sail.  On 
that  day  the  air  was  very  cold,  and  there  was  a  little  snow.  We 
took  a  direct  course  for  Norumbegue  or  Isle  Haute.  Heading 
east-north-east,  we  were  two  days  at  sea  without  seeing  land, 
being  kept  back  by  bad  weather.  On  the  following  night,  we 
sighted  the  islands,  which  are  between  Quinibequy  and  Norum- 
begue. The  wind  was  so  strong  that  we  were  obliged  to  put  to 
sea  until  daybreak ;  but  we  went  so  far  from  land,  although  we 

^  This  was  the  Nauset  tribe  of  Indians,  who  were  the  first  to  show  hostility 
to  the  Pilgrims. 

157 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

used  very  little  sail,  that  we  could  not  see  it  again  until  the 
next  day,  when  we  saw  Isle  Haute,  of  which  we  were  abreast. 

On  the  last  day  of  October,  between  the  Island  of  Monts 
Deserts  and  Cap  Corneille,  our  rudder  broke  in  several  pieces, 
without  our  knowing  the  reason.  Each  one  expressed  his 
opinion  about  it.  On  the  following  night,  with  a  fresh  breeze, 
we  came  among  a  large  number  of  islands  and  rocks,  whither 
the  wind  drove  us ;  and  we  resolved  to  take  refuge,  if  possible, 
on  the  first  land  we  should  find. 

We  were  for  some  time  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  and  sea, 
with  only  the  foresail  set.  But  the  worst  of  it  was  that  the 
night  was  dark,  and  we  did  not  know  where  we  were  going ; 
for  our  barque  could  not  be  steered  at  all,  although  we  did  all 
that  was  possible,  holding  in  our  hands  the  sheets  of  the  fore- 
sail, which  sometimes  enabled  us  to  steer  it  a  little.  We  kept 
continually  sounding,  to  see  if  it  were  possible  to  find  a  bottom 
for  anchoring,  and  to  prepare  ourselves  for  what  might  happen. 
But  we  found  none.  Finally,  as  we  were  going  faster  than  we 
wished,  it  was  recommended  to  put  an  oar  astern  together  with 
some  men,  so  as  to  steer  to  an  island  which  we  saw,  in  order 
to  shelter  ourselves  from  the  wind.  Two  other  oars  also  were 
put  over  the  sides  in  the  after  part  of  the  barque,  to  assist 
those  who  were  steering,  in  order  to  make  the  vessel  bear  up 
on  one  tack  and  the  other.  This  device  served  us  so  well,  that 
we  headed  where  we  wished,  and  ran  in  behind  the  point  of 
the  island  we  had  seen,  anchoring  in  twenty-one  fathoms  of 
water  until  daybreak,  when  we  proposed  to  reconnoitre  our 
position  and  seek  for  a  place  to  make  another  rudder.  The 
wind  abated.  At  daybreak,  we  found  ourselves  near  the  Isles 
Rangees,'  entirely  surrounded  by  breakers,  and  we  praised  God 
for  having  preserved  us  so  wonderfully  amid  so  many  perils. 

On  the  I  St  of  November,  we  went  to  a  place  which  we 
deemed    favorable  for  beaching  our  vessel    and   repairing   our 

'  Small  islands  southwest  of  jVIachias. 

158 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CH/IM PLAIN 

helm.  On  this  day,  I  landed,  and  saw  some  ice  two  inches 
thick,  it  having  fro/en  perhaps  eight  or  ten  days  before.  I 
observed  also  that  the  temperature  of  the  place  differed  very 
much  from  that  of  Mallebarre  and  Port  Fortune,  for  the  leaves 
of  the  trees  were  not  yet  dead  and  had  not  begun  to  fall  when 
we  set  out,  while  here  they  had  fallen,  and  it  was  much  colder 
than  at  Port  Fortune. 

On  the  next  day,  as  we  were  beaching  our  barque,  a  canoe 
came  containing  Etechemin  savages,  who  told  the  savage 
Secondon  in  our  barque  that  louaniscou,  with  his  companions, 
had  killed  some  other  savages,  and  carried  off  some  women  as 
prisoners,  whom  they  had  executed  near  the  Island  of  Monts 
Deserts. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month,  we  set  out  from  near  Cap  Cor- 
neille,  and  anchored  the  same  day  in  the  little  passage  of  Sainte 
Croix  River. 

On  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  we  landed  our  savage  with 
some  supplies  which  we  gave  him.  He  was  well  pleased  and 
satisfied  at  having  made  this  voyage  with  us,  and  took  away 
with  him  some  heads  of  the  savages  that  had  been  killed  at 
Port  Fortune.  The  same  day  we  anchored  in  a  very  pretty 
cove  on  the  south  of  the  Island  of  Manan. 

On  the  1 2th  of  the  month,  we  made  sail;  and,  when  under 
way,  the  shallop,  which  we  were  towing  astern,  struck  against 
our  barque  so  violently  and  roughly  that  it  made  an  opening 
and  stove  in  her  upper  works,  and  again  in  the  recoil  broke  the 
iron  fastenings  of  our  rudder.  At  first,  we  thought  that  the 
first  blow  had  stove  in  some  planks  in  the  lower  part,  which 
would  have  sunk  us ;  for  the  wind  was  so  high  that  all  we 
could  do  was  to  carry  our  foresail.  But  finding  that  the 
damage  was  slight,  and  that  there  was  no  danger,  we  managed 
with  ropes  to  repair  the  rudder  as  well  as  we  could,  so  as  to 
serve  us  to  the  end  of  our  voyage.  This  was  not  until  the 
14th  of  November,  when,  at  the  entrance  to  Port  Royal,  we 

159 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

came  near  being  lost  on  a  point ;  but  God  delivered  us  from 
this  danger  as  well  as  from  many  others  to  which  we  had 
been   exposed. 

Chapter  i6. 
Return  from  the  foregoing  discoveries,  and  what  transpired  during  the  winter. 

Upon  our  arrival,  Lescarbot,  who  had  remained  at  the 
settlement,  assisted  by  the  others  who  had  stayed  there,  wel- 
comed us  with  a  humorous  entertainment.' 

Having  landed  and  had  time  to  take  breath,  each  one  began 
to  make  little  gardens,  I  among  the  rest  attending  to  mine,,  in 
order  in  the  spring  to  sow  several  kinds  of  seeds  which  had 
been  brought  from  France,  and  which  grew  very  well  in  all  the 
gardens. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  moreover,  had  a  water-mill  built 
nearly  a  league  and  a  half  from  our  settlement,  near  the  point 
where  grain  had  been  planted.  This  mill  was  built  at  a  fall,  on 
a  little  river  ^  which  is  not  navigable  on  account  of  the  large 
number  of  rocks  in  it,  and  which  falls  into  a  small  lake.  In 
this  place,  there  is  such  an  abundance  of  herring  in  their  season 
that  shallops  could  be  loaded  with  them  if  one  were  to  take 
the  trouble  to  bring  the  requisite  apparatus.  The  savages  also 
of  this  region  come  here  sometimes  to  fish.  A  quantity  of 
charcoal  was  made  by  us  for  our  forge.  During  the  winter,  in 
order  not  to  remain  idle,  I  undertook  the  building  of  a  road 
along  the  wood  to  a  little  river  or  brook,  which  we  named  La 
Truitiere,  there  being  many  trout  there.  I  asked  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  for  two  or  three  men,  which  he  gave  me  to  assist 
in  making  this  passageway.  I  got  along  so  well  that  in  a  little 
while  I  had  the  road  through.  It  extends  through  to  the  trout 
brook,  and  measures  nearly  two  thousand  paces.    It  served  us 

'  A  poetic  drama  called  **Le  Theatre  de  Neptune,"  which  Lescarbot  pub- 
lished in  "  Les  Muses  de  la  Nouvelle  France." 
2  Now  Allen  River. 

1 60 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPLAIN 

as  a  walk  under  the  shelter  of  the  trees,  which  I  had.  left  on 
both  sides.  This  led  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  to  determine  to 
make  another  through  the  woods,  in  order  that  we  might  go 
straight  to  the  mouth  of  Port  Royal,  it  being  a  distance  of 
nearly  three  leagues  and  a  half  by  land  from  our  settlement. 
He  had  this  commenced  and  continued  for  about  half  a  league 
from  La  Truitiere;  but  he  did  not  finish  it,  as  the  undertaking 
was  too  laborious,  and  he  was  occupied  by  other  things  at  the 
time  more  necessary.  Some  time  after  our  arrival,  we  saw  a 
shallop  containing  savages,  who  told  us  that  a  savage,  who  was 
one  ot  our  friends,  had  been  killed  by  those  belonging  to  the 
place  whence  they  came,  which  was  Norumbegue,  in  revenge 
for  the  killing  of  the  men  of  Norumbegue  and  Quinibequy  by 
louaniscou,  also  a  savage,  and  his  followers,  as  I  have  before 
related ;  and  that  some  Etechemins  had  informed  the  savage 
Secondon,  who  was  with  us  at  that  time. 

The  commander  of  the  shallop  was  the  savage  named 
Ouagimou,  who  was  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Bessabez, 
chief  of  the  river  Norumbegue,  of  whom  he  asked  the  body 
of  Panounias,  who  had  been  killed.  The  latter  granted  it  to 
him,  begging  him  to  tell  his  friends  that  he  was  very  sorry  for 
his  death,  and  assuring  him  that  it  was  without  his  knowledge 
that  he  had  been  killed,  and  that,  inasmuch  as  it  was  not  his 
fault,  he  begged  him  to  tell  them  that  he  desired  they  might 
continue  to  live  as  friends.  This  Ouagimou  promised  to  do 
upon  his  return.  He  said  to  us  that  he  was  very  uneasy  until 
he  got  away  from  them,  whatever  friendship  they  might  show 
him,  since  they  were  liable  to  change;  and  he  feared  that  they 
would  treat  him  in  the  same  manner  as  they  had  the  one  who 
had  been  killed.  Accordingly,  he  did  not  tarry  long  after 
being  dismissed.  He  took  the  body  in  his  shallop  from 
Norumbegue  to  our  settlement,  a  distance  of  fifty  leagues. 

As  soon  as  the  body  was  brought  on  shore,  his  relatives  and 
friends  began  to  shout  by  his  side,  having  painted  their  entire 

i6r 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

face  with  black,  which  is  their  mode  of  mourning.  After 
lamenting  much,  they  took  a  quantity  of  tobacco  and  two  or 
three  dogs  and  other  things  belonging  to  the  deceased,  and 
burned  them  some  thousand  paces  from  our  settlement  on  the 
sea-shore.  Their  cries  continued  until  they  returned  to  their 
cabin. 

The  next  day  they  took  the  body  of  the  deceased  and 
wrapped  it  in  a  red  covering,  which  Mabretou,  chief  of  this 
place,  urgently  implored  me  to  give  him,  since  it  was  hand- 
some and  large.  He  gave  it  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased, 
who  thanked  me  very  much  for  it.  After  thus  wrapping  up 
the  body,  they  decorated  it  with  several  kinds  of  matachiats ; 
that  is,  strings  of  beads  and  bracelets  of  diverse  colors.  They 
painted  the  face,  and  put  on  the  head  many  feathers  and  other 
things,  the  finest  they  had.  Then  they  placed  the  body  on  its 
knees  between  two  sticks,  with  another  under  the  arms  to 
sustain  it.  Around  the  body  were  the  mother,  wife,  and  others 
of  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased,  both  women  and 
girls,  howling  like  dogs. 

While  the  women  and  girls  were  shrieking,  the  savage  named 
Mabretou  made  an  address  to  his  companions  on  the  death  of 
the  deceased,  urging  all  to  take  vengeance  for  the  wickedness 
and  treachery  committed  by  the  subjects  of  Bessabez,  and  to 
make  war  upon  them  as  speedily  as  possible.  All  agreed  to  do 
so  in  the  spring. 

After  the  harangue  was  finished  and  the  cries  had  ceased, 
they  carried  the  body  of  the  deceased  to  another  cabin.  After 
smoking  tobacco  together,  they  wrapped  it  in  an  elk-skin  like- 
wise;  and,  binding  it  very  securely,  they  kept  it  until  there 
should  be  a  larger  number  of  savages  present,  from  each  one 
of  whom  the  brother  of  the  deceased  expected  to  receive 
presents,  it  being  their  custom  to  give  them  to  those  who  have 
lost  fathers,  wives,  brothers,  or  sisters. 

On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  December,  there  was  a  south- 

162 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CllAMPLAlN 

east  wind,  which  blew  down  several  trees.  On  the  last  day  of 
December,  it  began  to  snow,  which  continued  until  the  morn- 
ing of  the  next  day.  On  the  i6th  of  January  following,  1607, 
Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  desiring  to  ascend  the  river  Equille, 
found  it  at  a  distance  of  some  two  leagues  from  our  settlement 
sealed  with  ice,  which  caused  him  to  return,  not  being  able  to 
advance  any  farther.  On  the  8th  of  February,  some  pieces  of 
ice  began  to  flow  down  from  the  upper  part  of  the  river  into 
the  harbor,  which  only  freezes  along  the  shore.  On  the  loth 
of  May  following,  it  snowed  all  night;  and,  towards  the  end 
of  the  month,  there  were  heavy  hoar-frosts,  which  lasted  until 
the  loth  or  12th  of  June,  when  all  the  trees  were  covered  with 
leaves,  except  the  oaks,  which  do  not  leaf  out  until  about  the 
15th.  The  winter  was  not  so  severe  as  on  the  preceding  years, 
nor  did  the  snow  continue  so  long  on  the  ground.  It  rained 
very  often,  so  that  the  savages  suffered  a  severe  famine,  owing 
to  the  small  quantity  of  snow.  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  supported 
a  part  of  them  who  were  with  us ;  namely,  Mabretou,  his  wife 
and  children,  and  some  others. 

We  spent  this  winter  very  pleasantly,  and  fared  generously 
by  means  of  the  Ordre  De  Bon  Temps,  which  I  introduced. 
This  all  found  useful  for  their  health,  and  more  advantageous 
than  all  the  medicines  that  we  could  have  used.  By  the  rules 
of  the  order,  a  chain  was  put,  with  some  little  ceremonies,  on 
the  neck  of  one  of  our  company,  commissioning  him  for  the 
day  to  go  a  hunting.  The  next  day  it  was  conferred  upon 
another,  and  thus  in  succession.  All  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  see  who  would  do  the  best  and  bring  home  the 
finest  gam.e.  We  found  this  a  very  good  arrangement,  as  did 
also  the  savages  who  were  with  us. 

There  were  some  cases  of  mal  de  la  terre  among  us,  which 
was,  however,  not  so  violent  as  in  the  previous  years.  Never- 
theless, seven  died  from  it,  and  another  from  an  arrow  wound, 
which  he  had  received  from  the  savages  at  Port  Fortune. 

163 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Our  surgeon,  named  Master  Estienne,  opened  some  of  the 
bodies,  as  we  did  the  previous  years,  and  found  almost  all  the 
interior  parts  affected.  Eight  or  ten  of  the  sick  got  well  by 
spring. 

At  the  beginning  of  March  and  of  April,  all  began  to  pre- 
pare gardens,  so  as  to  plant  seeds  in  May,  which  is  the  proper 
time  for  it.  They  grew  as  well  as  in  France,  but  were  somewhat 
later.  I  think  France  is  at  least  a  month  and  a  half  more  for- 
ward. As  I  have  stated,  the  time  to  plant  is  in  May,  although 
one  can  sometimes  do  so  in  April ;  yet  the  seeds  planted  then 
do  not  come  forward  any  faster  than  those  planted  in  May, 
when  the  cold  can  no  longer  damage  the  plants  except  those 
which  are  very  tender,  since  there  are  many  which  cannot 
endure  the  hoar-frosts,  unless  great  care  and  attention  be 
exercised. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  we  perceived  a  small  barque  of  six  or 
seven  tons'  burthen,  which  we  sent  men  to  reconnoitre ;  and  it 
was  found  to  be  a  young  man  from  St.  Malo,  named  Chevalier, 
who  brought  letters  from  Sieur  de  Monts  to  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  by  which  he  directed  him  to  bring  back  his  company  to 
France.'  He  also  announced  to  us  the  birth  of  Monseigneur, 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,''  to  our  delight,  in  honor  of  which  event 
we  made  bonfires  and  chanted  the  Te  Deum. 

Between  the  beginning  and  the  20th  of  June,  some  thirty  or 
forty  savages  assembled  in  this  place  in  order  to  make  war 
upon  the  Almouchiquois,  and  revenge  the  death  of  Panounias, 
who  was  interred  by  the  savages  according  to  their  custom, 
who  gave  afterwards  a  quantity  of  peltry  to  a  brother  of  his. 
The  presents  being  made,  all  of  them  set  out  from  this  place 
on  the  29th  of  June  for  Choiiacoet,  which  is  the  country  of 
the  Almouchiquois,  to  engage  in  the  war. 

1  De  Monts'  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  had  been  rescinded  and  consequently 
he  could  no  longer  maintain  his  enterprise. 

2  The  second  son  of  Henry  IV,  born,   April    16,    1607;   died,    November 
17,  161  I. 

164 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CUAMPLAIN 

Some  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  above  Chevalier,  Sieur  de 
Poutrincourt  sent  him  to  the  rivers  St.  John  and  St.  Croix  to 
trade  for  furs.  But  he  did  not  permit  him  to  go  without  men 
to  bring  back  the  barque,  since  some  had  reported  that  he 
desired  to  return  to  France  with  the  vessel  in  which  he  had 
come,  and  leave  us  in  our  settlement.  Lescarbot  was  one  of 
those  who  accompanied  him,  who  up  to  this  time  had  not  left 
Port  Royal.  This  is  the  farthest  he  went,  only  fourteen  or 
fifteen  leagues  beyond   Port  Royal. 

While  awaiting  the  return  of  Chevalier,  Sieur  de  Poutrin- 
court went  to  the  head  of  Baye  Fran^oise  in  a  shallop  with 
seven  or  eight  men.  Leaving  the  harbor  and  heading  northeast 
a  quarter  east  for  some  twenty-five  leagues  along  the  coast,  we 
arrived  at  a  cape  where  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  desired  to  ascend, 
a  clifi^  more  than  thirty  fathoms  high,  in  doing  which  he  came 
near  losing  his  life.  For,  having  reached  the  top  of  the  rock, 
which  is  very  narrow,  and  which  he  had  ascended  with  much 
difficulty,  the  summit  trembled  beneath  him.  The  reason  was 
that,  in  course  of  time,  moss  had  gathered  there  four  or  five 
feet  in  thickness,  and,  not  being  solid,  trembled  when  one  was 
on  top  of  it,  and  very  often  when  one  stepped  on  a  stone  three 
or  four  others  fell  down.  Accordingly,  having  gone  up  with 
difficulty,  he  experienced  still  greater  in  coming  down,  although 
some  sailors,  men  very  dexterous  in  climbing,  carried  him  a 
hawser,  a  rope  of  medium  size,  by  means  of  which  he  de- 
scended. This  place  was  named  Cap  de  Poutrincourt,'  and  is 
in  latitude  45  degrees  40'. 

We  went  as  far  as  the  head  of  this  bay,  but  saw  nothing  but 
certain  white  stones  suitable  for  making  lime,  yet  they  are 
found  only  in  small  quantities.  We  saw  also  on  some  islands  a 
great  number  of  gulls.  We  captured  as  many  of  them  as  we 
wished.  We  made  the  tour  of  the  bay,  in  order  to  go  to  the 
Port  aux  Mines,  where  I  had  previously  been,  and  whither  I 

^  Now  Cape  Split,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Basin  of  Mines. 

165 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

conducted  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  collected  some  little 
pieces  of  copper  with  great  difficulty.  All  this  bay  has  a  circuit 
of  perhaps  twenty  leagues,  with  a  little  river '  at  its  head,  which 
is  very  sluggish  and  contains  but  little  water.  There  are  many 
other  little  brooks,  and  some  places  where  there  are  good  har- 
bors at  high  tide,  which  rises  here  five  fathoms.  In  one  of 
these  harbors  three  or  four  leagues  north  of  Cap  de  Poutrin- 
court, we  found  a  very  old  cross  all  covered  with  moss  and 
almost  all  rotten,  a  plain  indication  that  before  this  there  had 
been  Christians  there.  All  of  this  country  is  covered  with 
dense  forests,  and  with  some  exceptions  is  not  very  attractive. 

From  the  Port  aux  Mines  we  returned  to  our  settlement. 
In  this  bay  there  are  strong  tidal  currents  running  in  a  south- 
westerly direction. 

On  the  1 2th  of  July,  Ralleau,  secretary  of  Sieur  de  Monts, 
arrived  with  three  others  in  a  shallop  from  a  place  called 
Niganis,^  distant  from  Port  Royal  some  hundred  and  sixty 
or  hundred  and  seventy  leagues,  confirming  the  report  which 
Chevalier  had  brought  to  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt. 

On  the  3d  of  July,^  three  barques  were  fitted  out  to  send 
the  men  and  supplies,  which  were  at  our  settlement,  to  Canseau, 
distant  one  hundred  and  fifteen  leagues  from  our  settlement, 
and  in  latitude  45  degrees  ao',  where  the  vessel  ^  was  engaged 
in  fishing,  which  was  to  carry  us  back  to  France. 

Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  sent  back  all  his  companions,  but 
remained  with  eight  others  at  the  settlement,  so  as  to  carry  to 
France  some  grain  not  yet  quite  ripe. 

On  the  loth  of  August,  Mabretou  arrived  from  the  war, 
who  told  us  that  he  had  been  at  Choiiacoet,  and  had  killed 
twenty  savages  and  wounded  ten  or  twelve ;  also  that  Oneme- 
chin,  chief  of  that   place,    Marchin,  and  one  other,  had   been 

'  The  Shubenacadie. 

2  N-iganish,  in  the  island  of  Cape  Breton. 

3  Probably  an  error  for  the  30th  of  July,  1607. 

4  The  Jonas,  in  which  Chev-alier  had  come  from  France. 

166 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CILIMPL/IIN 

killed  by  Sasinou,  chief  of  the  river  of  Quinibequy,  who  was 
afterwards  killed  by  the  companions  of  Oncniechin  and 
Marchin.  All  this  war  was  simply  on  account  of  the  savage 
Panounias,  one  of  our  friends  who,  as  I  have  said  above,  had 
been  killed  at  Norumbegue  by  the  followers  of  Onemechin 
and  Marchin.  At  present,  the  chiefs  in  place  of  Onemechin, 
Marchin,  and  Sasinou  are  their  sons:  namely,  for  Sasinou, 
Pememen ;  Abriou  for  his  father,  Marchin;  and  for  Oneme- 
chin, Qiieconsicq.  The  two  latter  were  wounded  by  the 
followers  of  Mabretou,  who  seized  them  under  pretence  of 
friendship,  as  is  their  fashion,  something  which  both  sides  have 
to  guard  against. 

Chapter  //. 

The  settlement  abandoned.     Return  to  France  of  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  and  all 
his  company. 

On  the  I  ith  of  August,  we  set  out  from  our  settlement  in  a 
shallop,  and  coasted  along  as  far  as  Cape  Fourchu,  where  I  had 
previously  been. 

Continuing  our  course  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Cap  de  la 
Heve,  where  we  first  landed  with  Sieur  de  Mont^,  on  the  8th 
of  May,  1604,  we  examined  the  coast  from  this  place  as  far  as 
Canseau,  a  distance  of  nearly  sixty  leagues.  This  I  had  not 
yet  done,  and  I  observed  it  very  carefully,  making  a  map  of  it 
as  of  the  other  coasts. 

Departing  from  Cap  de  la  Heve,  we  went  as  far  as  Sesambre,' 
an  island  so  called  by  some  people  from  St.  Malo,  and  distant 
fifteen  leagues  from  La  Heve.  Along  the  route  are  a  large 
number  of  islands,  which  we  named  Les  Martyres,  since  some 
Frenchmen  were  once  killed  there  by  the  savages.  These 
islands  lie  in  several  inlets  and  bays.  In  one  of  them  is  a  river 
named  St.  Marguerite,^  distant  seven  leagues  from  Sesambre, 
which  is  in  latitude  44  degrees  25'.    The  islands  and  coasts  are 

'  Now  Sambro.        ^  St.  Margaret's  Bay. 

167 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

thickly  covered  with  pines,  firs,  birches,  and  other  trees  of 
inferior  quality.     Fish  and  also  fowl  are  abundant. 

After  leaving  Sesambre,  we  passed  a  bay  which  is  unob- 
structed, of  seven  or  eight  leagues  in  extent,  with  no  islands 
except  at  the  extremity,  where  is  the  mouth  of  a  small  river, 
containing  but  little  water.'  Then,  heading  north-east  a  quarter 
east,  we  arrived  at  a  harbor  distant  eight  leagues  from  Sesambre, 
which  is  a  very  suitable  harbor  for  vessels  of  a  hundred  or  a 
hundred  and  twenty  tons.  At  its  entrance  is  an  island  from 
which  one  can  walk  to  the  mainland  at  low  tide.  We  named 
this  place  Port  Saincte  Helaine,  which  is  in  latitude  44  degrees 
40'  more  or  less. 

From  this  place  we  proceeded  to  a  bay  called  La  Baye  de 
Toutes  Isles,  of  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues  in  extent,  a 
dangerous  place  on  account  of  the  presence  of  banks,  shoals, 
and  reefs.  The  country  presents  a  very  unfavorable  appear- 
ance, being  filled  with  the  same  kind  of  trees  which  I  have 
mentioned  before.     Here  we  encountered  bad  weather. 

Hence  we  passed  on  near  a  river,  six  leagues  distant,  called 
Riviere  de  I'lsle  Verte,  there  being  a  green  island  at  its  en- 
trance,^ This  short  distance  which  we  traversed  is  filled  with 
numerous  rocks  extending  nearly  a  league  out  to  sea,  where 
the  breakers  are  high,  the  latitude  being  45   degrees   15'. 

Thence  we  went  to  a  place  where  there  is  an  inlet,  with  two 
or  three  islands,  and  a  very  good  harbor,^  distant  three  leagues 
from  risle  Verte.  We  passed  also  by  several  islands  near  and 
in  a  line  with  each  other,  which  we  named  Isles  Rangees,  and 
which  are  distant  six  or  seven  leagues  from  I'lsle  Verte.  After- 
wards we  passed  by  another  bay,"*  containing  several  islands, 
and  proceeded  to  a  place  where  we  found  a  vessel  engaged  in 
fishing  between  some  islands,  which  are  a  short  distance  from 
the  main  land,  and  distant  four  leagues  from  the  Rangees.  This 

'  Halifax  Harbor.        ^  Now  called  River  St.  Mary  and  Wedge  Island. 
3  Country  Harbor.        4  Tor  Bay. 

168 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    CHAMPLAIN 

place  we  named  Port  de  Savalette,'  the  name  of  the  master  of  the 
vessel  engaged  in  fishing,  a  Basque,  who  entertained  us  boun- 
tifully, and  was  very  glad  to  see  us,  since  there  were  savages 
there  who  purposed  some  harm  to  him,  which  we  prevented. 

Leaving  this  place,  we  arrived  on  the  27th  of  the  month  at 
Canseau,  distant  six  leagues  from  Port  de  Savalette,  having 
passed  on  our  way  a  large  number  of  islands.  At  Canseau, 
Champdore  and  Lescarbot  came  out  to  receive  us.  We  also 
found  the  vessel  ready  to  sail,  having  finished  its  fishing  and 
awaiting  only  fair  weather  to  return.  Meanwhile,  we  had  much 
enjoyment  among  these  islands,  where  we  found  the  greatest 
possible  quantity  of  raspberries. 

All  the  coast  which  we  passed  along  from  Cape  Sable  to  this 
place  is  moderately  high  and  rocky,  in  most  places  bordered  by 
numerous  islands  and  breakers,  which  extend  out  to  sea  nearly 
two  leagues  In  places,  and  are  very  unfavorable  for  the  ap- 
proach of  vessels.  Yet  there  cannot  but  be  good  harbors  and 
roadsteads  along  the  coasts  and  islands,  if  they  were  explored. 
As  to  the  country,  it  is  worse  and  less  promising  than  in  other 
places  which  we  had  seen,  except  on  some  rivers  or  brooks, 
where  it  is  very  pleasant ;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  winter 
in  these  regions  is  cold,  lasting  from  six  to  seven  months. 

The  harbor  of  Canseau  is  a  place  surrounded  by  islands,  to 
which  the  approach  is  very  difficult,  except  in  fair  weather,  on 
account  of  the  rocks  and  breakers  about  it.  Fishing,  both 
green  and  dry,  is  carried  on  here. 

From  this  place  to  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton,  which  is  in 
latitude  45  degrees  45'  and  14  degrees  50'  of  the  deflection  of 
the  magnetic  needle,  it  is  eight  leagues,  and  to  Cape  Breton 
twenty-five.  Between  the  two  there  is  a  large  bay,  extending 
some  nine  or  ten  leagues  into  the  interior  and  making  a  pas- 
sage^ between  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton  and  the  main  land 
through  to  the  great  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  by  which  they  go  to 

'  White  Haven  now.        ^  Chedabucto  Bay  and  the  Strait  of  Canso. 

169 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Gaspe  and  Isle  Percee,  where  fishing  is  carried  on.  This  pas- 
sage along  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton  is  very  narrow.  Although 
there  is  water  enough,  large  vessels  do  not  pass  there  at  all  on 
account  of  the  strong  currents  and  the  impetuosity  of  the  tides 
which  prevail.  This  we  named  Le  Passage  Courant,  and  it  is 
in  latitude  45°  45'. 

The  Island  of  Cape  Breton  is  of  a  triangular  shape,  with  a 
circuit  of  about  eighty  leagues.  Most  of  the  country  is  moun- 
tainous, yet  in  some  parts  very  pleasant.  In  the  centre  of  it 
there  is  a  kind  of  lake,'  where  the  sea  enters  by  the  north  a 
quarter  north-west,  and  also  by  the  south  a  quarter  south-east. 
Here  are  many  islands  filled  with  plenty  of  game,  and  shellfish 
of  various  kinds,  including  oysters,  which  however,  are  not  of 
very  good  flavor.  In  this  place  there  are  two  harbors  where 
fishing  is  carried  on  :  namely,  Le  Port  aux  Anglois,^  distant 
from  Cape  Breton  some  two  or  three  leagues,  and  Niganis, 
eighteen  or  twenty  leagues  north  a  quarter  north-west.  The 
Portuguese  once  made  an  attempt  to  settle  this  island,  and 
spent  a  winter  here;  but  the  inclemency  of  the  season  and  the 
cold  caused  them  to  abandon  their  settlement. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  we  set  out  from  Canseau.  On 
the  4th,  we  were  off  Sable  Island.  On  the  6th,  we  reached  the 
Grand  Bank,  where  the  catching  of  green  fish  is  carried  on,  in 
latitude  45°  30'.  On  the  26th,  we  entered  the  sound  near 
the  shores  of  Brittany  and  England,  in  sixty-five  fathoms  of 
water  and  in  latitude  49°  30'.  On  the  28th,  we  put  in  at 
Roscou,^  in  lower  Brittany,  where  we  were  detained  by  bad 
weather  until  the  last  day  of  September,  when,  the  wind  coming 
round  favorable,  we  put  to  sea  in  order  to  pursue  our  route 
to  St.  Malo,  which  formed  the  termination  of  these  voyages, 
in  which  God  had  guided  us  without  shipwreck  or  danger. 

End  of  the  Voyages  from  the  7^ear  160^  to  1608. 

'  The  reference  is  to  the  Bras  d'Or  Lakes. 
2  Louisburg.        3  Now  RoscofF. 

170 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:   LESCARBOT 
2.   Narrative  of  Marc  Lescarbot. 

'HAMPLAIN'S  Journal  gives  the  experi- 
nf  ences  and  observations  of  a  well-seasoned 
scientific  explorer.  Lescarbot's  story  of 
the  same  colony  conveys  the  impressions 
of  a  lawyer  who  was  also  occasionally  a  theologian, 
often  a  philosopher,  and  withal  a  scholar  with  literary 
tastes  and  a  keen  sense  of  the  humorous  and  dramatic. 
He  manifestly  prided  himself  upon  his  extensive  ac- 
quaintance with  classic  and  medieval  authors,  whom 
he  summons  in  season  and  out  of  season  to  adorn  his 
tale.  To  the  beauty  of  nature  he  was  keenly  alive,  and 
the  poet  concealed  within  him  made  him  a  frequent 
wooer  of  the  Muse  of  Poetry.  Indeed,  his  experiences 
in  America  and  on  shipboard  inspired  him  to  sing  so 
often  that  he  became  the  poet-laureate  as  well  as  the 
historian  of  the  expedition.  The  verses  with  which  he 
immortalized  the  Acadian  heroes  and  their  exploits 
were  gathered  together  by  him  and  published  in  a 
volume  under  the  title  "  Les  Muses  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,"  in  1618,  with  the  third  edition  of  his  history. 
It  contains  epics  of  Indian  wars,  lyrics,  and  rhapsodies 
in  honor  of  New  France  and  Old  France,  and  odes  and 
sonnets  to  each  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  colony, 
especially  to  De  Monts  and  Poutrincourt. 

The  latter  gentleman,  it  is  easy  to  see,  was  Lescar- 
bot's chief  hero.  Champlain  indeed  received  the  tribute 
of  a  sonnet,  yet  it  seems  as  tho  Lescarbot  admired  and 
respected  him  —  but  at  some  distance. 

171 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

In  all  the  narratives  of  exploration  in  this  period 
there  is  probably  not  one  more  filled  with  individual 
quality  and  more  agreeable  to  the  modern  reader  than 
Lescarbot's  history.  The  first  edition  of  the  **  Histoire 
de  la  Nouvelle  France"  appeared  in  Paris  in  1609. 
The  author  announced  himself  on  the  title-page  as 
"  Marc  Lescarbot,  Avocat  en  Parlement,  Temoin  ocu- 
laire  d'une  partie  des  choses  ici  recitees."  The  fourth 
book  contains  an  account  of  the  events  in  Acadie  from 
1604  to  1607. 

Publications  about  America  were  evidently  closely 
watched  in  those  days  on  both  sides  of  the  English 
Channel,  for  an  English  translation  of  Lescarbot's  fourth 
and  sixth  books  appeared  in  the  same  year,  1609,  under 
the  following  title : 

Nova  Francia ;  or  the  Description  of  that  part  of  New 
France  which  is  one  continent  with  Virginia.  Described  in  the 
three  late  Voyages  and  Plantations  made  by  Monsieur  de 
Monts,  Monsieur  de  Pont-Grave,  and  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  into  the  countries  called  by  the  Frenchmen  La  Cadie, 
lying  to  the  Southwest  of  Cape  Breton.  Together  with  an 
excellent  severall  Treatie  of  all  the  commodities  of  the  said 
countries,  and  maners  of  the  naturall  inhabitants  of  the  same. 
Translated  out  of  French  into  English  by  P.  E. 

London:  Printed  for  Andrew  Hebb,  and  are  to  be  sold  at 
the  signe  of  the  Bell  in  Paul's  Churchyard  (1609).  4to,  pp.  307. 

This  version  was  made  apparently  with  some  haste 
by  a  Huguenot  refugee,  named  Pierre  Erondelle,  and 
Winsor  says  that  he  worked  at  the  instance  of  Hakluyt, 
who  wished  to  prove  by  it  how  much  more  suitable 
for  colonization   was  Virginia  than  Acadia. 

172 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

Purchas'  used  Erondelle's  translation  in  his  **  Pil- 
grimes,"  and  that  text  is  used  here.  Erondelle's  "  Nova 
Francia "  was  however  an  abridgment  of  the  original, 
and  all  the  omitted  portions  have  been  restored  to  their 
proper  places  in  the  narrative.  It  seemed  worth  while  to 
preserve  Erondelle's  text  on  account  of  its  contempora- 
neous style  of  diction.  The  passages  which  he  omitted 
are  translated  here  from  a  copy  of  the  1 6 1  8  edition  of 
Lescarbot's  history  in  the  library  of  Columbia  University, 
and  the  portions  thus  supplied  are  enclosed  in  brackets. 

The  first  chapter  of  Lescarbot's  fourth  book  is  here 
omitted  altogether,  as  it  comprises  only  the  commission 
and  royal  letters  issued  by  King  Henry  IV  to  Sieur  de 
Monts.  Purchas  also  omitted  a  considerable  part  of  this 
chapter,  and  added  the  following  marginal  note: 

The  rest  of  this  Patent  is  here  for  brevitie  omitted :  with 
the  Provisoes,  etc.  And  let  not  Englishmen  feare  want  of 
roome  for  French  Plantations  or  Savage  habitations ;  these  be- 
ing very  thin,  the  other  scarse  worthy  the  name  of  being,  or 
plantation,  having  so  many  interruptions,  and  more  frequented 
by  the  French  in  way  of  Trade  with  Savages  then  otherwise.  I 
have  omitted  many  digressions  and  discourses  of  the  Authour ; 
only  for  knowledge  of  those  parts  presenting  the  brief  summe 
of  his  most  ample  Worke.  His  Map  but  for  cost,  I  would 
have  here  added.  I  have  divers  by  me  which  I  take  more 
exact,  I  am  sure  with  many  particulars  wanting  in  his.  And 
both  his  Mappe  and  Discourse  shew  that  the  French  discov- 
ered not  so  neere  Virginia,  as  Hudson  River;  and  that  the 
French  Plantations  have  beene  more  Northerly  farre,  then  our 
Northerne  Virginia,  and  to  the  Southerne,  not  a  shadow  in 
comparison  of  costs  and  numbers. 

'  Vol.  IV,  or  Vol.  XVIII  of  the  Macm.  edition. 

173 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

THE  VOYAGE  OF  MONSIEUR  DE  MONTS  INTO 
NEW  FRANCE,  WRITTEN  BY  MARKE  LES- 
CARBOT. 

Chapter  2. 

Voyage  of  Monsieur  de  Monts  to  New  France  :  Accidents  during  voyage  :  Causes 
of  icebergs  in  Newfoundland  :  Naming  of  certain  Ports  :  Perplexity  over 
delay  of  our  ship. 

X/TONSIEUR  DE  MONTS  having  made  the  Commissions 
-*-  -■'  and  Prohibitions  before  said,  to  bee  proclaimed  thorow 
the  Realme  of  France,  and  especially  thorow  the  Ports  and 
maritime  Townes  thereof,  caused  two  shippes  to  bee  rigged  and 
furnished,  the  one  under  the  conduct  of  Captaine  Timothy  of 
New-haven  (Havre  de  Grace),  the  other  of  Captaine  Morell 
of  Honfleur.  In  the  first,  hee  shipped  himselfe,  with  good 
number  of  men  of  account,  as  well  Gentlemen  as  others.  And 
for  as  much  as  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  was,  and  had  beene 
of  a  long  time,  desirous  to  see  those  Countries  of  New  France, 
and  there  to  finde  out  and  choose  some  fit  place  to  retire  him- 
selfe into,  with  his  Family,  Wife  and  Children,  not  meaning  to 
be  the  last  that  should  follow  and  participate  in  the  glorie  of 
so  faire  and  generous  an  enterprize,  he  would  needs  goe 
thither,  and  shipped  himselfe  with  the  said  Monsieur  de 
Monts,  carrying  with  him  some  quantitie  of  Armours  and 
Munitions  of  Warre ;  and  so  weighed  Anchors  from  New- 
haven  the  seventh  day  of  March  1604.  But  being  departed 
somewhat  too  soone,  before  the  Winter  had  yet  left  off  her 
frozen  Weed,  they  found  store  of  Icie  bankes,  against  the 
which  they  were  in  danger  to  strike,  and  so  to  be  cast  away ; 
[but  God,  who  at  all  times  has  blessed  the  course  of  these 
voyages,  preserved  them.  It  would  be  reasonable  to  inquire 
why  upon  the  same  parallel  of  latitude  there  are  in  that  sea 
more  icebergs  than  in  French  waters.     To  which  I  reply  that 

174 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

the  icebergs  found  in  that  sea  are  not  products  of  that  cli- 
mate, i.e.,  of  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  but  come  from  northern 
regions,  easily  driven  along  over  the  expanses  of  the  ocean  by 
the  heavy  rains,  sudden  squalls,  and  tremendous  waves  blown 
up  by  the  east  and  north  winds  in  the  winter  and  spring  time, 
driving  the  icebergs  toward  the  south  and  the  west.  But  the 
sea  of  France  is  so  protected  by  Scotland,  England,  and  Ireland 
that  the  icebergs  cannot  enter.  There  may  also  be  another 
reason,  i.  e.,  the  force  of  the  ocean's  movement,  which  is  so 
much  greater  here  than  in  the  waters  of  France  because  of  its 
long  course  toward  the  coasts  of  America. 

But  the  perils  of  this  voyage  were  not  only  the  encounters 
with  icebergs,  but  also  the  storms  that  were  endured,  one  of 
which  swept  away  the  stern  gallery  of  a  vessel.  A  ship's  car- 
penter, with  one  crash  of  a  wave,  was  carried  overboard  and 
would  have  gone  swiftly  on  his  way  to  destruction  had  he  not 
caught  and  held  to  a  cord  that  chance  had  hung  over  the  side 
of  the  vessel.] 

The  voyage  was  long  by  reason  of  contrarie  winds,  which 
seldome  hapneth  to  them  that  set  out  in  March  for  the  New- 
foundlands, which  are  ordinarily  carried  with  an  East  or 
Northerne  winde,  fit  to  goe  to  those  Lands.  And  having 
taken  their  course  to  the  South  to  the  He  of  Sand  or  Sablon, 
for  to  shunne  the  said  Ices,  they  almost  fell  from  Caribdis  into 
Scylla,  going  to  strike  towards  the  said  He,  during  the  thicke 
mists  that  are  frequent  in  that  Sea.  In  the  end,  the  sixt  of 
May  they  came  to  a  certaine  Port,  where  they  found  Captaine 
Rossignol  of  New-haven,  who  did  trucke  for  skinnes  with  the 
Savages,  contrary  to  the  Kings  Inhibitions,  which  was  the  cause 
that  his  ship  was  confiscated.  This  Port  was  called  Le  Port 
du  Rossignol,  having  (in  this  his  hard  fortune)  this  onely  good, 
that  a  good  and  fit  Harborough  or  Port  in  those  Coasts  beareth 
his  name. 

From    thence    coasting    and    discovering    the    Lands,    they 

175 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

arrived  at  another  Port,  very  faire,  which  they  named  Le  Port 
de  Moutton,  by  reason  that  a  Mutton  or  Weather  having 
leaped  over-board  and  drowned  himselfe  came  aboard  againe, 
and  was  taken  and  eaten  as  good  prize. 

[Thus  it  was  that  in  olden  times  many  names  were  given 
hastily  and  without  due  deliberation.  The  Capitol  of  Rome 
was  so  named  because  when  digging  on  the  site  they  unearthed 
a  death's  head.  Thus  Milan  was  called  "  Mediolanum,"  that  is 
to  say  "demi-laine,"  because  the  Gauls  when  tearing  down  the 
foundations,  found  a  sow,  the  half  still  covered  with  bristles  ; 
and  thus  it  has  been  in  many  instances. 

In  this  Port  du  Moutton  they  built  themselves  huts  like  the 
natives,  and  settled  themselves  to  await  news  of  the  other  ship 
in  which  were  the  provisions  and  other  necessary  things  for  the 
winter,  and  a  reserve  force  of  about  a  hundred  men.  They 
waited  in  great  anxiety  a  long  month,  fearing  that  some  sinister 
accident  had  overtaken  the  other  vessel  which  had  set  sail  on 
the  tenth  of  March,  and  aboard  of  which  were  Captain  du 
Pont  of  Honfleur  and  the  aforesaid  Captain  Morel.  Upon 
the  arrival  of  this  ship  depended  the  success  or  the  failure  of 
the  whole  enterprise. 

During  this  long  delay  the  question  of  a  return  to  France 
was  deliberated  upon.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  was  of  the 
opinion  that  it  were  better  to  die  where  they  were,  to  which 
Monsieur  de  Monts  agreed.  So  they  set  themselves  to  hunt 
and  to  fish  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  improve  their  larder.] 
Neere  the  said  Moutton  Port  there  is  a  place  so  replenished 
with  Rabbets  and  Conies,  that  they  almost  did  eate  nothing 
else.  During  that  time  Monsieur  Champlein  was  sent  with  a 
shallop  to  seeke  farther  off  a  fitter  place  to  retire  themselves,  at 
which  Exploit  he  tarried  so  long,  that  deliberating  upon  the 
returne,  they  thought  to  leave  him  behind :  for  there  was  no 
more  victuals :  and  they  served  themselves  with  that,  that  was 
found  in  the  said  Rossignols  ship,  without  which  they  had  been 

176 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOr 

forced  to  returne  Into  France,  and  so  to  breake  a  faire  enterprize 
at  the  very  birth  and  beginning  thereof;  or  to  starve,  having 
ended  the  hunting  of  Conies,  which  could  not  still  continue. 

[The  long  delay  of  Monsieur  du  Pont  and  Captain  Morel 
was  due  to  two  occurences.  First,  that  needing  more  ship  room 
they  busied  themselves  with  the  construction  of  a  boat  in  the 
first  harbour  at  which  they  arrived  (which  was  the  Port  aux 
Anglais).  Secondly,  that  when  they  arrived  at  the  Port  de 
Campseau  they  found  four  vessels  of  Basques  trafficking  with  the 
natives,  contrary  to  the  King's  inhibitions.  These  Basques 
they  took  and  despoiled.  The  captains  were  brought  to  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts,  who  treated  them  with  kindly  mercy. 

Three  weeks  passed,  and  Monsieur  de  Monts,  having  no 
news  of  the  expected  vessel,  thought  to  send  out  a  search  along 
the  coast.  For  this  purpose  he  dispatched  several  natives,  to 
whom  he  joined  a  Frenchman  to  accompany  them  with  letters. 
These  natives  promised  to  return  in  eight  days  to  a  point 
agreed  upon,   the   which   they   did    not   fail   to   do. 

But  before  setting  out,  (and  so  showing  us  the  place  and 
strength  of  the  family  among  them)  these  savages  had  a  care 
for  their  wives  and  children,  and  demanded  that  food  should 
be  apportioned  them  —  which  was  done.  They  then  set  sail 
and  in  a  few  days  found,  in  a  place  called  Island  Bay,  those 
whom  they  were  seeking,  and  who  were  as  anxious  concerning 
the  fate  of  Monsieur  de  Monts  as  he  concerning  theirs,  for  they 
had  not  found  the  signs  and  signals  agreed  upon.  Monsieur 
de  Monts,  passing  by  Campseau  was  to  have  marked  a  cross 
on  a  tree  or  to  have  left  a  letter  attached  to  one.  This  had 
not  been  done  because  Monsieur  de  Monts  had  not  touched 
at  Campseau,  passing  far  to  the  south  to  avoid  the  icebergs  be- 
fore mentioned.  After  having  read  the  letters  brought  them, 
Captains  du  Pont  and  Morel  discharged  themselves  of  the 
provisions  they  had  brought  for  those  who  were  to  winter  there, 
and  turned  back  toward  the  St.  Lawrence  to  trade  for  furs.] 

177 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 
Chapter  III. 

Landing  at  Port  du  Mouton  :  Man  lost  in  woods  sixteen  days  :  Baye  Fran^oise  : 
Port-Royal :  River  of  I'Equille  :  Copper  mine  :  Evil  of  gold  mines  :  Dia- 
monds :   Turquoises. 

All  New  France  in  the  end  being  contained  in  two  ships, 
they  weighed  Anchors  from  Port  du  Moutton,  for  to  imploy 
their  time,  and  to  discover  Lands  as  much  as  might  bee  before 
Winter.  Wee  came  to  Cape  de  Sable,  or  the  Sandie  Cape  ; 
and  from  thence  we  sailed  to  the  Bay  of  Saint  Marie,  where 
our  men  lay  at  Anchor  fifteene  dayes,  whilest  the  Lands  and 
passages  as  well  by  Sea  as  by  River  might  be  descried  and 
knowne.  This  Bay  is  a  very  faire  place  to  inhabit,  because 
that  one  is  readily  carried  thither  without  doubling.  There  are 
Mynes  of  Iron  and  Silver;  but  in  no  great  abundance,  accord- 
ing to  the  triall  made  thereof  in  France. 

[After  a  sojourn  of  twelve  or  thirteen  days  here,  a  strange 
accident  occurred.  A  young  priest,  of  a  good  family  in  Paris, 
had  determined,  against  the  wishes  of  his  parents,  to  take  this 
voyage  with  Monsieur  de  Monts.  His  parents  had  sent 
friends  after  him  to  Honfleur  to  dissuade  and  bring  him  back 
to  Paris,  but  his  resolution  had  held  immovable,  and  indeed 
was  all  praiseworthy,  for,  if  the  counsels  of  sedentary  people 
were  always  followed,  many  great  opportunities  would  be  lost. 

The  ships  being  at  anchor  in  Saint  Mary's  Bay,  this  young 
priest  joined  a  group  of  those  who  went  forth  to  divert  them- 
selves in  the  woods.  Stopping  to  drink  at  a  brook,  he  left 
there  his  sword  and  had  gone  on  some  distance  with  the  others 
when  he  observed  his  loss.  He  turned  back  to  search  for  it, 
but  after  having  found  it  could  no  longer  tell  which  way  he 
had  come.  He  had  failed  to  observe  directions  and  knew  not 
whether  to  go  east  or  west  or  north  or  south,  for  there  were 
no  paths.  So,  turning  his  back  on  those  he  had  left,  he  went 
on  until  he  reached  the  coast.     There,  seeing  no  ships,  as  they 

178 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOr 

were  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  tongue  of  land  called  I^ong 
Island,  he  thought  himself  deserted  and  sat  down  on  a  rock  to 
lament  his  fite.  When  night  came  on  and  all  had  returned  to 
the  ship,  the  priest  was  missed.  Those  who  had  been  in  the 
woods  told  in  what  manner  he  had  left  them  and  averred  that 
nothing  had  been  seen  of  him  afterwards.] 

Whereupon  a  Protestant  was  charged  to  have  killed  him 
because  they  quarrelled  sometimes  for  matters  of  Religion. 
Finally,  they  sounded  a  Trumpet  thorow  the  Forrest,  they 
shot  off  the  Canon  divers  times,  but  in  vaine :  for  the  roaring 
of  the  Sea,  stronger  then  all  that,  did  expell  backe  the  sound 
of  the  said  Cannons  and  Trumpets.  Two,  three  and  foure  days 
passed  he  appeareth  not.  In  the  meanwhile  the  time  hastens 
to  depart,  so  having  tarried  so  long  that  hee  was  then  held  for 
dead,  they  weighed  Anchors  to  goe  further,  and  to  see  the 
depth  of  a  Bay  that  hath  some  fortie  leagues  length,  and  four- 
teene  (yea,  eighteene)  of  breadth,  which  was  named  La  Baye 
Fran^oise,  or  the  French   Bay. 

In  this  Bay  is  the  passage  to  come  into  a  Port,  whereinto 
our  men  entred,  and  made  some  abode,  during  the  which  they 
had  the  pleasure  to  hunt  an  Elian,  or  Stagge,  that  crossed  a 
great  Lake  of  the  Sea,  which  maketh  this  Port,  and  did  swimme 
but  easily.  This  Port  is  environed  with  Mountaines  on  the 
North  side:  Towards  the  South  bee  small  Hills,  which  (with 
the  said  Mountaines)  doe  powre  out  a  thousand  Brookes, 
which  make  that  place  pleasanter  then  any  other  place  in  the 
World  :  there  are  very  faire  falles  of  waters,  fit  to  make  Milles 
of  all  sorts.  At  the  East  is  a  River  betweene  the  said  Moun- 
taines and  Hilles,  in  which  the  shippes  may  saile  fifteene  leagues 
and  more,  and  in  all  this  distance  is  nothing  on  both  sides  the 
River  but  faire  Medowes,  which  River  was  named  L'Equille, 
because  that  the  first  fish  therein  was  an  Equille.'    But  the  said 

^  A  Norman  word.  The  more  common  name  of  the  fish  is  Lan^on,  or 
Anguille  de   sable. 

179 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Port,  for  the  beautie  thereof  was  called  Port  Royall,  [not  by 
the  choice  of  Champlain,  as  he  boasts  in  the  account  of  his 
voyage,  but  by  Monsieur  de  Monts,  Lieutenant  of  the  King.] 

Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  having  found  this  place  to  bee  to 
his  liking  demanded  it,  with  the  Lands  thereunto  adjoyning,  of 
Monsieur  de  Monts:  to  whom  the  King  had  by  Commission, 
before  inserted,  granted  the  distribution  of  the  Lands  of  New 
France  from  the  fortieth  degree  to  the  sixe  and  fortieth.  Which 
place  was  granted  to  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who 
since  hath  Letters  of  confirmation  for  the  same  of  his  Majestic, 
intending  to  retire  himselfe  thither  with  his  Family,  and  there 
to  establish  the  Christian  and  French  Name,  as  much  as  his 
power  shall  stretch,  and  God  grant  him  the  meanes  to  accom- 
plish it.  The  Port  contayneth  eight  leagues  of  circuit,  besides 
the  River  of  L'Equille,  [now  called  the  River  of  the  Dauphin.] 

There  is  within  it  two  lies  very  faire  and  pleasant:  the  one 
at  the  mouth  of  the  said  River,  which  I  deeme  to  bee  of  the 
greatnesse  '  of  the  Citie  of  Beauvais :  The  other  at  the  side  of 
the  mouth  of  another  River,  as  broad  as  the  River  of  Oise,  or 
Marne,  entring  within  the  said  Port:  The  said  He  being  almost 
of  the  greatnesse  of  the  other :  and  they  both  are  wooddie. 
In  this  Port  and  right  over  against  the  former  He,  wee  dwelt 
three  yeeres  after  this  Voyage.  We  will  speake  thereof  more 
at  large  hereafter. 

From  Port  Royall  they  sailed  to  the  Copper  Myne,  where- 
of wee  have  spoken  before  elsewhere.  It  is  a  high  Rocke 
betweene  two  Bayes  of  the  Sea,  wherein  the  Copper  is  con- 
joyned  with  the  stone,  very  faire  and  very  pure,  such  as  is  that 
which  is  called  Rozette  Copper.  Many  Gold-smithes  have 
seene  of  it  in  France,  which  doe  say  that  under  the  Copper 
Myne  there  might  be  a  Golden  Myne :  which  is  very  probable. 
[But  to  amuse  one's  self  with  hunting  for  it  is  likely  to  be  a 
waste  of  time.]  ^     For  if  those  excrements  that  Nature  expell- 

'  "Une  lieue  francaise  de  circuit,"  were  Lescarbot's  words. 
2  This  sentence  is  not  in  the  original. 

i8o 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/IRBOT 

eth  forth  be  so  pure,  namely,  small  pieces  that  are  found  upon 
the  gravell  at  the  foote  of  the  Rocke,  when  it  is  low  water,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  Metall  which  is  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth 
is  much  more  perfect,  but  this  is  a  worke  that  requireth  time. 
The  first  myning  and  working  is  to  have  Bread,  Wine  and 
Cattle,  as  we  have  said  else-where.  Our  felicitie  consisteth  not 
in  Mynes,  specially  of  Gold  and  Silver,  which  serve  for  nothing 
in  the  tillage  of  the  ground,  nor  to  Handicrafts  use.  Con- 
trarewise,  the  abundance  of  them  is  but  a  charge  and  burthen, 
that  keepeth  man  in  perpetuall  unquiet,  and  the  more  he  hath 
thereof,  the  lesse  rest  enjoyeth  he,  and  his  life  lesser  assured 
unto  him. 

Before  the  Voyages  of  Perou  great  riches  might  have  been 
set  up  in  a  small  place,  in  stead  that  in  this  our  age  by  the 
abundance  of  Gold  and  silver  the  same  is  come  at  no  value 
nor  esteeme.  One  hath  need  of  huge  Chests  and  Coffers  to 
put  in  that,  which  a  small  Budget  might  have  contained.  One 
might  have  travelled  with  a  Purse  in  ones  sleeve,  and  now  a 
Cloke-bagge  and  a  Horse  must  expresly  be  had  for  that 
purpose. 

[Bodin,  in  his  "  Republic,"  says  that  he  verified  by  the 
accounts  of  the  treasury  the  fact  that  the  Chancellor  of  France, 
in  the  time  of  Saint  Louis,  had  for  himself,  his  horses  and 
grooms,  for  food  and  for  all  necessary  things,  but  seven  French 
sous  a  day.  Considering  which,]  wee  may  justly  curse  the 
houre  that  greedie  Avarice  did  carrie  the  Spaniard  into  the 
West,  for  the  wofull  events  that  have  ensued  thereof  For 
when  I  consider  that  by  his  greedinesse  he  hath  kindled  and 
maintayned  the  Warre  thorow  all  Christendome,  and  his  onely 
studie  hath  beene  how  to  destroy  his  Neighbours  (and  not  the 
Turke)  I  cannot  thinke  that  any  other  but  the  Devill  hath 
beene  the  Authour  of  their  Voyages.  And  let  not  the  pre- 
tence of  Religion  be  alleaged  unto  mee :  for  (as  wee  have  said 
elsewhere)  they  have  killed  all  the  of-spring  of  the  Countrey 


VOYAGES  ro  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

with  the  most  inhumane  torments  that  the  Devill  hath  been 
able  to  excogitate.  And  by  their  cruelties  have  rendred  the 
Name  of  God  odious,  and  a  name  of  offence  to  those  poore 
people,  and  have  continually  and  daily  blasphemed  him  in  the 
midst  of  the  Gentiles  as  the  Prophet  reprocheth  to  th^  people 
of  Israel.  Witnesse  him  that  had  rather  bee  damned,  then  goe 
to  the  Paradise  of  the  Spaniards.' 

[The  greed  of  the  Romans  was  always  insatiable,  and  they 
fought  with  all  the  nations  of  the  world  for  their  wealth ;  but 
we  find  in  their  history  none  of  the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards. 
They  contented  themselves  with  plundering  the  peoples  they 
conquered  without  taking  their  lives.  An  ancient  pagan  poet 
holds  that  the  crime  of  the  Romans  was  to  consider  as  their 
enemies  all  peoples  rich  in  gold.  The  lines  of  this  poet  are  so 
graceful  that  I  cannot  resist  transcribing  them  here,  though  to 
quote  Latin  was  scarcely  my  intention. 

Orbem  jam  totum  Romanus  victor  habebat. 
Qua  mare,  qua  terra,  qua  fidus  currit  utrumque. 
Nee  satiatus  erat  :   gravidis  freta  pulsa  carinis 
Jam  peragrabantur  :   si  quis  sinus  abditus  ultra. 
Si  qua  foret  tellus  quae  fulvum  mitteret  aurum 
Hostis  erat  :   fatisque  in  tristia  bella  paratis, 
Quajrebantur  opes. 

But  the  doctrine  of  the  wise  son  of  Sirach  teaches  us  quite 
another  thing.  For,  knowing  that  the  riches  that  are  sought 
after  even  unto  the  caves  of  Pluto  are  but  "  irritamenta  mal- 
orum,"  he  declares,  "  Happy  the  man  who  has  not  run  after  gold 
nor  put  his  hope  in  silver  and  treasures,"  adding,  "  He  must 
be  esteemed  among  all  his  people  as  having  done  a  marvelous 
thing,  and  worthy  of  all  glory,  whoever  has  been  tempted  by 
riches  and  has  remained  perfect."^  And,  conversely,  unhappy 
he  who  has  done  otherwise. 

'  In  a  former  part  of  his  narrative  (Book  I,  chap.  i8,  p.  120)  Lescarbot 
relates  this  as  a  speech  of  one  Hathuei,  a  cacique  from  Hispaniola,  and  gives  las 
Casas  as  his  authority.     The  same  story  is  told  of  Mexican  and  Peruvian  chiefs. 

2  Ecclesiasticus,  chap,  xxxi,  8,  9,  10. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

But  to  return  to  our  mines,]  among  these  Copper  Rockes 
there  is  found  sometimes  small  Rockes  covered  with  Diamonds 
fixed  to  them.  I  will  not  assure  them  for  fine,  but  that  is  very 
pleasing  to  the  sight.  There  are  also  certaine  shining  blue 
stones,  which  are  of  no  lesse  value  or  worth  than  Turkie 
Stones.' 

Monsieur  de  Champdore,  our  guide  for  the  Navigations  in 
those  Countries,  having  cut  within  a  Rocke  one  of  those  stones, 
at  his  returne  from  New  France  hee  brake  it  in  two,  and  gave 
one  part  of  it  to  Monsieur  de  Monts,  the  other  to  Monsieur 
de  Poutrincourt,  which  they  made  to  be  put  in  Gold,  and 
were  found  worthy  to  be  presented  the  one  to  the  King  by  the 
said  Poutrincourt,  the  other  to  the  Queene  by  the  said  de 
Monts,  and  were  very  well  accepted.  I  remember  that  a 
Goldsmith  did  offer  fifteene  Crownes  to  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court for  that  hee  presented  to  his  Majestie.  [There  are  many 
other  secrets,  many  other  beautiful  things  in  this  earth,  of 
which  we  have  as  yet  no  knowledge,  but  which  will  be  disclosed 
as  the  country  becomes  inhabited.] 

Chapter  IV. 

Description  of  St.  John's  River  and  the  Island  Sainte  Croix  :  Man  lost  in  woods 
found  on  sixteenth  day  :  Examples  of  marvelous  fasts :  Differences  among 
savages  submitted  to  Monsieur  de  Monts :  Paternal  authority  among  savages  : 
Choice  of  husbands  for  their  daughters. 

[From  the  above  mentioned  mine  they  went  on  to  another 
on  the  French  Bay,  traversing  the  length  of  the  bay,  rounding 
the  Cape  and  entering  the  river  St.  John,  so  called  (I  think) 
because  they  entered  it  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  St. 
John's  Day. 

On  the  east  is  a  fine  harbor,  (about  a  league  in  length)  but 
with  an  entrance  dangerous  for  those  unfamiliar  with  it.  At 
one   extremity   of  the   harbor  is  a  precipitous   fall   of  the   St. 

^  Turquoises. 

183 


VOYAGES  'TO  THE  NEIV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

John's  River.  The  water  dashes  against  the  rocks  when  the 
sea  is  low  with  a  tremendous  roar.  Several  times  we  heard 
the  noise  at  more  than  two  leagues  distance.  When  the  sea  is 
high,  large  vessels  may  enter.] 

This  river  is  one  of  the  fairest  that  may  be  seene,  having 
store  of  Islands,  and  swarming  with  fishes.  This  last  yeere, 
1608,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Champdore,  with  one  of  the  said 
Monsieur  de  Monts  his  men,  hath  beene  some  fifty  leagues  up 
the  said  River :  and  doe  witnesse  that  there  is  great  quantitie 
of  Vines  along  the  shoare,  but  the  grapes  are  not  so  bigge  as 
they  be  in  the  Countrie  of  the  Armouchiquois :  There  are  also 
Onions,  and  many  other  sorts  of  good  hearbs.  As  for  the 
Trees  they  are  the  fairest  that  may  be  seene.  When  wee  were 
there  wee  saw  great  number  of  Cedar  Trees.  Concerning 
fishes  the  said  Champdore  hath  related  unto  us,  that  putting 
the  Kettle  over  fire,  they  had  taken  fish  sufficient  for  their 
Dinner  before  that  the  water  was  hot.  Morever  this  River, 
stretching  itself  farre  within  the  Lands  of  the  Savages  doth 
marvellously  shorten  the  long  travels  by  meanes  thereof.  For 
in  sixe  dayes  they  goe  to  Gashepe,'  coming  to  the  Bay  or  Gulfe 
of  Chaleur,  or  heate,  when  they  are  at  the  end  of  it,  in  carry- 
ing their  Canowes  some  few  leagues.  And  by  the  same  River 
in  eight  dayes  they  go  to  Tadoussac''  by  a  branch  of  the  same 
which  commeth  from  the  North-west.  In  such  sort  that  in 
Port  Royall  one  may  have  within  fifteene  or  eighteen  dayes 
newes  from  the  Frenchmen,  dwelling  in  the  great  River  of 
Canada,  by  these  wayes :  which  could  not  be  done  in  one 
moneth,  by  Sea,  nor  without  danger. 

Leaving  Saint  Johns  River,  they  came  following  the  Coast 
twentie  leagues  from  that  place,  to  a  great  River  (which  is 
properly  Sea)  where  they  fortified  themselves  in  a  little  Hand 

'  Cape  Gaspe,  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  river,  the  promontory  on 
the  southern  side. 

2  At  the  junction  of  the  Saguenay  and  St.  Lawrence  rivers. 

184 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

seated  in  the  middest  of  this  River,  which  the  said  Champleine 
had  beene  to  discover  and  view.  And  seeing  it  strong  by 
nature,  and  of  easie  defence  and  keeping,  besides  that  the 
season  beganne  to  slide  away,  and  therefore  it  was  behoovefull 
to  provide  of  lodging,  without  running  any  farther,  they  re- 
solved to  make  their  abode  there. 

[I  shall  not  enter  into  the  reasons  for  their  resolution  to 
establish  themselves  here ;  nevertheless  I  hold  that  whoever 
enters  into  a  land  to  take  possession  of  it,  does  not  settle  on 
an  island,  there  to  be  a  prisoner.  For  before  all  else  should  be 
considered  the  cultivation  of  the  land.  And  I  wonder  how  one 
could  expect  to  cultivate  it,  if  at  any  time,  morning,  noon  and 
night  it  is  necessary  to  cross  (and  with  great  difficulty)  a  large 
body  of  water,  to  obtain  from  the  mainland  every  necessity. 
Suppose  there  should  be  danger  from  an  enemy ;  how  should 
workmen  protect  themselves,  if  isolated  on  the  mainland,  en- 
gaged in  some  necessary  labor  and  suddenly  pursued  ?  Boats 
could  not  always  be  at  their  call  at  any  given  point  nor  two 
men  to  row  them.  Then,  too,  so  many  commodities  are 
necessary  to  our  existence.  An  island  without  streams  of  fresh 
water  for  drinking  and  for  housekeeping  is  not  a  fit  place  for 
the  establishment  of  a  colony ;  and  these  small  islands  have 
none.  Neither  is  there  to  be  found  sufficient  wood  for  fire. 
But  above  all  must  there  be  protection  from  the  rude  winds  and 
the  cold,  which  protection  it  is  impossible  to  have  in  a  small 
space  surrounded  by  water.  Nevertheless  the  colony  settled 
there,  in  the  middle  of  a  wide  river,  where  the  north  and  north 
west  winds  sweep  down  at  pleasure.  And  because  the  courses 
of  two  rivers  that  discharge  their  waters  into  this  great  arm  of 
the  sea  form  a  cross,  this  island  of  the  Frenchmen's  retreat  was 
named  "Sainte  Croix"'  —  distant  twenty-five  leagues  from  Port 
Royal. 

Now,  while  thev   are  beginning  the  work  of  cutting  down 

'  Ct.  Champlain's  Journal,  above,  pp.  94,  95. 

185 


VOYAGES  I'D  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

the  cedars  and  other  trees  to  build  the  necessary  lodgings,  let 
us  return  to  the  search  of  Master  Nicolas  Aubri/  who  was  lost 
in  the  woods  and  who  has  all  this  time  been  regarded  as  dead.] 
As  they  began  to  visit  and  search  the  Hand,  Monsieur  de 
Champdore  (of  whom  we  shall  henceforth  make  mention,  by 
reason  he  dwelt  foure  yeere  in  those  parts,  conducting  the 
Voyages  made  there)  was  sent  backe  to  the  Bay  of  Saint 
Mary,  with  a  Mine-finder,  that  had  been  carried  thither  for  to 
get  some  Mynes  of  silver  and  Iron,  which  they  did.  And  as 
they  had  crossed  the  French  Bay,  they  entred  into  the  said  Bay 
of  Saint  Marie,  by  a  narrow  Straite  or  passage,  which  is  be- 
tweene  the  Land  of  Port  Royall,  and  an  Hand  called  the  Long 
He:  where  after  some  abode  they  going  a  fishing.  Monsieur 
Aubri  (the  Priest  before  lost)  perceived  them,  and  beganne 
with  a  feeble  voice  to  call  as  loud  as  he  could.  [To  help  out 
his  voice  he  thought  to  do  as  once  did  Ariadne  to  Theseus,  as 
Ovid  relates : 

Je  mis  un  linge  blanc  sur  le  bout  d'une  lance. 
Pour  leur  donner  de  moy  nouvelle  souvenance. 

(I  waved  a  white  flag  at  the  end  of  a  lance  hoping  thus  to 
recall  myself  to  their  memory)],  and  put  his  Handkercher  and 
his  Hat  on  a  staves  end,  which  made  him  better  to  be  knowne. 
[One  of  the  company  who  heard  the  voice  said  it  might  be 
Aubri;  the  others  laughed  at  the  idea.  However,  when  they 
saw  the  waving  flag  and  hat  they  knew  some  person  must  be 
there.  They  approached  and  immediately  recognized  the  young 
man  and  welcomed  him  to  their  boat  with  great  joy  and  satis- 
faction, it  being  the  sixteenth  day  after  his  straying. 

In  these  latter  days  a  number  of  writers,  taking  flattering 
unction  to  their  souls,  have  stuffed  their  books  and  histories 
with  many  miracles,  which  merit  admiration  far  less  than  this 
one.]     For  during  these  sixteene  dales  hee  fed  himselfe  by  (I 

'  Cf.  Champlain's  Journal,  above,  p.  88. 

l86 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

know  not  what)  small  fruits,  like  unto  cheries,  without  kcrnell 
(yet  not  so  delicate)  which  are  scarsly  found  in  those  Woods. 
[They  are,  I  believe,  what  the  Latins  call  "Myrtillas"  and  the 
Burgundians  "  Pourtan."  But  we  cannot  think  that  these 
berries  were  able  to  sustain  a  hearty  man  in  need  of  food  and 
drink;  —  we  must  believe  that  God  worked  above  and  beyond 
nature.  And  in  truth  God's  special  grace  and  favor  is  seen 
during  these  voyages  in  many  instances,  some  of  which  we  will 
describe  as  occasion  presents.  This  poor  Aubri  (so  I  call  him 
on  account  of  his  misfortune)  was  appallingly  emaciated,  as 
may  easily  be  believed.]  They  gave  him  food  by  measure, 
and  brought  him  backe  againe  to  the  company  at  the  Hand  of 
Saint  Croix,  whereof  every  one  received  an  incredible  joy  and 
consolation,  [particularly  Monsieur  de  Monts  who  was  most 
concerned  of  all. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  cite  the  story  of  the  maid  of  Consolans 
in  Poitou,  who,  about  six  years  ago,  ate  no  food  for  a  space  of 
two  years :  neither  of  the  maiden  near  Berne  in  Switzerland, 
who,  after  the  year  1601,  lost  her  appetite  for  food  for  the 
remainder  of  her  life :  nor  any  tale  of  that  ilk.  Those  in- 
cidents were  but  the  effects  of  an  outraged  nature. 

As  to  Pliny's  account'  of  a  people  at  the  farthest  extremity 
of  India,  in  the  region  of  the  Ganges'  source,  who  are  called 
"  Astomes,"  i.e.,  "without  mouth,"  and  who  live  simply  by 
inhaling  through  the  nose  the  odor  and  exhalations  of  certain 
roots,  flowers,  and  fruits ;  I  cannot  easily  believe  it.  Neither 
can  I  put  credence  in  Captain  Jacques  Quartier  when  he  tells 
of  certain  folks  at  the  Saguenay  who  have  no  mouth  and  who 
do  not  eat ;  his  tale  being  corroborated  by  the  native  Donacona 
whom  he  brought  to  France  to  recount  the  matter  to  the  King, 
along  with  other  tales  passing  common  belief.  But,  however 
that  may  be,  such  people  were  fashioned  by  nature  to  live  in 
that  manner.     Here  such  is  not  the  case.     Aubri  lacked  in  no 

'  Book  VII,  chap.  2. 

187 


VOYAGES  TO  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

wise  appetite :  yet  he  lived  sixteen  days  sustained  in  part  by  a 
certain  nutritive  force  that  is  in  the  air  of  this  country,  and  by 
the  fruit  of  which  I  have  spoken;  God  giving  him  the  strength 
to  endure  this  long  dearth  of  food  without  crossing  the  thresh- 
old of  death.     I  regard  this  as  strange,  and  truly  it  is  so. 

There  are  however  some  stories  of  our  time  related  by 
Monsieur  Goulart  Senlisien  that  cause  the  greatest  astonish- 
ment.' Among  them  is  the  story  of  a  Henri  de  Hasseld,  a 
merchant  of  the  Low  Countries,  trading  to  Berg  in  Norway, 
who,  indignant  at  hearing  a  glutton  of  a  preacher  speak  skepti- 
cally of  miraculous  fasts,  saying  it  was  no  longer  in  the  power 
of  God  to  do  what  had  been  done  in  the  past  —  attempted  a 
fast  and  abstained  from  all  food  and  drink  during  three  days. 
Then,  pressed  by  hunger,  he  took  a  piece  of  bread  intending  to 
swallow  it  with  a  glass  of  beer;  but  the  whole  stuck  in  his 
throat  in  such  a  way  that  he  remained  forty  days  and  nights 
without  eating  or  drinking.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  ex- 
pelled by  the  mouth  the  food  and  drink  that  had  stayed  in  his 
throat.  Such  a  long  fast  had  so  weakened  him  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  nourish  him  back  to  strength  with  milk. 

The  governor  of  the  country  heard  of  this  marvel  and  sent 
for  him  to  find  out  the  truth  of  the  matter.  However,  the 
governor  had  not  sufficient  faith  to  believe  until  it  was  proved 
to  him  by  a  second  trial.  This  time  keeping  the  man  under 
guard  in  one  room,  the  governor  found  the  story  credible. 

Henri  de  Hasseld  was  known  for  a  pious  man,  particularly 
for  his  kindness  toward  the  poor.  Sometime  afterward  having 
gone  to  Brussels,  in  Brabant,  on  a  matter  of  trade,  one  of  his 
debtors,  to  avoid  paying  what  he  owed,  accused  de  Hasseld 
of  heresy  and  caused  him  to  be  burned  at  the  stake  in  the 
year   1545. 

There  is  also  the  Canon  of  Liege,  who  desired  to  try  his 
ability  to  fast.      He  went  without  food  until  the  seventeenth 

^  Jean  Yvier,  in  his  treatise,  "  De  jejuniis  Commentitiis." 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

day  when  he  became  so  exhausted  that  if  they  had  not  with  all 
speed  given  him  a  strong  restorative,  he  would  have  died  in  a 
swoon, 

A  young  girl  of  Buchhold,  in  the  province  of  Munster  in 
Westphalia,  was  afflicted  with  melancholy  and  would  not  go  out 
of  the  house.  Her  mother  beat  her,  which  so  increased  her 
suffering  that  she  lost  all  sleep  and  was  four  months  without 
food  or  drink,  except  that  once  in  awhile  she  tasted  of  a  baked 
apple  and  rinsed  out  her  mouth  with  a  little  tisane. 

Ecclesiastical  history,'  among  a  host  of  fasters,  tells  us  of 
three  holy  hermits  called  Simeon  who  lived  in  a  wonderful 
austerity.  Their  fasts  were  from  eight  to  fifteen  days  duration  — 
even  longer;  and  their  only  dwelling  was  a  column  whereon 
they  passed  their  lives;  —  from  whence  they  came  to  be  called 
"  Stelites,"  that  is  to  say,  *'  Colomnaires,"  or  Pillar  Saints. 

But  all  these  latter  people  were  either  resolved  upon  fasting, 
or  little  by  little  became  accustomed  to  it,  so  that  it  was  no 
longer  so  arduous ;  which  was  not  at  all  the  case  with  our 
young  man.  The  fact  that  he  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  abstain 
from  food  and  was  in  no  way  accustomed  to  such  hardship, 
makes  his  fast  the   more   marvelous. 

Now  after  they  had  feasted  him  and  spent  some  time  further 
in  directing  affairs  and  in  exploring  the  land  round  about  the 
Isle  St.  Croix,  they  began  to  discuss  the  advisability  of  send- 
ing the  ships  back  to  France  before  the  winter  set  in,  thus 
making  it  possible  for  those  to  return  who  had  not  come  with 
the  intention  of  wintering. 

The  natives  at  this  time  came  from  all  the  country  around 
to  see  the  daily  life  of  the  Frenchmen,  and  soon  showed  a 
desire  to  settle  near.  They  even  brought  their  differences  to 
Monsieur  de  Monts  as  judge,  which  was  the  beginning  of  a 
voluntary  subjection,  and  from  which  can  be  drawn   the  hope 

^  Evagrius,  Ecclesiastical  History,  Book  I,  chap,  xiii  ;  Baronius  on  Roman 
Martyrology,   Book  IX. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NE^  ENGLAND  COASTS 

that  these  people  will  easily  accustom  themselves  to  our  manner 
of  life. 

Among  other  happenings  before  the  departure  of  the  vessels, 
was  the  case  of  a  young  native  named  Bituani.  He  had  taken 
a  liking  to  Monsieur  de  Monts'  larder,  was  employed  therein 
and  had  done  some  service.  At  the  same  time  he  had  courted 
a  young  girl  there,  desiring  her  in  marriage.  Not  being  able 
to  obtain  the  favor  and  consent  of  her  father,  he  took  her  by 
force  and  made  her  his  wife.  Thereupon  ensued  a  stormy 
quarrel.  The  girl  was  taken  from  him  and  restored  to  her 
father.  A  judicial  hearing  was  appointed.  Bituani  laid  his 
complaint  before  Monsieur  de  Monts;  the  others  came  to  de- 
fend their  side  of  the  question.  The  father,  assisted  by  his 
friends,  claimed  that  he  would  not  give  his  daughter  to  a  man 
who  had  no  occupation  by  means  of  which  to  provide  nourish- 
ment for  her,  and  for  the  children  that  might  spring  from  their 
marriage.  As  for  this  fellow,  he  did  not  see  that  he  knew  how 
to  do  anything.  He  was  always  amusing  himself  about  the 
kitchen  of  Sieur  de  Monts  and  would  not  go  hunting  and 
fishing  with  his  tribe.  The  end  of  the  matter  was  that  he 
should  not  have  the  maid  and  could  content  himself  with  what 
had  passed. 

Monsieur  de  Monts  heard  them  all ;  then  said  that  he 
would  not  hold  the  man  a  prisoner,  that  he  considered  him 
after  all  a  worthy  fellow  and  would  give  him  an  opportunity  to 
go  out  and  hunt  and  show  what  he  could  do.  But  for  all  that, 
if  they  had  not  been  willing  to  return  the  girl  to  him,  he  would 
not  have  shown  the  ability  that  the  Sieur  de  Monts  predicted. 
To  make  a  long  story  short,  the  man  went  forth  on  a  fishing 
excursion  and  soon  brought  in  a  great  haul  of  salmon.  The 
maid  was  given  back  to  him,  and  the  next  day,  dressed  in  a 
new  cloak  of  beaver,  well  ornamented  with  "  matachias,"  '  he 
returned  to  the  fort  which  the  Frenchmen  had  begun  to  build, 

'  **  Matachias,"  wrought  collars,  bracelets,  belts,  etc. 

190 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCVIRBOr 

bringing  with  him  his  wife,  as  if  to  show  her  triumphantly,  like 
a  prize  won  in  open  warfare.  And  always  he  loved  and  pro- 
vided for  her,  even  more  than  was  customary  among  his  tribe, 
proving  that  what  is  hardly  gained  is  cherished  the  more 
tenderly. 

This  brings  to  our  notice  the  two  most  considerable  ele- 
ments in  the  marriage  customs  observed  by  these  savage 
peoples,  ruled  only  by  the  law  of  nature  —  the  recognition  of 
parental  authority  and  the  industry  of  the  husband.  Many 
times  have  I  admired  these  two  things  among  them. 

During  several  centuries  in  our  Christian  church,  by  what 
strange  abuse  I  know  not,  parental  authority  was  flouted  and 
vilified  until  ecclesiastical  assemblies  turned  their  attention  to 
the  matter  and  recognized  that  such  conduct  was  against  all 
nature.  Now  our  kings,  by  edicts,  have  put  the  authority  of 
parents  again  in  its  place.  However,  in  spiritual  marriages  and 
religious  vows,  paternal  authority  has  not  yet  regained  its 
power,  and  relies  only  upon  the  decrees  of  Courts  of  Law, 
which  have  frequently  compelled  the  confiners  [detenteurs)  of 
children  to  restore  them  to  their  parents.]  ' 


Chapter  V. 

Description  of  Island  Sainte-Croix  :  Monsieur  de  Monts'  undertaking  difficult 
and  generous  :  Persecution  by  those  jealous  of  him  :  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court's  return  to  France  :    Perils  of  the  voyage. 

Before  we  speake  of  the  ships  returne  into  France,  it  is 
meete  to  tell  you  how  hard  the  He  of  Saint  Croix  is  to  bee 
found  out,  to  them  that  were  never  there.  For  there  are  so 
many  lies  and  great  Bayes  to  goe  by,  before  one  be  at  it,  that 
I  wonder  how  ever  one  might  pierce  so  farre  for  to  finde  it. 

'  There  seems  to  be  in  this  passage  a  hidden  current  of  criticism  directed 
against  the  powers  that  be.  It  is  possible  that  Lescarbot  wrote  this  whole  passage 
in  order  to  conceal  as  well  as  to  express  certain  Huguenot  sympathies. 

191 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

There  are  three  or  foure  Mountaines,  imminent  above  the 
others,  on  the  sides :  But  on  the  North  side,  from  whence  the 
River  runneth  downe,  there  is  but  a  sharpe  pointed  one,  above 
two  leagues  distant.  The  Woods  of  the  maine  Land  are  faire 
and  admirable  high  and  well  growne,  as  in  like  manner  is  the 
grasse.  There  is  right  over  against  the  Hand  fresh  water 
brooks,  very  pleasant  and  agreeable,  where  divers  of  Monsieur 
de  Monts  his  men  did  their  businesse,  and  builded  there 
certaine  Cabanes.  As  for  the  nature  of  the  ground  it  is  most 
excellent  and  most  abundantly  fruitfull.  For  the  said  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts,  having  caused  there  some  piece  of  ground  to 
bee  tilled,  and  the  same  sowed  with  rie  (for  I  have  scene  there 
no  Wheate)  hee  was  not  able  to  tarrie  for  the  maturitie  thereof 
to  reape  it :  and  notwithstanding,  the  graine,  fallen,  hath 
growne  and  increased  so  wonderfully  that,  two  yeeres  after,  we 
reaped  and  did  gather  of  it  as  faire,  bigge  and  weightie,  as  in 
France,  which  the  soile  had  brought  forth  without  any  tillage : 
and  yet  at  this  present  it  doth  continue  still  to  multiply  every 
yeere.  The  said  Hand  containeth  some  halfe  a  league  of 
circuit,  and  at  the  end  of  it  on  the  Sea  side,  there  is  a  Mount 
or  small  Hill,  which  is  (as  it  wer)  a  little  He  severed  from  the 
other,  where  Monsieur  de  Monts  his  Cannon  was  placed: 
There  is  also  a  little  Chappell  built  after  the  Savage  fashion. 
At  the  foot  of  which  Chappell  there  is  such  store  of  Muscles 
as  is  wonderful,  which  maybee  gathered  at  low  water,  but  they 
are  small.  [Without  doubt  Monsieur  de  Monts'  company 
took  all  the  large  ones,  leaving  only  the  spawn  and  the  young. 

As  to  the  exploits  and  occupations  of  our  Frenchmen  during 
the  time  spent  there,  we  will  touch  upon  that  subject  summar- 
ily when  we  shall  have  followed  the  return  of  the  ships  to 
France. 

The  expense  of  the  sea-forces  in  an  expedition  such  as  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts  engaged  in  is  so  great  that  whoever  undertakes 
one  without  a  full  strong  box  must  expect  to  fail.    To  spare 

192 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOT 

expense  one  must  suffer  great  inconvenience  and  even  face 
necessitous  conditions  among  an  unknown  people,  and  what 
is  worse,  in  an  untilled  and  forest  covered  country.  This 
undertaking  was  the  more  praiseworthy  because  the  great 
perils  were  evident;  and  yet  the  company  went  bravely  forth 
to  face  Fortune,  determined  to  overcome  the  obstacles  that 
should   present  themselves. 

Now  when  the  ships  would  return  to  France,  Monsieur  de 
Monts  would  find  himself  in  a  dreary  situation,  with  but  one 
large  boat  and  one  small  one.  Promises  of  a  return  for  him  in 
the  spring  might  be  made,  but  who  can  presume  to  count  upon 
the  certainty  of  anything  where  t^^oIus  and  Neptune  are  con- 
cerned, two  evil  masters,  furious,  inconstant,  pitiless.  In  such 
a  situation  Monsieur  de  Monts  now  found  himself,  not  having 
received  any  such  recompense  from  the  King  as  had  all  those 
others  (except  only  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche)  whose  voyages 
we  have  recounted.  And  yet  Monsieur  de  Monts  had  accom- 
plished more  than  all  the  others,  never  once  relinquishing  his 
hold.  But  at  this  point  it  seemed  as  if  he  must  abandon  all, 
to  the  disgrace  and  reproach  of  the  French  name,  which,  by 
such  a  proceeding,  would  be  rendered  ridiculous  and  a  laugh- 
ing stock  before  other  nations. 

There  are  some  people  willing  to  hinder  the  conversion  of 
these  poor  western  peoples  and  the  promotion  of  the  glory  of 
God  and  our  King;  full  of  greed  and  jealousy,  they  would  not 
give  a  sword  stroke  themselves  in  the  service  of  His  Majesty, 
nor  suffer  the  least  hardship  for  the  honor  of  God,  yet  they 
wish  to  prevent  a  profit  being  obtained  from  the  province 
sufficient  for  the  actual  establishment  of  such  a  work,  even 
preferring  that  the  English  and  Dutch  should  supersede  the 
French  and  that  the  name  of  God  should  remain  unknown  in 
that  region.  And  it  is  such  people,  who  have  no  God,  (for 
if  they  had  they  would  show  more  zeal  for  his  name,)  who  are 
given  audience,  who  are  believed,  and  who  gain  their  cause.] 

193 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Now  let  us  prepare  and  hoise  up  salles.  Monsieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt  made  the  Voyage  into  these  parts  with  some  men  of 
good  sort,  not  to  winter  there,  but  as  it  were  to  seeke  out  his 
seate,  and  find  out  a  Land  that  might  Hke  him.  Which  he 
having  done,  had  no  need  to  sojourne  there  any  longer.  So 
then  the  ships  being  ready  for  the  returne,  he  shipped  himselfe, 
and  those  of  his  companie,  in  one  of  them. 

[About  this  time  news  reached  this  country  of  the  wonderful 
things  that  were  happening  in  Ostend,  besieged  already  three 
years  by  the  Princes  of  Flanders. 

Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt's  voyage  was  not  without  storms 
and  great  dangers.  I  wish  to  recount  two  or  three  of  these 
adventures  that  can  be  classed  as  miracles,  even  though  similar 
accidents  at  sea  happen  almost  daily — yet  in  so  saying  I  do  not 
wish  to  obscure  the  special  grace  that  God  has  always  shown  to 
these  voyages. 

The  first  of  these  perils  came  in  the  middle  of  the  voyage 
when  suddenly,  in  the  night,  a  squall  struck  the  sails  with  an 
impetuous  violence  that  overturned  the  boat  in  such  a  way  that 
the  keel  was  on  a  level  with  the  water  and  the  sails  floated  on 
the  surface. 

There  was  no  chance  even  to  attempt  to  loosen  or  unfasten 
the  guy-ropes.  Then  forthwith  the  sea  became  as  on  fire, 
a  phenomenon  which  the  sailors  call  "  Saint  Goudran's  fire." 
As  evil  fortune  would  have  it,  in  this  extremity  not  a  knife 
could  be  found  with  which  to  cut  the  ropes  or  the  sails.  The 
wretched  boat  remained  in  the  position  we  have  described, 
heaving  up  and  down.  Many  of  the  men  prepared  to  drink 
their  last  cup,  when  suddenly  a  fresh  blast  burst  the  sail  into  a 
thousand  pieces  useless  forever  after.  Blessed  sail,  able  by  its 
ruin  to  save  all  those  people.  If  it  had  been  strong  and  new 
the  danger  would  have  been  many  times  greater.  But  God 
often  tries  his  own  and  conducts  them  even  to  the  very  thresh- 
old of  death,  that   they  may  recognize   his   power  and  fear  it. 

194 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARROr 

The  boat  righted  itself  little  by  little  and  took  again  a  position 
of  safety. 

The  second  disaster  happened  at  Casquet,  an  uninhabited 
rock  island,  in  the  form  of  a  casque,  between  France  and  Eng- 
land. When  they  were  three  leagues  distant  from  this  rock,  a 
disagreement  arose  among  the  ship's  masters,  caused  by  jealousy 
(an  evil  that  often  ruins  both  men  and  affairs).  One  said  that 
the  rock  could  be  easily  "doubled,"  another  said  no,  that  they 
must  deviate  from  the  straight  route  to  be  able  to  pass  above  it. 
To  add  to  the  danger,  fogs  so  obscured  the  light  that  they  knew 
not  the  time  of  the  day  nor  whether  the  tide  was  ebb  or  flood. 
Had  it  been  flood,  they  could  easily  have  doubled  the  rock,  but 
it  so  happened  that  the  sea  was  going  out,  and  against  the  tide 
the  ship  could  not  reach  the  rock  in  time  to  pass  over  it  while 
there  was  sufficient  water.  As  they  bore  down  upon  it,  they 
saw  no  hope  of  saving  themselves,  no  possibility  of  prevent- 
ing their  being  hurled  against  it.  Then  each  one  prayed  to 
God,  begged  forgiveness  of  his  neighbor,  and  gave  himself  up 
to  bewailing  his  fate.  At  this  point,  Captain  Rossignol  (whose 
boat  had  been  stolen  in  New  France,  as  we  have  recounted,) 
drew  a  long  knife  with  intent  to  kill  Captain  Timothee,  com- 
mander of  the  present  voyage.  "  You  are  not  content  with 
ruining  me,  you  want  now  to  destroy  my  life  here,"  he  cried. 
He  was  restrained  and  prevented  from  carrying  out  his  wicked 
intention.  In  truth  it  was  utter  foolishness,  madness  rather,  to 
attempt  to  take  the  life  of  a  man  in  all  probability  about  to  die 
in  any  event,  and  when  he  himself  faced  the  same  danger.  At 
last,  just  as  they  were  about  to  strike  the  rock,  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt  asked  once  more  of  the  man  at  the  main  top  if 
he  saw  no  hope.  The  man  replied,  "None."  Then  Monsieur 
de  Poutrincourt  called  for  several  to  help  him  attempt  to 
change  the  sails.  Two  or  three  came  to  his  help,  but  already 
there  was  barely  enough  water  in  which  to  move  the  boat;  when 
God  in  his  grace  came  to  their  aid  and  turned  the  vessel  from 

•95 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

this  imminent  disaster.  Some  had  already  taken  off  their 
jerkins,  hoping  to  be  able  to  save  themselves  by  climbing  on 
the  rock.     But  this  time  they  were  spared  all  but  their  fright. 

Some  hours  after  the  above  adventure  they  approached  a  rock 
known  as  "  Eagles'  Nest,"  but  in  the  dense  fog  they  mistook  it 
for  a  vessel  which  they  feared  to  run  foul  of.  However,  once 
again  they  escaped,  and  arrived  at  last  at  their  destination.  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  had  left  his  arms  and  munition  at  the 
Island  Sainte-Croix  in  care  of  Monsieur  de  Monts,  as  an  earn- 
est of  his  firm  intention  to  return. 

I  may  cite  here  one  more  marvelous  escape  of  the  vessel  soon 
after  its  departure  from  Sainte  Croix.  In  this  event  God  showed 
them  how  he  can  turn  an  evil  into  a  great  good. 

A  certain  thirsty  fellow  slipped  stealthily  down  to  the  hold 
one  night  to  drink  his  fill  and  replenish  his  bottle.  He  found 
plentv  to  drink,  for  the  hold  of  the  ship  was  half  full  of  water. 
At  his  alarm  every  man  jumped  to  the  pumps.  They  discovered 
a  large  leak  in  the  keel  which  they  were  able  to  stop  up,  the 
which  they  did  with  all  speed.] 


Chapter  VI. 

Building  on  the  Island  Sainte-Croix  :  Inconveniences  endured  by  the  Frenchmen 
there  :  Unknown  illnesses :  Complete  discussion  of  these  illnesses  :  of  their 
causes :  of  the  people  most  subject  to  them  :  of  meats,  bad  water,  air, 
wind,  lakes,  rotten  dampness  in  woods,  seasons  :  Disposition  of  the  bodies 
of  the  young,  the  old  :  Advice  of  the  author  concerning  the  care  of  the 
health  and  cure  of  these  sicknesses. 

During  the  foresaid  Navigation,  Monsieur  du  Monts  his 
people  did  worke  about  the  Fort;  which  he  seated  at  the  end 
of  the  Hand,  opposite  to  the  place  where  he  had  lodged  his 
Cannon.  Which  was  wisely  considered,  to  the  end  to  command 
the  River  up  and  downe.  But  there  was  an  inconvenience,  the 
said  Fort  did  lie  towards  the  North,  and  without  any  shelter,  but 

196 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARlKrT 

of  the  trees  that  were  on  the  He  shoare,  which  all  about  he 
commanded  to  be  kept,  and  not  cut  downe. 

[Besides  the  tort  there  were  the  large  and  ample  houses  of 
the  Swiss,  and  some  small  habitations  forming,  in  all,  a  kind  of 
suburb.  There  were  also  some  cabins  on  the  mainland  near 
the  river.  Within  the  fort  itself  were  Monsieur  de  Monts' 
quarters,  built  of  wood  in  a  handsome  and  ornamental  style, 
with  the  flag  of  France  floating  above.  In  another  part  ot  the 
fort  was  the  storehouse,  in  which  reposed  the  lives  and  safety 
of  all,  built  also  of  wood  and  covered  with  shingles.  Opposite 
the  storehouse  were  the  houses  of  Messieurs  d'Orville,  de 
Champlain,  Champdore,  and  other  notable  personages.  Op- 
posite Monsieur  de  Monts'  quarters  was  a  covered  gallery  for 
exercise,  either  in  work  or  play,  during  inclement  weather. 

Between  the  fort  and  the  cannon  platform  the  space  was  filled 
with  gardens  where  every  one  willingly  and  gladly  worked. 
All  the  autumn  passed  at  this  work.  Indeed,  it  was  no  mean 
labor  to  build  these  lodgings  and  break  the  land  before  winter 
set  in.  For  distraction  they  perused  the  gazette  of  a  certain 
Master  William.  This  gazette  contained  all  sorts  of  news. 
Among  other  bits  they  came  upon  the  information  that  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts  was  "  planting  thorns  "  in  Canada.  We  may 
truly  say,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  uprooting  thorns,  which 
is  to  refer  but  mildly  to  the  fatigues,  continued  dangers,  cares, 
and  anxieties  which  he  endured.  But  that  character  and  courage 
which  overcome  all  things  make  pinks  and  roses  of  such  thorns 
for  those  who  resolve  upon  heroic  deeds  that  will  rest  in  the 
memory  of  man  and  who  shut  their  eyes  to  the  pleasures  of 
the  carpet  knights  fit  only  to  guard  a  chamber.] 

The  most  urgent  things  being  done,  and  hoary  snowy  Father 
being  come,  that  is  to  say.  Winter,  then  they  were  forced  to 
keepe  within  doores,  and  to  live  every  one  at  his  own  home : 
during  which  time,  our  men  had  three  speciall  discommodities 
in  this  Hand,  videlicet,  want  of  wood  (for  that  which  was  in 

197 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

the  said  He  was  spent  in  buildings),  lacke  of  fresh  water,  and 
the  continuall  watch  made  by  night,  fearing  some  surprise  from 
the  Savages,  that  had  lodged  themselves  at  the  foot  of  the  said 
Hand,  or  some  other  enemie.  For  the  malediction  and  rage  of 
many  Christians  is  such,  that  one  must  take  heed  of  them 
much  more  than  of  Infidels.  A  thing  which  grieveth  me  to 
speake :  would  to  God  I  were  a  lyar  in  this  respect,  and  that  I 
had  no  cause  to  speake  it.  When  they  had  need  of  water  or 
wood,  they  were  constrained  to  crosse  over  the  River,  which  is 
thrice  as  broad  on  every  side,  as  the  River  Seine  at  Paris.  It 
was  a  thing  painfull  and  tedious,  in  such  sort,  that  it  was  need- 
full  to  keepe  the  Boat  the  whole  day,  before  one  might  get  those 
necessaries.  In  the  meane  while  the  cold  and  snowes  came 
upon  them,  and  the  Ice  so  strong,  that  the  Sider  was  frozen  in 
the  vessels,  and  every  one  his  measure  was  given  him  out  by 
weight.  As  for  Wine  it  was  distributed  but  at  certain  dayes  of 
the  Weeke.  Many  idle  sluggish  companions  dranke  snow- 
water, not  willing  to  take  the  paines  to  crosse  the  River. 
Briefly,  the  unknowne  sicknesses  like  to  those  described  unto 
us  by  James  Quartier,  in  his  Relation,  assailed  us.  For  reme- 
dies there  was  none  to  bee  found. 

In  the  meane  while  the  poore  sicke  creatures  did  languish, 
pining  away  by  little  and  little,  for  want  of  sweet  meates,  as 
Milke  or  spoon-meate  for  to  sustaine  their  stomackes  which 
could  not  receive  the  hard  meates,  by  reason  of  let,'  proceeding 
from  a  rotten  flesh  which  grew  and  over-abounded  within  their 
mouthes;  and  when  one  thought  to  root  it  out,  it  did  growe 
againe  in  one  nights  space  more  abundantly  than  before.  As  for 
the  tree  called  Annedda,  mentioned  by  the  said  Quartier,  the 
Savages  of  these  Lands  knowe  it  not.  So  that  it  was  most 
pitiful  1  to  behold  every  one,  very  few  excepted,  in  this  miserie, 
and  the  miserable  sicke  folkes  to  die,  as  it  were  full  of  life, 
without  any  possibilitie  to   be  succoured.     There  died  of  this 

'  Let=a  hindrance. 

198 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/IRBOT 

thirty  sixe,  and  thirty  sixe  or  forty  more  that  were  stricken 
with  it  recovered  themselves  by  the  helpe  of  the  Spring,  as 
soon  as  the  comfortable  season  appeared.  But  the  deadly 
season  for  that  sicknesse  is  in  the  end  of  January,  the  moneths 
of  February  and  March,  wherein  most  commonly  the  sicke  doe 
die,  every  one  at  his  turne,  according  to  the  time  they  have 
begunne  to  be  sicke:  in  such  sort,  that  he  which  beganne  to 
be  ill  in  February  and  March,  may  escape,  but  he  that  shall 
over-haste  himselfe,  and  betake  him  to  his  bed  in  December 
and  January,  he  is  in  danger  to  die  in  February,  March,  or  the 
beginning  of  AprilL' 

[When  Monsieur  de  Monts  returned  to  France  he  consulted 
many  physicians  concerning  this  malady.  It  was  entirely  new 
to  them.  I  do  not  remember  that  on  our  preceding  voyage 
the  apothecary  had  any  prescription  for  such  an  illness.  /Ynd 
yet  I  believe  that  Hippocrates  knew  of  it,  or  at  least  of  a  sick- 
ness nearly  approaching  it.  In  his  book  De  internis  affect,  he 
speaks  of  a  certain  malady  where  the  abdomen,  and  afterwards 
the  spleen,  swell  and  harden.  The  patient  suffers  sharp  pains, 
the  skin  becomes  a  pale  black,  resembling  somewhat  in  color  a 
green  pomegranate.  An  unpleasant  odor  comes  from  the  ears 
and  gums,  the  latter  separating  themselves  from  the  teeth. 
Pustules  come  on  the  legs  ;  legs  and  arms  become  attenuated, 
etc. 

Northern  peoples  are  more  subject  to  this  sickness  than  are 
southern  peoples.  Witness  the  Dutch,  the  Frieslanders  and 
their  neighbors.  The  Dutch,  in  recounting  their  navigations, 
tell  of  a  company  that  went  to  southern  India,  where  several 

I  Cf.  Book  III,  chap.  24.  "Unknowne  sickness,  viz.  the  Scorbute  or  Scurvie, 
the  greatest  plague  of  Navigations  and  new  plantations,  where  want  of  fresh  diet 
and  of  bodily  labour,  or  too  much  labour  and  watching,  with  grosse  aires  in  the 
countries  overgrowne  with  wood,  or  with  marshes,  bogs  and  unwholsome  waters, 
are  chiefe  breeders  thereof.  The  Author  hath  made  a  long  discourse  of  this  disease, 
the  chiefe  points  whereof  are  here  expressed  for  the  benefit  of  our  English  Colo- 
nies in  America,  in  which,  I  doubt  not,  many  hundreds  have  hereby  perished." — 
Note  by  Purchas. 

199 


VOYAGES  TO  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

among  them  were  taken  with  this  illness,  as  were  also  a  number 
of  those  who  went  to  the  coast  of  Guinea  —  a  perilous  place 
where  pestilential  air  is  carried  a  hundred  leagues  out  at  sea. 
The  same  company,  in  1606,  when  guarding  the  coast  of 
Spain,  were  compelled  to  withdraw  because  of  this  sickness, 
after  having  thrown  twenty-two  of  their  dead  into  the  sea. 

We  have  also  the  testimony  of  Olaus  Magnus'  concerning 
the  northern  nations  among  whom  he  dwelt.  This  is  his  report : 
"There  is,"  he  says,  "an  illness  which  afflicts  and  torments  the 
sufferers.  The  arms  and  legs  become  thick  with  a  certain  pul- 
pous  flesh  in  which  a  seemingly  putrified  blood  moves  like  wax 
between  flesh  and  skin.  A  touch  of  the  finger  on  the  flesh 
leaves  an  impression  ;  the  teeth  shake  as  if  to  fall  out;  the  skin 
becomes  blue.  The  sufferer  lies  in  a  torpor,  and  has  a  loathing 
for  everything,  including  medicine.  The  sickness  is  called  vul- 
garly in  the  language  of  the  country,  "  Scorbut  "  (scurvy);  in 
Greek  Kaxe^ia-  Peradventure  the  cause  of  the  putrid  softness  of 
the  flesh  is  the  eating  of  indigestible  salt  meats.  The  malady 
is  no  doubt  aggravated  by  the  cold  dampness  emitted  from 
the  walls.  The  disease  would  not  become  so  formidable  if  the 
houses  were  lined  with  boards.  Whenever  it  shows  signs  of 
continuance,  it  can  be  vanquished  by  taking  every  day  a  drink 
made  of  absinthe,  and  likewise  a  decoction  of  old  beer  with 
butter  seems  to  strike  at  the  very  root  of  the  matter. 

The  same  author  relates  in  another  place  another  most 
remarkable  fact.  "At  the  beginning,"  he  says,  "the  siege  was 
withstood  with  spirit,  but  after  a  time  the  soldiers  weakened 
from  the  continual  strain.  Then  by  artifices  and  by  cunningly 
devised  tricks  and  ambushes  they  carried  off  the  provisions  of 
the  besiegers,  especially  their  lambs,  which  they  led  away  and 
put  to  feed  in  the  grassy  plots  about  their  houses.  They  feared 
that  through  lack  of  fresh  meat  they  would  fall  ill  of  a  malady, 
the  worst  of  all  sicknesses,  known  as  'Scorbut'  (scurvy),  that 

'  Book  XVI,  chap.  51. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC.IRBOT 

is  to  say,  a  stomach  broken  and  emaciated  by  cruel  torments 
and  long  endured  pain.  Cold  and  indigestible  foods,  swallowed 
gluttonously,  seem  to  be  the  cause  of  this  sickness." 

I  take  pleasure  in  quoting  here  the  words  of  this  author,  for 
he  speaks  like  a  learned  man,  and  depicts  well  the  malady  that 
attacked  our  people  in  New  PVance,  except  that  he  does  not 
mention  the  stiffening  of  the  ham  strings  nor  the  growth  of 
proud  flesh  in  the  mouth,  which  flesh  always  grows  but  the 
faster  when  one  tries  to  remove  it.  He  rightly  calls  it  "a 
broken  stomach."] 

For  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  made  a  Negro  to  be  opened, 
that  died  of  that  sicknesse  in  our  Voyage,  who  was  found  to 
have  the  inward  parts  very  sound,  except  the  stomacke,  that 
had  wrinkles,  as  though  they  were  ulcered. 

[As  to  salt  meats  being  the  cause,  it  is  very  true,  but  there 
are  other  things  that  concur  to  promote  and  maintain  this  sick- 
ness, among  which  1  would  mention,  in  general,  bad  food, 
including  under  that  term  beverages ;  also  secondly,  the  un- 
healthful  air  of  the  country ;  and  finally  a  weakened  condition 
of  the  body.  I  leave  to  physicians  a  more  minute  investigation 
of  these  facts.  Hippocrates'  remarks  that  the  physician  must 
take  into  careful  consideration  the  seasons,  the  winds,  the  as- 
pect of  the  sun,  the  water,  the  nature  and  situation  of  the  land, 
the  character  of  the  people  and  their  way  of  living  and 
working.  ] 

As  for  the  food,  this  sicknesse  is  caused  by  cold  meates,  with- 
out juyce,  grosse  and  corrupted.  One  must  then  take  heed  of 
salt  meates,  smoaky,  musty,  raw,  and  of  an  evill  sent ;  likewise 
of  dried  fishes,  as  New-found- Land  fish,  and  stinking  Raves : 
Briefly,  from  all  melancholy  meates,  which  are  of  hard  digesting, 
are  easily  corrupted,  and  breed  a  grosse  and  melancholy  bloud. 
I  would  not  (for  all  that)  bee  so  scrupulous  as  the  Physicians, 
which  doe  put  in   number  of  grosse  and   melancholy  meates, 

'  See  Book,  "  De  acre,  aquis  et  loc." 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Beeves  flesh,  Beares,  wild  Boares  and  Hogs  flesh  (they  might 
as  well  adde  unto  them  Beavers  flesh,  which  notwithstanding 
wee  have  found  very  good )  as  they  doe  amongst  fishes  the 
Tons,  Dolphins,  and  all  those  that  carrie  water  birds:  for  in 
being  an  over-curious  observator  of  these  things,  one  might  fal 
into  the  danger  of  starving,  and  to  die  for  hunger.  They 
place  yet  among  the  meats  that  are  to  be  shunned  Bisket, 
Beanes  and  Pulse,  the  often  using  of  Milke,  Cheese :  the 
grosse  and  harsh  Wine  and  that  which  is  too  thin,  white  Wine, 
and  the  use  of  Vinegar:  Beere  which  is  not  well  sodden,  nor 
well  scunned,'  and  that  hath  not  Hoppes  enough.  Also  waters 
that  runne  thorow  rotten  wood,  and  those  of  Lakes  and  Bog- 
ges,  still  and  corrupted  waters,  such  as  is  much  in  Holland  and 
Frizeland,  where  is  observed  that  they  of  Amsterdam  are  more 
subject  to  Palsies  and  stifning  of  sinews,  then  they  of  Roter- 
dam,  for  the  abovesaid  cause  of  still  and  sleepy  waters :  which 
besides  doe  ingender  Dropsies,  Dysenteries,  Fluxes,  quartaine 
Agues,  and  burning  Fevers,  swellings,  ulcers  of  the  Lights, 
shortnesse  of  breath,  ruptures  of  children,  swelling  in  the 
veines,  sores  in  the  legges :  finally,  they  wholly  belong  to  the 
disease  whereof  we  speake,  being  drawne  by  the  Spleene,  where 
they  leave  all  their  corruption. 

Sometimes  this  sicknesse  doth  also  come  by  a  vice  which  is 
even  in  waters  of  running  Fountaines,  as  if  they  be  among  or 
neere  Bogges,  or  if  they  issue  from  a  muddy  ground,  or  from  a 
place  that  hath  not  the  Sunnes  aspect.  So  Plinie''  reciteth  that 
in  the  Voyage  which  the  Prince  Cassar  Germanicus  made  into 
Germanic,  having  given  order  to  his  Armie  to  passe  the  River 
of  Rhine,  to  the  end  to  get  still  forward  in  the  Countrie,  he 
did  set  his  campe  on  the  Sea  shoare,  upon  the  coast  of  Frize- 
land, in  a  place  where  was  but  one  onely  Fountaine  of  fresh 
water  to  bee  found,  which  notwithstanding  was  so  pernicious, 

'  Scummed,  skimmed  ? 
^  Book  XXV,  chap.  3. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

that  all  they  that  dranke  of  it  lost  their  teeth  in  lesse  than  two 
yeeres  space,  and  had  their  knees  so  weake  and  disjoynted,  that 
they  could  not  beare  themselves.  Which  is  verily  the  sick- 
nesse  whereof  wee  speake,  which  the  Physicians  doe  call 
2T0;uaK:(i/c7>,  that  is  to  say,  Mouthes  sore;  and  i:Ke\oTup/377,  which  is 
as  much  to  say,  as  the  shaking  of  thighs  and  legges.  And  it 
was  not  possible  to  finde  any  remedie,  but  by  the  meanes  of  an 
herbe  called  Britannica,  or  Scurvy  grasse,  which  besides  is  very 
good  for  the  sinews,  against  the  sores  and  accidents  in  the 
mouth  :  against  the  Squinancie,'  and  against  the  biting  of  Ser- 
pents. It  hath  long  leaves,  drawing  in  colour  a  darke  greene, 
and  produceth  a  black  roote,  from  which  liquor  is  drawne,  as 
well  as  from  the  leafe.  Strabo  sayth,  that  the  like  case  hap- 
pened to  the  Armie  that  ^^lius  Gallus  brought  into  Arabia,  by 
the  commission  of  Augustus  the  Emperour.  And  the  like  also 
chanced  to  King  Saint  Lewes  his  Armie  in  Egypt,  as  the  Lord 
de  Joinville  reporteth.  Other  effects  of  bad  waters  are  scene 
neere  unto  us,  to  wit,  in  Savoy,  where  the  women  (more  than 
men,  because  they  are  of  a  colder  constitution)  have  commonly 
swellings  in  their  throats,  as  bigge  as  Bottles. 

Next  to  waters,  the  aire  is  also  one  of  the  Fathers  and  In- 
genderers  of  this  sicknesse,  in  boggy  and  watrish  places,  and 
opposite  to  the  South,  which  is  most  often  rainy.  But  there  is 
yet  in  New  France  another  bad  qualitie  of  the  aire,  by  reason 
of  Lakes  that  be  thicke  there,  and  of  the  great  rottennesse  in 
the  Woods,  whose  odour  the  bodies  having  drawne  up,  dur- 
ing the  raines  of  Autumne  and  Winter,  easily  are  ingendred 
the  corruptions  of  the  mouth,  and  swelling  in  the  legges  before 
spoken,  and  a  cold  entreth  unsensibly  into  it,  which  benummeth 
the  limbes,  stifneth  the  sinews,  constraineth  to  creepe  with 
crutches/  and  in  the  end  to  keepe  the  bed.  And  for  as  much 
as  the  winds  doe  participate  with  the  aire,  yea,  are  an  aire  run- 

^  Quinsy. 

2  "  Contraint  (Taller  a  quatre  pies  avec  deux  potences.'^ 

203 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

ning  with  a  more  vehement  force  than  ordinary,  and  in  this 
qualitie  have  great  power  over  the  health  and  sicknesses  of 
men,  [let  us  speak  briefly  of  these  winds,  yet  without  wander- 
ing too  far  from  the  thread  of  our  story. 

It  is  said  that  the  east  wind  (called  by  the  Latins  "  Subsol- 
anus")  is  the  most  healthful  of  all,  and  for  this  reason  wise 
builders  face  their  houses  toward  the  rising  sun.  The  west 
wind,  called  "  Favonius "  or  "Zephyr,"  is  soft  but  disease- 
engendering.  The  south  wind,  called  "Auster,"  is  hot  and  dry 
in  Africa:  but  in  crossing  the  Mediterranean,  it  absorbs  a  great 
humidity  which  renders  it  stormy  and  unwholesome  when  it 
reaches  Provence  and  Languedoc.  The  cold  dry  north  wind 
(called  "Boreas,"  "  Bize,"  or  "Tramontane")  blows  away  the 
clouds  and  sweeps  clear  the  aerial  regions.  It  is  considered 
next  to  the  east  wind  in  healthfulness. 

But  these  qualities  of  the  winds,  so  well  known  to  the  Latins, 
cannot  be  considered  general  for  all  the  earth.  South  of  the 
equator  the  north  wind  is  not  cold,  nor  the  south  wind  hot. 
Travellers  in  Africa  tell  us  of  cooling  south  winds.  There  are 
regions  in  Peru  (Lima  and  the  plains  about)  where  the  north 
wind  is  unhealthful  and  enervating;  and  for  five  leagues  along 
this  coast  the  south- wind  is  fresh  and  healthful  and  more- 
over never  brings  rain  (writes  the  quaint  Joseph  Acosta')  as  it 
does  in  Europe.  In  Spain  (says  Acosta)  the  east  wind,  which 
we  consider  healthful,  is  unwholesome  and  weakening.  In 
Norway  the  north-east  wind,  called  Circius,  is  blustering  and 
stormy,  and  does  much  damage  on  the  western  coasts.  A 
traveller  who  ventures  out  in  it  must  be  prepared  to  meet  his 
end  and  run  the  risk  of  suffocation.  It  is  because  of  this  cold 
rude  wind  that  no  trees,  not  even  shrubs,  grow  on  this  coast, 
and  the  natives,  in  default  of  wood,  cook  over  fires  offish  bones. 

We  have  discovered  in  New  France  that  the  north  wind  is 
not  a  healthful  wind  and  the  north-west  winds  (which  are  the 

I  Book  III,  chap.  3. 

204 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

cold  winds,  rough,  harsh,  and  stormy)  are  still  worse.  Our  sick 
people  and  those  who  had  wintered  there  the  preceding  year 
greatly  dreaded  these  winds,  because  some  one  easily  fell  sick 
whenever  this  wind  blew,  at  least  they  had  some  slight  attack. 
Likewise  we  observe  that  always  those  subject  to  ruptures  suffer 
much  pain  when  the  south  wind  is  in  the  country.  Even  the 
animals  feel  the  effects  of  the  winds,  and  their  actions  often 
predict  weather  changes  to  us.] 

This  noisome  qualitie  of  winde  proceedeth  (in  my  judge- 
ment) from  the  nature  of  the  Countrie  thorow  which  it 
passeth,  which  (as  wee  have  said)  is  full  of  Lakes,  and  those 
very  great,  which  bee  ( as  it  were )  standing  and  still  waters. 
Whereto  I  adde  the  exhalation  of  the  rottennesse  of  woods, 
that  this  winde  bringeth,  and  that  in  so  much  greater  quantitie, 
as  the  North-west  part  is  great,  large  and  spacious. 

The  seasons  are  also  to  be  marked  in  this  disease,  which  I 
have  not  scene  nor  heard  of,  that  it  begins  to  worke,  neither 
in  the  Spring  time.  Summer  nor  Autumne,  unlesse  it  be  at  the 
end  of  it,  but  in  Winter.  And  the  cause  thereof  is,  that  as  the 
growing  heate  of  the  Spring  maketh  the  humours  closed  up  in 
the  Winter  to  disperse  themselves  to  the  extremities  of  the 
body,  and  so  cleareth  it  from  melancholy  and  from  the  noi- 
some humors  that  have  become  gathered  in  Winter :  so  the 
Autumne,  as  the  Winter  approacheth,  draweth  them  inward,  and 
doth  nourish  this  melancholy  and  blacke  humor,  which  doth 
abound  specially  in  this  season,  and  the  Winter  being  come 
sheweth  forth  his  effects  at  the  costs  and  griefe  of  the  poore 
patients. 

[Galen'  reasons  thus:  The  fluids  of  the  body,  having  been, 
as  it  were,  parched  out  by  the  heat  of  summer,  become  forth- 
with cold  and  dry :  cold  because  deprived  of  the  summer's 
heat,  dry  because  that  heat  has  consumed  all  their  humidity. 
For  that  reason  maladies  increase  in  the  winter  season,  and  the 

•  Comm.  3  5,  Book  I,  de  nat.  horn. 

205 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

longer  they  continue  the  less  strength  has  the  body  to  resist 
them.  Too,  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  has  much  effect  up- 
on a  body  already  indisposed,  helping  to  make  it  a  prey  to  the 
sicknesses  which  take  full  sway  over  it  and  are  without  pity.] 

I  would  adde  willingly  to  all  the  aforesaid  causes  the  bad 
food  of  the  Sea,  which  in  a  long  voiage  brings  much  corruption 
in  mans  body. 

[For  of  necessity  one  must  live  on  salt  meats  after  four  or 
five  days  out,  or  else  carry  live  sheep  and  many  fowls,  and  in 
any  event  there  could  never  be  enough  of  them  but  for  the 
Captain  and  officers.  (We  had  no  fresh  meat  except  as  we 
killed  it  on  the  shores  where  we  touched.)  The  sailors  and 
passengers  suffer  as  much  from  bread  as  from  the  meat  and 
drink.  The  biscuits  become  spoiled  and  strong,  the  fish  like- 
wise; the  water  polluted.  One  who  could  have  fresh  meats  and 
fruits,  good  bread,  wines  and  soup,  would  need  have  no  fear  of 
this  sickness  unless  his  body  was  indeed  unhealthy.  When  1 
consider  that  this  illness,  under  similar  conditions,  is  as  preva- 
lent in  Holland,  in  Friesland,  in  Spain,  and  in  Guinea,  as  in 
Canada,  I  am  greatly  inclined  to  believe  that  its  cause  is  in  the 
conditions  named  and  it  is  in  no  way  peculiar  to  New  France. 

It  is  most  necessary  to  be  in  strong  health  when  coming 
here.  Those  who  have,  as  I  may  say,  porous  bodies  that  take 
in  easily  harmful  vapors,  who  suffer  from  obstructions  in  the 
spleen,  and  those  who  have  led  a  sedentary  life,  are  particularly 
subject  to  this  sickness.  A  physician  might  conclude  from  this 
that  a  studious  man  could  not  live  in  these  parts,  nor  a  man 
who  suffers  great  fatigue  from  hard  labor,  nor  the  visionary 
minded,  nor  those  subject  to  fevers,  nor  any  of  that  ilk,  which 
in  general  I  believe,  for  all  such  become  melancholy  and  full 
of  dark  humors.  Nevertheless  I  proved  by  myself  and  by 
others  the  exact  contrary  of  all  this,  even  in  the  face  of  the 
opinion  of  some  of  our  people  and  of  the  Sagamore  Membertou 
who  was  the  prophet  and  magician  of  the  savages.     They  pre- 

206 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

dieted,  upon  my  arrival,  that  I  would  never  again  see  France, 
nor  would  Monsieur  Boullet  (formerly  captain  of  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt's  regiment)  who  had  fever  a  great  part  of  the 
time  (but  he  recovered).  They  advised  our  workmen  to  be 
careful  not  to  overwork,  which  advice  they  were  but  too 
pleased  to  follow. 

I  may  say  in  all  truth  that  I  never  in  my  life  performed  so 
much  physical  labor.  It  was  such  a  pleasure  to  cultivate  the 
gardens,  to  enclose  them  against  the  gluttony  of  the  hogs,  to 
lay  out  flower  beds  and  walks,  to  build  cabins,  to  sow  wheat, 
rye,  barley  and  oats,  to  plant  beans,  peas  and  garden  herbs  and 
to  water  them.  I  wanted,  by  my  own  efforts,  to  see  what  this 
land  would  produce.  Even  the  summer  days  were  too  short  for 
me  and  often  in  the  spring  time  I  continued  my  work  by 
moonlight. 

As  to  work  of  the  mind,  I  had  it  in  plenty.  Every  evening, 
when  the  others,  with  their  chattering,  their  noise  and  hubbub, 
had  retired,  I  shut  myself  in  my  "study"  and  read  and  wrote. 
Then  also  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  our  commander,  asked 
me  to  give  some  hours  of  my  time  to  the  Christian  teaching  of 
our  little  colony,  that  we  might  not  live  like  the  beasts,  but 
might  be  an  example,  in  sort,  to  the  natives.  So  each  Sunday, 
and  occasionally  at  other  times,  I  taught  them.  Fortunately  I 
had  chanced  to  bring  my  Bible  and  some  other  books  with  me, 
otherwise  such  a  commission  might  have  been  very  onerous, 
and  I  should  have  been  compelled  to  excuse  myself.  The 
work  was  not  without  fruit.  Several  among  them  bore  witness 
that  they  had  never  heard  so  willingly  the  word  of  God  and 
admitted  they  had  never  before  known  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  doctrine  —  (which  is,  in  fact,  the  state  to  which  the 
greater  part  of  the  Christian  world  has  come.)  But  if  there 
was  edification  on  one  side  there  was  evil  speaking  on  another, 
for  with  Gallic  frankness  I  spoke  openly  the  truth.  Apropos 
of  this  enmity  I  remembered  the  words  of  the  prophet  Amos, 

207 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

"They  hate  him  that  rebuketh  in  the  gate,  and  they  abhor  him 
that  speaketh  uprightly."  But  at  the  end  we  were  all  good 
friends. 

During  all  this  time,  God  gave  me  always  good  and  perfect 
health.  I  had  a  taste  for  everything,  was  fresh  and  in  good 
spirits,  except  perhaps  once  when,  having  slept  in  the  woods 
near  a  stream  when  snow  was  on  the  ground,  I  experienced  a 
cramp  and  had  a  sort  of  sciatica  in  the  thigh  for  about  a  fort- 
night, without,  however,  in  any  way  losing  appetite.  Thus  I 
took  pleasure  in  everything  I  did,  and  I  wished  with  God's 
blessing  to  devote  my  life  to  this  work. 

It  would  be  too  long  for  me  to  go  into  detail  concerning  the 
characteristics  of  individuals,  but  I  will  say  that  children  are 
more  subject  than  adults  to  the  illnesses  of  the  country.  They 
have  often  ulcers  in  their  mouths  and  on  their  gums,  because  of 
the  poor  tissues  with  which  their  bodies  abound ;  also  they  have 
many  disorders  because  of  the  irregularity  of  their  living,  their 
eating  of  quantities  of  fruit  which  seems  never  to  satiate  them 
but  which  gives  them  thin  watery  blood  that  the  obstructed 
spleen  cannot  absorb.  As  to  old  people,  their  force  is  not  suf- 
ficient to  resist  an  illness,  their  low  temperature  being  just  what 
is  necessary  to  promote  disease.  I  do  not  wish  to  enter  the 
domain  of  the  physicians,  fearing  their  rod  of  censure  may  fall 
upon  me,  yet,  with  their  permission,  and  without  meddling  with 
their  prescriptions  of  agaric,  aloes,  rhubarb,  and  other  ingredi- 
ents, I  should  like  to  give  a  little  advice  to  the  people  who 
cannot  send  to  Alexandria  either  for  preventives  or  for  cures. 

It  is  an  accepted  truth  that  to  correct  a  condition  you  must 
produce  a  contrary  symptom.]  This  sicknesse  proceeding  from 
an  indigestion  of  rude,  grosse,  cold  and  melancholy  meates, 
which  offend  the  stomacke,  I  thinke  it  good  (submitting  my 
selfe  to  better  judgement  and  advice)  to  accompany  them  with 
good  sawces,  be  it  of  Butter,  Oyle,  or  Fat,  all  well  spiced,  to 
correct  as  well  the  qualitie  of  the  meate,  as  of  the  bodie  inward- 

208 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/IRBOT 

ly  waxen  cold.  Let  this  be  said  for  rude  and  grosse  meates,  as 
Beans,  Pease,  and  fish:  for  he  that  shall  eate  good  Capons, 
good  Partridges,  good  Ducks,  and  good  Rabets,  may  be  assured 
of  his  health,  or  else  his  body  is  of  a  bad  constitution.  We 
have  had  some  sick,  that  have  (as  it  were)  raised  up  from  death 
to  life  for  having  eaten  twice  or  thrice  of  a  coolice '  made  of  a 
Cocke ;  good  Wine  taken  according  to  the  necessitie  of  nature, 
is  a  soveraigne  preservative  for  all  sicknesses,  and  particularly 
for  this.  [Messieurs  Macquin  and  Georges,  honorable  mer- 
chants of  Rochelle,  associates  of  Monsieur  de  Monts,  furnished 
us  forty-five  casks  for  our  voyage,  which  we  appreciated  greatly. 
And  our  ill  ones,  with  mouths  so  sore  they  could  not  eat, 
never  lost  the  taste  for  wine,  which  they  could  take  from  a 
tube.     It  saved  several  of  them  from  death.] 

The  young  buds  of  herbs  in  the  Spring  time  be  also  very 
soveraigne. 

[I  experimented  several  times,  gathering  the  herbs  in  the 
woods  before  our  garden  crops  were  grown.  Always  they  gave 
taste  to  the  sick  ones  and  seemed  to  comfort  their  debilitated 
stomachs.  I  have  heard  that  it  did  good  to  rinse  the  mouth  with 
oil  of  vitriol  and  apply  it  to  the  growths  about  the  teeth.  I 
think  that  mineral  waters  would  not  be  bad,  and  that  to  chew 
sage  might  do  something  to  prevent  this  evil. 

Some  find  it  good  to  gargle  frequently  with  lemon  juice.  It 
seems  to  me  that  it  would  not  be  a  bad  idea  to  bleed  the 
patient  under  the  tongue,  or  to  scarify  the  fleshy  growths,  or 
apply  some  biting  fluid.  Also  to  cup  the  patient  as  they  do  in 
Switzerland  and  Germany.] 

And  as  for  that  which  concerneth  the  exteriour  parts  of  the 
body,  we  have  found  great  good  in  wearing  woodden  Pantaphles, 
or  Patins  with  our  shooes,  for  to  avoide  the  moistnesse.  The 
houses  neede  no  opening  nor  windowes  on  the  North-west  side, 

^  More  often  Cooley,  from  French  coulis,  a  broth  or  gravy  ;  in  this  case, 
chicken  broth. 

209 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

or  the  south.  It  is  very  good  to  have  good  bedding  (and  it 
was  good  for  mee  to  have  carried  things  necessary  to  this 
purpose)  and  above  all  to  keepe  himselfe  neate.  I  would  like 
well  the  use  of  hot  baths,  or  of  Stoves,  such  as  they  have  in 
Germanie,  by  meanes  whereof  they  feele  no  Winter,  being  at 
home,  but  as  much  as  they  please.  Yea,  they  have  of  them  in 
many  places,  in  their  Gardens,  which  doe  so  temper  the  cold- 
nesse  of  Winter,  that  in  this  rough  and  sharpe  season  there  one 
may  see  Orange-trees,  Lymmon-trees,  Fig-trees,  Pomgranat- 
trees,  and  all  such  sorts  of  trees,  bring  forth  fruit  as  good  as  in 
Provence.  [I  saw  this  at  Bale  at  the  house  of  the  learned  phy- 
sician Felix  Platerus.  It  would  be  easy  to  imitate  in  this 
country  where  wood  abounds  everywhere,  (except  in  the 
country  of  the  Armouchiquois,  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  Port 
Royal.) 

By  clearing  the  land  one  might  turn  winter  into  summer  in 
this  country.  If  the  land  no  longer  possessed  those  great 
obstacles  which  hinder  the  sun  from  making  love  to  it  and 
filling  it  with  warmth,  there  is  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  climate 
would  become  temperate  and  most  agreeable  to  us,  for  even  at 
present  neither  the  heat  nor  the  cold  is  excessive.] 

The  Savages  use  sweatings  often,  as  it  were  every  moneth, 
and  by  this  meanes  they  preserve  themselves,  driving  out  by 
sweate  all  the  cold  and  evill  humours  they  might  have  gathered. 
But  one  singular  preservative  against  this  perfidious  sicknesse, 
which  commeth  so  stealingly,  and  which  having  once  lodged  it 
selfe  within  us  will  not  bee  put  out,  is  to  follow  the  counsell  of 
him  that  is  wise  amongst  the  wise,  who  having  considered  all 
the  afflictions  that  man  gives  to  himselfe  during  his  life,  hath 
found  nothing  better  than  to  rejoyce  himselfe,  and  doe  good, 
and  to  take  pleasure  in  his  owne  workes.'  They  that  have  done 
so,  in  our  companie,  have  found  themselves  well  by  it :  contra- 
riwise some  alwaies  grudging,  repining,  never  content,  idle,  have 

'  Eccles.  Ill,  I  2. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/lRHOr 

beene  found  but  by  the  same  disease.  True  it  is,  that  for  to 
enjoy  mirth  it  is  good  to  have  the  sweetnesse  of  fresh  meates, 
Fleshes,  Fishes,  Milke,  Butter,  Oyles,  Fruits,  and  such  like, 
which  wee  had  not  at  will  (I  meane  the  common  sort:  for 
alwaies  some  one  or  other  of  the  companie  did  furnish  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt,  his  Table  with  Wilde-fowle,  Venison  or 
fresh  Fish).  And  if  wee  had  halfe  a  dozen  Kine,  I  beleeve 
that  no  body   had  died   there. 

It  resteth  that  a  preservative,  necessary  for  the  accomplishment 
of  mirth,  and  to  the  end  one  may  take  pleasure  on  the  worke  of 
his  hands,  is  every  one  to  have  the  honest  companie  of  his  law- 
full  wife :  for  without  that,  the  cheere  is  never  perfect ;  ones 
minde  is  alwaies  upon  that  which  one  loves  and  desireth;  there 
is  still  some  sorrow,  the  body  becomes  full  of  ill  humours,  and 
so  the  sicknesse  doth  breed.  And  for  the  last  and  soveraigne 
remedie,  I  send  backe  the  Patient  to  the  tree  of  life  (for  so  one 
may  well  qualifie  it)  which  James  Quartier  doth  call  Anneda, 
yet  unknowne  in  the  coast  of  Port  Royall,  unlesse  it  bee  per- 
adventure  the  Sasafras,  whereof  there  is  quantitie  in  certaine 
places.  And  it  is  an  assured  thing,  that  the  said  tree  is  very 
excellent.  But  Monsieur  Champlain,  who  is  now  in  the  great 
River  of  Canada,  passing  his  Winter,  in  the  same  part  where 
the  said  Qiiartier  did  winter,  hath  charge  to  finde  it  out,  and  to 
make  provision  thereof. 


Chapter  VII. 

Discovery  of  new  land  by  Monsieur  de  Monts  :  Fabulous  tales  of  the  river  and 
pretended  city  of  Norembega  :  Refutation  of  the  authors  who  wrote  those 
tales :  Cod  fish  banks  in  Newfoundland :  Kinibeki  :  Choiiakoet  :  Male- 
barre  :  Armouchiquois :  A  Frenchman  killed  :  Mortality  among  English  in 
Virginia. 

The    rough    season    being    passed.    Monsieur    de    Monts, 
wearied  with  his  bad  dwelling  at   Sainte-Croix,  determined  to 

21  I 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

seeke  out  another  Port  in  a  warmer  Countrie,  and  more  to  the 
South :  And  to  that  end  made  a  Pinnace  to  bee  armed  and 
furnished  with  victuals,  to  follow  the  coast,  and  discovering  new 
Countries,  to  seeke  out  some  happier  Port  in  a  more  temperate 
aire.  Hee  made  in  this  Voyage  but  about  an  hundred  and 
twenty  leagues,  as  wee  will  tell  you  now.  From  Sainte-Croix 
to  sixty  leagues  forward,  the  coast  lieth  East  and  West :  at  the 
end  of  which  sixty  leagues  is  a  River,  called  by  the  Savages 
Kinibeki.  From  which  place  to  Malebarre  it  lieth  North  and 
South,  and  there  is  yet  from  one  to  the  other  sixty  leagues,  in 
right  line,  not  following  the  Bayes.  So  farre  stretcheth  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts  his  Voyage,  wherein  hee  had  for  Pilot  in  his 
Vessel,  Monsieur  de  Champdore.  In  all  this  Coast  so  farre  as 
Kinibeki,  there  are  many  places  where  shippes  may  bee  har- 
boured amongst  the  Hands,  but  the  people  there  is  not  so 
frequent  as  is  beyond  that :  and  there  is  no  remarkable  thing 
(at  least  that  may  bee  seene  in  the  outside  of  the  Lands)  but  a 
River,  whereof  many  have  written  fables  one  after  another, 
[like  those  who  upon  the  strength  of  the  commentaries  of 
Hanno,  the  Carthaginian  Captain,  have  told  of  numerous  cities 
built  by  him  on  that  coast  of  Africa  which  is  bathed  by  the 
ocean;  because  by  a  heroic  effort  he  sailed  to  the  islands  of 
Cape  Verde.  For  a  long  time  after  him  no  one  sailed  again 
that  far,  navigation  not  being  safe  on  the  great  sea,  as  it  is  now 
by  the  aid  of  the  mariner's  needle. 

Without  introducing  the  stories  of  the  earlier  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  explorers,]  I  will  recite  that  which  is  in  the  last 
Booke,  intituled.  The  universall  Historie  of  the  West  Indies, 
Printed  at  Douay  the  last  yeere  1607,  in  the  place  where  the 
author  speaketh  of  Norombega:  for  in  reporting  this,  I  shall 
have  also  said  that  which  the  first  have  written,  from  whom  the 
latter  have  had  it. 

Moreover,  towards  the  North  (sayth  the  Authour,  after  hee 
had  spoken  of  Virginia)  is  Norombega,  which  is  knowne  well 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/IRBOT 

enough,  by  reason  of  a  faire  Towne,  and  a  great  River,  though 
it  is  not  found  from  whence  it  hath  his  name :  for  the  Barbar- 
ians doe  call  it  Agguncia:  At  the  mouth  of  this  River  there 
is  an  Hand  very  fit  for  fishing.  The  Region  that  goeth  along 
the  Sea,  doth  abound  in  fish,  and  towards  New  France  there  is 
great  number  of  wilde  beasts,  and  it  is  very  commodious  for 
hunting;  the  Inhabitants  doe  live  in  the  same  manner  as  they 
of  New   France. 

If  this  beautifull  Towne  hath  ever  been  in  nature,  I  would 
faine  knowe  who  hath  pulled  it  downe :  For  there  is  but 
Cabins  heere  and  there  made  with  pearkes,'  and  covered  with 
barkes  of  trees,  or  with  skinnes,  and  both  the  River  and  the 
place  inhabited  is  called  Pemptegoet,  and  not  Agguncia.  The 
River  (saving  the  tide)  is  not  equal  to  our  river  of  Oise.  It 
would  not  be  possible  to  have  any  large  rivers  on  that  coast, 
because  there  are  not  Lands  sufficient  to  produce  them,  by 
reason  of  the  great  River  of  Canada,  which  runneth  like  this 
coast,  East  and  West,  and  is  not  three-score  leagues  distant 
from  that  place  in  crossing  the  Lands.  Moreover  that  River 
receives  many  Rivers  falling  from  those  parts  which  are  towards 
Norombega :  At  the  entrie  whereof,  it  is  so  farre  from  having 
but  one  Hand,  that  rather  the  number  thereof  is  almost  infinite, 
for  as  much  as  this  River  enlarging  it  selfe  like  the  Greek 
Lambda,  a,  the  mouth  of  it  is  all  full  of  lies,  whereof  there  is 
one  of  them  lying  very  farre  off  (and  the  foremost)  in  the  Sea, 
which  is  high  and  markable  above  the  others. 

But  some  will  say  that  I  equivocate  in  the  situation  of  Nor- 
ombega, and  that  it  is  not  placed  where  I  take  it.  To  this  I 
answer,  that  the  Author,  whose  words  I  have  a  little  before 
alleaged,  is  in  this  my  sufficient  warrant,  who  in  his  Geographi- 
call  Mapp,  hath  placed  the  mouth  of  this  River  in  the  44 
degree,  and  his  supposed  Towne  in  the  45  degree,  and  as  for 
any  Towne,  there  is  none.     Now  of  necessity  it  must  be  this 

•  Poles. 

213 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

river,  because  that  the  same  being  passed,  and  that  of  Kinibeki, 
(which  is  in  the  same  hight)  there  is  no  other  River  forward, 
whereof  account  should  be  made,  till  one  come  to  Virginia.  I 
say  furthermore,  that  seeing  the  Barbarians  of  Norombega  doe 
live  as  they  of  new  France,  and  have  abundance  of  hunting,  it 
must  be,  that  their  Province  be  seated  in  our  new  France ;  for 
fiftie  leagues  farther  to  the  South-west  there  is  no  great  game, 
because  the  woods  are  thinner  there,  and  the  Inhabitants  setled, 
and  in  greater  number  then  in  Norombega. 

[Tales  grow  with  the  telling.  A  certain  sea-captain,  named 
Jean  Alphonse  Xainetongeois,'  relating  his  adventures,  says  that 
having  passed  the  island  Saint  Jean  (which  I  take  for  the  one 
I  have  before  mentioned  as  L'ile  de  Bacaillos)  the  coast  turns 
to  the  west  and  west-southwest  until  it  reaches  the  river 
"  Norembergue,"  newly  discovered  (he  says)  by  the  Portuguese 
and  Spanish.  He  says  also  that  this  river  lies  in  the  thirtieth 
degree,  adding  that  at  its  entrance  it  has  many  islands,  banks 
and  rocks,  and  that  at  between  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  distance 
is  built  a  large  city,  peopled  with  a  small  dark  race  (like  the 
tribes  found  in  India)  dressed  in  skins  of  which  they  have  an 
abundance  of  all  kinds.  There,  he  says,  end  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland,  and  beyond  this  river  the  coast  turns  west  and 
northwest  for  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  reach- 
ing a  country  where  there  are  cities  and  castles.  I  believe 
there  is  no  truth  (or  at  least  very  little)  in  the  accounts  of  this 
man.  He  may  well  call  his  voyages,  "adventures,"  not  for  him 
who  never  went  to  a  hundredth  part  of  the  places  he  describes, 
but  for  those  who  would  like  to  follow  the  routes  he  lays  down 
for  sailors.  For  if  the  river  "  Norembergue"  is  in  the  thirtieth 
degree,  it  must  be  in  Florida,  which  contradicts  all  those  who 
have  ever  written  of  it,  and  Truth  itself.  As  for  what  he  says 
about  the  Bank  of  Newfoundland,  it  ends  (so  sailors  say)  near 
Sable  Island  at  the  extremity  of  Cape  Breton. 

'  From   Saintongc. 

214 


FRENCH  EXPLOKERS:    LESCARHOT 

It  is  true  there  are  banks  called  "  Banquereau  "  and  "  Le 
Banc  Jacquet,"  but  they  stretch  but  for  five  or  six,  or  at  the 
most  ten  leagues,  and  are  entirely  separated  from  the  Grand 
Banks  of  Newfoundland.  As  to  the  people  in  Norembega, 
they  are  a  fine  race,  tall  in  stature.  The  statement  that  beyond 
this  river  the  coast  turns  west  and  west-northwest  is  without 
proof.  South  of  Cape  Breton  to  the  point  of  Florida  which 
looks  toward  the  island  of  Cuba  there  is  no  coast  which  lies 
west-northwest  except  that  of  a  part  of  the  real  river  Norem- 
bega, which  for  about  fifty  leagues  runs  east  and  west.  In  fine, 
the  whole  account  of  the  said  Jean  Alphonse  1  credit  not  at 
all,  except  his  one  statement  that  the  river  of  which  we  speak 
has  at  its  entrance  many  islands,  banks,  and  rocks.] 

The  River  of  Norombega  being  passed,  Monsieur  de  Monts 
went  still  coasting,  untill  he  came  to  Kinibeki,  where  a  River  is 
that  may  shorten  the  way  to  goe  to  the  Great  River  of  Canada. 
There  is  a  number  of  Savages  Cabined  there,  and  the  land 
beginneth  there  to  be  better  peopled.  From  Kinibeki  going 
farther,  one  findeth  the  Bay  of  Marchin,  named  by  the  Captaine 
his  name  that  commandeth  therein.  This  Marchin  was  killed 
the  yeare  that  we  parted  from  New  France,  1607.  Farther  is 
another  Bay  called  Choiiakoet,  where  (in  regard  of  the  former 
Countries)  is  a  great  number  of  people :  for  there  they  till  the 
ground,  and  the  region  beginneth  to  be  more  temperate,  and 
for  proofe  of  this,  there  is  in  this  land  store  of  Vines.  Yea, 
even  there  be  Hands  full  of  it  (which  be  more  subject  to  the 
injuries  of  the  winde  and  cold)  as  we  shall  say  hereafter.  There 
is  betweene  Choiiakoet  and  Malebarre  many  Baves  and  lies, 
and  the  Coast  is  sandy,  with  shallow  ground,  drawing  neere  to 
the  said  Malebarre,  so  that  scarce  one  may  land  there  with 
Barkes. 

The  people  that  be  from  Saint  Johns  River  to  Kinibeki 
(wherein  are  comprised  the  Rivers  of  Saint  Croix  and  Norom- 
bega) are  called  Etchemins.      And  from   Kinibeki  as  tarre  as 

215 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Malebarre,  and  farther,  they  are  called  Armouchiquois.  They 
be  traitors  and  theeves,  and  one  had  neede  to  take  heede  of 
them.  [Monsieur  de  Monts  stopped  at  Malebarre  and  while 
there  provisions  began  to  fail.  He  thought  of  returning,  for 
the  coast  became  more  and  more  difficult,  so  that  one  could 
not  pass  by  it  without  peril,  on  account  of  the  low  banks  run- 
ning so  far  out  that  the  farther  he  went  from  land  the  less 
depth  he  found. 

Just  before  leaving  an  accident  happened  which  resulted  in 
the  death  of  a  carpenter  from  St.  Malo.  The  said  carpenter 
took  a  kettle  and  started  for  water.]  One  of  the  Armouchiquois, 
seeing  a  good  chance  to  snatch  one  of  the  kettles  when  the 
Malouin  was  not  looking,  seized  it  and  ran  away  speedily  with 
his  booty.  The  Malouin,  running  after,  was  killed  by  this 
wicked  people;  and  although  the  theefe  had  not  received  his 
just  dues,  it  was  useless  to  pursue  after  him,  for  all  these  Ar- 
mouchiquois are  as  swift  in  running  as  Grayhounds  ;  as  we  will 
yet  further  say  in  speaking  of  the  voiage  that  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt   made  in   the  same  Country,  in  the  yeare  1606. 

[Monsieur  de  Monts  regretted  deeply  the  circumstance. 
His  men  wished  to  take  vengeance,  which  they  could  easily  have 
done,  for  they  could  lay  low  the  natives  with  their  muskets  be- 
fore they  could  possibly  escape.  Already  each  one  had  his  gun 
cocked,  sighting  his  man.  But  Monsieur  de  Monts,  with  a 
consideration  for  the  savages  which  few  in  his  place  would  have 
had,  and  because  the  murderers  had  escaped,  ordered  every 
man's  firearm  down,  and  left  them,  not  having  found  there  any 
place  suitable  for  the  desired  dwelling-place.  Monsieur  de 
Monts  then  hoisted  sail  and  set  out  to  return  to  Sainte  Croix, 
where  he  had  left  a  number  still  sick  of  the  winter's  illness  and 
concerning  whom  he  was  anxious. 

Those  who  have  had  no  experience  may  think  the  planting 
of  a  colony  in  an  unknown  country  an  easy  matter.  By  reading 
the  account  of  this  voyage  and   the  following  ones,  they  will 

216 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

come  to  think,  I  trust,  that  it  is  not  so  easily  done  as  said. 
Monsieur  de  Monts  accomplished  a  great  deal  this  first  year 
to  have  explored  the  coast  as  far  as  Malebarre,  more  than  four 
hundred  leagues  in  length,  and  to  have  visited  all  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  bays.  Moreover  he  was  charged  with  the  labor  of 
the  lodgings  which  must  be  built  and  furnished,  with  the  care 
for  all  those  whom  he  had  brought  over  and  for  their  return 
to  France ;  the  chance  too  of  some  danger  or  shipwreck  to 
those  who  had  promised  to  come  to  seek  for  them  the  next 
year. 

In  vain  may  one  run  to  and  fro  to  seek  a  port  where  Fate 
will  be  pitiful.  She  is  ever  and  always  the  same.  It  is  fine  to 
dwell  in  a  pleasant  climate,  since  there  is  an  abundance  of 
everything,  and  one  has  only  to  make  a  choice,  but  death  pur- 
sues us  everywhere. 

I  heard  from  a  pilot  in  Havre  who  went  to  Virginia  with 
the  English  some  twenty-four  years  ago '  that,  in  three  months 
there,  thirty-six  of  their  number  died.  And  yet  Virginia 
is  between  the  thirty-sixth,  thirty-seventh  and  thirty-eighth 
degrees  of  latitude  and  has  a  good  climate;  all  of  which  con- 
firms my  former  opinion  that  such  mortality  is  due  to  unwise 
treatment.  From  the  beginning  of  a  colony  in  such  a  country 
it  is  necessary  to  have  domestic  and  tame  cattle  of  every  sort, 
and  to  plant  and  graft  fruit  trees,  in  order  to  have  as  soon  as 
possible  things  needful  to  the  health  of  those  who  desire  to 
people  a  new  land.  When  the  natives  are  ill  of  the  maladies 
of  which  we  have  spoken  (which  happens  rarely)  I  attribute  it 
to  this  same  unwise  living.  They  have  nothing  to  offset  anv 
bad  meats  they  may  eat,  and  they  are  always  naked  among  the 
damp  vapors  of  the  earth,  which  is  the  sure  way  to  obtain  the 
vile  humors  which  cause  them  to  have  the  same  illnesses  as 
the  strangers  who  come  to  these  parts,  even  though  they  are 
born  to  live  in  this  fashion. 

^  That  pilot  must  have  been  with  Raleigh's  colony  on  Roanoke. 

Z17 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEJV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

There  is  always  much  illness  during  the  building  of  new  hab- 
itations, as  experience  has  shown.  The  workmen  are  obliged  to 
breathe  the  damp  vapors  of  the  earth  as  they  uproot  the  trees, 
which  vapors  corrupt  their  blood  and  injure  their  stomachs 
(the  same  as  workers  in  mines)  and  cause  the  aforesaid  mala- 
dies. Experience  has  also  shown  that  when  once  the  land  is 
settled  these  diseases  have  no  longer  such  a  hold  on  man.] 


Chapter  VIII . 

Arrival  of  Monsieur  du  Pont  at  the  Island  of  Sainte-Croix  :  Habitation  trans- 
ferred to  Port  Royal  :  Return  of  Monsieur  de  Monts  to  France :  Difficulty 
with  hand  mills:  Monsieur  du  Pont's  equipment  for  exploring  beyond 
Malebarre  :  Shipwreck  :  Foresight  for  the  return  to  France  :  Comparison 
between  these  voyages  and  those  to  Florida  :  Blame  for  those  who  scorn 
to  till  the  soil. 

The  Spring  season  being  passed  in  the  Voyage  among  the 
Armouchiquois,  [Monsieur  de  Monts  waited  at  Sainte-Croix 
the  time  agreed  upon.  If  during  this  time  he  had  no  news 
from  France,  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  set  out  in  search  of 
some  fishing  vessel  from  Newfoundland  in  which  possibly  he, 
with  his  company,  could  return  to  France.  The  stated  time 
for  waiting  having  expired,  he  gave  up  hope  of  succor  and  fresh 
provisions,  and  prepared  to  set  sail,  when,  on  the  fifteenth  of 
June,  1605,]  Monsieur  du  Pont,  surnamed  Grave,  dwelling  at 
Honfleur,  did  arrive  with  a  company  of  some  forty  men,  for  to 
ease  the  said  Monsieur  de  Monts  and  his  troope,  which  was  to 
the  great  joy  of  all,  as  one  may  well  imagine :  and  Canon  shots 
were  free  and  plentiful  at  the  comming,  according  to  custome, 
and  the  sound  of  Trumpets.  The  said  Monsieur  du  Pont,  not 
knowing  yet  the  state  of  our  French  men,  did  thinke  to  find 
there  an  assured  dwelling,  and  his  lodgings  ready  :  but  con- 
sidering the  accidents  of  the  strange  sicknesse,  whereof  we  have 
spoken,  he  took  advice  from  a  Council  to  change  place.     Mon- 

218 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

sieur  de  Monts  was  very  desirous  that  the  new  habitation  had 
beene  about  40  degrees,  that  is  to  say  six  degrees  farther  south 
then  Sainte-Croix :  but  having  viewed  the  Coast  as  farre  as 
Malebarre,  and  with  much  paine,  not  finding  what  he  desired, 
it  was  deHberated  to  goe  and  make  their  dwelling  in  Port 
Royall,  untill  meanes  were  had  to  make  an  ampler  discovery. 
So  every  one  began  to  packe  up  his  things :  That  which  was 
built  with  infinite  labour  was  pulled  downe,  except  the  Store- 
house, which  was  too  great  to  be  transported,  and  in  executing 
of  this,  many  voyages  were  made.  All  being  come  to  Port 
Royal  they  found  out  new  labours :  the  abiding  place  is  chosen 
right  over  against  the  Hand,  that  is  at  the  comming  in  of  the 
River  L'Esquille,  (called  today  the  river  of  the  Dauphin)  in  a 
place  where  all  is  covered  over  and  full  of  woods  as  thicke  as 
possibly  may  be.  The  Moneth  of  September  did  already  begin 
to  come,  and  care  w^as  to  be  taken  for  the  unlading  of  Mon- 
sieur du  Pont  his  Ship,  to  make  roome  for  them  that  should 
returne  back  into  France.  Indeed,  there  is  worke  enough  for 
all.  When  the  Ship  was  in  a  readinesse  to  put  to  sailes, 
Monsieur  de  Monts  having  scene  the  beginning  of  the  new 
habitation,  shipped  himselfe  for  his  returne  with  them  that 
would  follow  him.  Notwithstanding  many  of  good  courage 
(forgetting  the  griefes  and  labours  passed)  did  tarry  behinde, 
amongst  whom  were  Monsieur  Champlaine  and  Monsieur 
Champdore,  the  one  for  Geographic,  and  the  other  for  the 
conducting  and  guiding  of  the  voiages  that  should  be  necessary 
to  be  made  by  Sea.  [After  the  embarkation,  Monsieur  du 
Pont  remained  in  command  and  with  his  natural  promptness 
set  to  w^ork  to  prepare  lodgings  for  himself  and  his  men,  which 
was  about  all  that  could  be  done  in  that  year  in  that  country. 
There  was  not  even  a  pretense  of  leaving  the  enclosure  during 
the  winter  after  so  long  and  fatiguing  a  labour.  If  they  did  not 
work  the  land,  I  believe  that  they  had  no  time  suitable  for 
cultivating  it,  for  Monsieur  du  Pont  was   not  a  man  to  rest  at 

219 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

his  ease  nor  to  allow  his  men  to  be  idle  if  there  was  a  possi- 
bility for  work.] 

The  Winter  being  come,  the  Savages  of  the  Countrey  did 
assemble  themselves  from  farre  to  Port  Royall,  for  to  trucke 
with  the  Frenchmen,  for  such  things  as  they  had,  some  bring- 
ing Beavers  skins  and  Otters  (which  are  those  whereof  most 
account  may  be  made  in  that  place)  and  also  Ellans  or  Stagges, 
whereof  good  buffe'  can  be  made:  Others  bringing  flesh  newly 
killed,  wherewith  they  made  many  good  Tabagies,  or  feasts, 
living  merrily  as  long  as  they  had  wherewithall.  They  never 
wanted  any  Bread,  but  Wine  did  not  continue  with  them  till 
the  season  was  ended.  For  when  we  came  thither  the  yeare  fol- 
lowing, they  had  beene  about  three  Moneths  without  any 
Wine,  and  were  very  glad  of  our  comming,  for  that  made  them 
to  take  againe  the  taste  of  it. 

The  greatest  paine  they  had,  was  to  grinde  the  Corne  to 
have  Bread,  which  is  very  painfull  with  hand-mils,  where  all 
the  strength  of  the  Body  is  requisite.  [For  this  reason  in 
olden  times  evil  doers  were  threatened  with  the  hand  mill  as 
the  most  painful  punishment.  History  tells  us  that  the  poorest 
slaves  were  employed  for  this  work  before  wind  mills  and  water 
mills  existed.  In  the  Exodus  of  the  people  of  Israel  from 
Egypt  we  read  in  the  last  plague  that  God  sent  upon  Pharaoh, 
"And  Moses  said.  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  about  midnight  will  I 
go  out  into  the  midst  of  Egypt :  and  all  the  first  born  shall 
die,  from  the  first  born  of  Pharaoh  that  sitteth  upon  the 
throne,  even  unto  the  first  born  of  the  maid-servant  that  is  be- 
hind the  miliy^']  This  labour  is  so  great,  that  the  Savages  (al- 
though they  be  very  poore)  cannot  beare  it,  and  had  rather  to 
be  without  bread,  then  to  take  so  much  paines,  as  hath  beene 
tried,  oflTering  them  halfe  of  the  grinding  they  should  doe,  but 
they  choosed  rather  to  have  no  corne.  And  I  might  well  be- 
leeve  that  the  same,  with  other  things,  hath  beene  great  meanes 

'  BufF-leather.        ^  Exodus,  chap,  xi,  v.  4,  5. 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHO^ 

to  hreede  the  sicknesse  spoken  of,  in  some  of  Monsieur  du 
Pont  his  men  :  for  there  died  some  dozen  of  them  that  winter. 
True  it  is,  that  I  finde  a  defect  in  the  buildings  of  our  French- 
men, which  is,  they  had  no  ditches  about  them,  whereby  the 
waters  of  the  ground  next  to  them  did  run  under  their  lower- 
most roomes,  which  was  a  great  hindrance  to  their  health.  I 
adde  besides  the  bad  waters  which  they  used,  that  did  not  run 
from  a  quicke  spring,  which  we  had  found  not  far  from  our 
Fort,   but   from    the   neerest   brooke. 

The  winter  being  passed,  and  the  Sea  navigable,  Monsieur 
du  Pont  would  needes  achieve  the  enterprise  begun  the  yeare 
before  by  Monsieur  de  Monts,  and  to  goe  seeke  out  a  Port 
more  Southerly,  where  the  ayre  might  be  more  temperate,  ac- 
cording as  he  had  in  charge  of  the  said  Monsieur  de  Monts. 
He  furnished  then  the  Barke  which  remained  with  him  to  that 
effect.  But  being  set  out  of  the  Port,  and  full  ready,  hoisted 
up  sailes  tor  Malebarre,  he  was  forced  by  contrary  winde  twice 
to  put  backe  againe,  and  at  the  third  time  the  said  Barke  strake 
against  the  rocks  at  the  entry  of  the  said  Port.  In  this  disgrace 
of  Neptune,  the  men  were  saved  with  the  better  part  of  pro- 
vision and  merchandise ;  but  as  for  the  Barke  it  was  rent  in 
peeces.  And  by  this  mishap  the  Voyage  was  broken,  and  that 
which  was  so  desired  intermitted.  For  the  habitation  of  Port 
Royall  was  not  judged  good.  And  notwithstanding  it  is,  on  the 
North  and  North-west  sides,  well  sheltered  with  Mountaines 
distant  some  one  league,  some  halfe  a  league  from  the  Port  and 
the  River  L'Esquille.  So  we  see  how  that  enterprises  take  not 
effect  according  to  the  desires  of  men,  and  are  accompanied 
with  many  perils.  So  that  one  must  not  wonder  if  the  time  be 
long  in  establishing  of  Colonies,  specially  in  lands  so  remote, 
whose  nature  and  temperature  of  aire  is  not  knowne,  and  where 
one  must  fell  and  cut  downe  forests,  and  be  constrained  to  take 
heed,  not  from  the  people  we  call  Savages,  but  from  them 
that  tearme  themselves  Christians,  and  yet  have  but  the  name 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

of  it,  cursed  and  abhominable  people,  worse  then  Wolves,  en- 
emies to  God  and  human  nature. 

This  attempt  then  being  broken,  Monsieur  du  Pont  (hav- 
ing handcuffed  Champdore  and  made  out  information  against 
him)  knew  not  what  to  doe,  but  to  await  the  coming  of  the 
succour  and  supply  that  Monsieur  de  Monts  promised,  parting 
from  Port  Royall  at  his  return  into  France,  to  send  him  the 
yeare  following.  Yet  for  all  events  he  built  another  Barke  and 
a  Shallop  for  to  seeke  French  Ships  in  the  places  where  they 
use  to  dry  fish,  such  as  Campseau  Port,  English  Port,  Misami- 
chis  Port,  the  Bay  of  Chaleur,  the  Bay  of  Morves  or  Coddes, 
and  others  in  great  number,  according  as  Monsieur  de  Monts 
had  done  the  former  yeare,  to  the  end  to  Ship  himselfe  in  them, 
and  to  returne  into  France,  in  case  that  no  Shippe  should  come 
to  succour  him. 

[In  this  he  acted  wisely  for  he  was  in  danger  of  having  no 
news  from  us  who  were  destined  to  follow  after  him,  as  will  be 
seen  from  the  account  following. 

We  must  admit  that  those  who  participated  in  these  voyages 
had  an  advantage  over  those  who  went  to  Florida  in  that  they 
could  hope  for  help  from  the  French  vessels  that  kept  coming 
to  the  New  World,  and  had  less  need  to  build  large  ships,  and 
were  in  less  danger  of  dire  famine  such  as  has  cursed  many 
wretched  voyagers  and  others  also  by  reason  of  the  maladies 
that  have  overwhelmed  them.  However,  those  in  Florida 
were  fortunate  in  having  more  fertile  land  and  a  milder  climate 
more  friendly  to  health  than  that  of  northern  New  France.  If 
they  in  Florida  suffered  from  famine  their  misery  was  due  to 
some  great  error  of  their  own,  in  that  they  did  not  cultivate  the 
land  which  they  found  already  cleared  for  them,  the  thing  first 
of  all  to  be  done  by  those  obliged  to  live  far  from  a  source  of 
supplies.  But  to-day  the  French  people,  as  also  nearly  all  the 
other  nations  (I  mean  those  not  born  to  hard  labor),  have  the 
pernicious  idea  that  they  debase  themselves  by  taking  part  in 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCAREOT 

the  tilling  of  the  soil,  which  occupation  is  however  about  the 
only  guileless  one  remaining  to  man.  Hence  every  one  shuns 
this  noble  work,  practised  by  our  forefathers,  (and  which  Kings 
and  the  mightiest  Captains  did  not  scorn,)  and  wish  to  be 
gentlemen  at  the  expense  of  others.  They  desire  no  more  ar- 
duous work  than  outwitting  their  fellow  men  and  passing  their 
days  scratching  themselves  in  the  sun. 

In  consequence  God  in  his  justice  has  taken  his  blessing 
from  us  and  has  punished  us  to-day  and  for  a  long  time  past 
with  a  rod  of  iron.  Our  people  everywhere  languish,  and 
France  itself  is  peopled  with  beggars  and  scoundrels  of  all 
sorts  —  not  counting  the  multitudes  who  groan  in  secret  and 
hate  to  let  their  poverty  be  known.] 


Chapter  IX. 

Consent  of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  to  undertake  a  voyage  into  New  France  in 
company  with  the  author  :  Departure  from  Paris  for  Rochelle  :  Adieu  to 
France. 

About  the  time  of  the  before  mentioned  Shipwracke,  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts,  being  in  France,  [thought  of  fitting  out  a  new 
expedition  for  New  France.  It  was  a  difficult  undertaking  not 
only  because  of  the  great  expense  entailed,  but  also  because  the 
country  had  been  so  decried  at  the  time  of  his  return  that  it 
seemed  to  many  a  vain  and  unfruitful  thing  to  attempt  any 
continuance  of  voyages  there.  Monsieur  de  Monts  had  every 
reason  to  believe  that  he  would  find  no  one  to  hazard  with  him 
another  attempt.  Nevertheless]  knowing  Monsieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt his  desire  (to  whom  already  he  had  made  a  grant  of 
land  under  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  by  the  King)  to  set 
up  his  habitation  there  and  to  establish  there  his  family  and  his 
fortune  and  the  glory  of  God  all  together,  he  wrote  unto  him, 
and  sent  a  man  for  the  purpose  of  inviting  his  interest  in  the 
'Voyage  that  was  in  hand. 

223 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Which  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  accepted  of, 
[leaving  all  his  affairs  for  this  purpose,  though  he  had  in  hand 
several  lawsuits  of  consequence,  for  the  pursuance  of  which  his 
presence  was  most  necessary.  During  his  absence  on  his  first 
voyage,  he  experienced  the  malice  of  those  who  persecuted  him 
rigorously  while  he  was  away,  and  who  became  compliant  and 
dumb  upon  his  return.] 

He  was  no  sooner  come  to  Paris,  but  that  he  was  forced  to 
set  forth,  not  having  scarce  time  to  provide  for  things  necessary. 
And  I  having  had  that  good  hap  to  be  acquainted  with  him 
some  yeares  before,  he  asked  me  if  I  would  take  part  in  that 
businesse? 

[I  asked  a  day  of  reflection  before  giving  my  answer.  After 
taking  deep  counsel  with  myself,  I  desired  not  so  much  to 
know  this  new  country,  as  to  see  with  my  eyes  the  land  toward 
which  my  spirit  drew  me,  and  to  flee  from  a  land  corrupt.  So 
I  gave  my  word.  I  was  influenced  also  by  an  injustice  that 
had  been  done  me  some  while  before  for  which  reparation  was 
made  upon  my  return  —  by  decree  of  the  Court,  and  for  which 
reparation  I  am  particularly  indebted  to  Monsieur  Seruin, 
Royal  Avocat-General,  to  whom  rightly  belongs  that  eulogy 
attributed  according  to  the  inscription  to  the  wisest  and  most 
magnificent  of  all  kings,  "  Thou  lovest  righteousness  and  thou 
hatest  wickedness."'  Often  by  such  means  God  quickens  us  to 
perform  generous  actions  like  these  voyages,  which  (as  the 
world  sees  differently)  some  will  blame  and  others  praise.  But 
being  responsible  to  no  one  in  this  matter,  I  recked  little  of 
the  idle  talk  of  lazy  folks,  or  of  those  who  were  unable  or  un- 
willing to  aid  me  in  such  an  enterprise.  I  had  contentment 
within  myself,  and  I  was  ready  to  serve  God  and  my  King  in 
the  lands  beyond  the  sea  which  would  bear  the  name  of  France, 
should  Fortune  or  Fate  bear  me  thither.  I  desired  to  live  in 
those  lands  a  peaceful    life  filled  with  congenial  work  and  to 

'  Ps.  XLV,  V.  7. 

224 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCy/RBOr 

escape   from   the   hard   existence   to  which    I   saw   most  of  my 
fellow  men   reduced. 

To  return  to  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt.  Among  his  many 
occupations  he  gave  much  time  to  the  search  for  some  intelli- 
gent priest  to  take  with  him  —  who  would  assist  the  one  left  in 
the  new  land  by  Monsieur  de  Monts  in  his  first  voyage,  and 
whom  we  hoped  to  find  alive.  But  it  was  holy  week,  time 
occupied  with  confessions,  and  no  priest  offered  himself.  Some, 
when  asked,  excused  themselves  because  of  the  inconveniences 
of  the  sea  and  the  long  voyage;  others  wished  to  put  off  a 
decision  until  after  Easter.  So  it  happened  that  no  one  of 
them  could  be  enticed  away  from  Paris.  Meanwhile  time 
pressed,  for  the  sea  waits  for  no  man,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  set  out. 

It  was  of  course  most  necessary  to  find  workmen  for  the  ex- 
pedition to  New  France.  In  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt's  name 
it  was  possible  to  obtain  more  than  we  could  take.  The  men 
were  hired,  and  money  was  advanced  to  each  one  out  of  their 
wages  to  take  them  to  Rochelle,  where  they  were  to  meet  us  at 
a  certain  time  at  the  house  of  Messieurs  Macquin  and  Georges 
(who  furnished  our  equipment),  honorable  merchants  of  the 
above  mentioned  city  and  associates  of  Monsieur  de  Monts. 
This  humble  company  having  started,  we  ourselves  set  out  for 
Orleans  three  or  four  days  later,  on  Good  Friday,  there  to  re- 
ceive the  Easter  sacrament  as  becomes  good  Christians,  and 
also  the  spiritual  viaticum  of  the  divine  communion,  as  we  were 
to  go  on  a  voyage. 

During  the  journey  to  la  Rochelle  I  was  sometimes  by  my- 
self apart  from  the  company.  At  one  of  these  times  the  desire 
came  to  me  to  write  in  verse  upon  my  tablets  an  "Adieu  a  la 
France."  I  had  the  poem  printed  in  the  said  city  of  la  Rochelle 
the  day  after  our  arrival  there,  which  was  the  third  day  of  April, 
in  the  year  1606.  It  was  received  by  the  people  with  so  much 
approval  that  I  venture  to  reproduce  it  here. 

225 


V  or  AGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 
Adieu  A  La  France 

Ores  que  la  saison  du  printemps  nous  invite 

A  seillonner  le  dos  de  la  vague  Amphitrite, 

Et  cingler  vers  les  lieux  ou  Phcebus  chaque  jour 

Va  faire  tout  lasse  son  humide  sejour, 

Je  veux  ainsque  partir  dire  Adieu  a  la  France 

Celle  qui  m'a  produit,  &  nourrit  des  I'enfance; 

Adieu  non  pour  toujours,  mais  bien  sous  cet  espoir 

Qu' encores  quelque  jour  ie  la  pourrav  revoir. 

Adieu  done  douce  mere.  Adieu  France  amiable  : 

Adieu  de  tous  humains  le  sejour  delectable  : 

Adieu  celle  qui  m'a  en  son  ventre  porte, 

Et  du  fruit  de  son  sein  doucement  alaite. 

Adieu,  Muses  aussi  qui  a  votre  cadence 

Avez  conduit  mes  pas  des  mon  adolescence  : 

Adieu  riches  palais.  Adieu  nobles  cites 

Dont  I'aspect  a  mes  yeux  mille  fois  contentes : 

Adieu  lambris  dore,  sainct  temple  du  Justice, 

Ou  Themis  aux  humains  d'un  penible  exercice 

Rend  le  Droit,  &  Python  d'un  parler  eloquent 

Contre  I'oppression  defend  I'homme  innocent. 

Adieu  tours  &  clochers  dont  les  pointes  cornues, 

Avoisinans  les  cieux  s'elevent  sur  les  nues : 

Adieu  prez  emaillez  d'un  million  de  fleurs 

Ravissans  mes  esprits  de  leurs  soiieves  odeurs : 

Adieu  belles  forets.  Adieu  larges  campagnes. 

Adieu  pareillement  sourcilleuses  montagnes  : 

Adieu  cotaux  vineux,  &  superbes  chateaux  : 

Adieu  I'honeur  des  chaps,  verdure  &  gras  troupeaux 

Et  vous,  6  ruisselets,  fontaines  &  rivieres, 

Qui  m'avez  delecte  en  cent  mille  manieres, 

Et  mille  fois  charme  au  doux  gazouillement 

De  vos  bruyantes  eaux.  Adieu  semblablement. 

Nous  allons  recherchans  dessus  I'onde  azuree 

Les  journaliers  hazars  du  tempeteux  Neree, 

Pour  parvenir  aux  lieux  ou  d'une  ample  moisson 

Se  presente  aux  Chretiens  une  belle  saison. 

O  combien  se  prepare  &  d'honneur  &  de  glotre, 

Et  sans  cesse  sera  loiiable  la  memoire 

226 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

A  cciix-Ia  (]iii  pousse/.  dc  saiiitc  intention 

Auront  Ic  hcl  ohjct  dc  ccttc  ambition  ! 

Les  peuplcs  a  jamais  beniront  rcntrcprise 

Des  Authcurs  d'un  tcl  bien  :   &  d'unc  plume  apprise 

A  graver  dans  I'airain  de  rimmortalite 

J'en  laisscray  memoire  a  la  posterite. 

Prelats  que  Clirist  a  mis  pastcurs  de  son  Eglise, 

A  qui  partant  il  a  sa  parole  commise, 

A  fin  de  I'annoncer  par  tout  cet  Univers, 

Et  a  sa  loy  ranger  par  elle  les  pervers, 

Sommeillez  vous,  helas !     Pourquoy  de  votre  Zele 

Ne  faites  vous  paroitre  une  vive  etincelle 

Sur  ces  peuples  errans  qui  sont  proye  a  I'enfer, 

Du  sauvement  dequels  vous  devriez  triompher  ? 

Pourquoy  n'employez  vous  a  ce  saint  ministere 

Ce  que  vous  employez  seulement  a  vous  plaire  ? 

Cependant  le  troupeau  que  Christ  a  rachete 

Accuse  devant  lui  votre  tardivete. 

Quoy  done  soufFrirez  vous  I'ordre  du  mariage 

Sur  votre  ordre  sacre  avoir  cet  advantage 

D' avoir  eu  devant  vous  le  desir,  le  vouloir, 

Le  travail,  &  le  soin  de  ce  Chretien  devoir? 

DE  MONTS  tu  es  celui  de  qui  le  haut  courage 
A  trace  lechemin  a  un  si  grand  ouvrage  : 
Et  pource  de  ton  nom  malgre  I'efFort  des  ans 
La  feuille  verdoyra  d'un  eternel  printemps. 
Que  si  en  ce  devoir  que  i'  ay  des-ja  trace 
Ambitieusement  ie  ne  suis  devance 
Je  veux  de  ton  merite  exalter  la  loiiange 
Sur  I'Equille,  &  le  Nil,  &  la  Seine,  &  le  Gange. 
Et  faire  1' Univers  bruire  de  ton  renom. 
Si  bien  qu'en  tout  endroit  on  revere  ton  nom. 
Mais  ie  ne  pourray  pas  faire  de  toy  memoire, 
Qu'a  la  suite  de  ce  ie  ne  courbe  en  I'histoire 
Celui  duquel  ayant  conu  la  probite 
Le  seus  &  la  valeur  &  la  fidelite, 
Tu  I'as  digne  trouve  a  qui  ta  lieutenance 
Put  seurement  commise  en  la  Nouvelle-France. 
Pour  te  servir  d'Hercule,  &  soulager  le  fait 
Qui  te  surchargeroit  au  dessein  que  tu  fais^. 
227 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

POUTRINCOURT,  c'est  done  toy  qui  as  touche  mon  ame, 
Et  lui  as  inspire  une  devote  flamme 
A  celebrer  son  los,  &  faire  par  mes  vers 
Qu'a  I'avenir  ton  nom  vole  par  I'Univers: 
Ta  valeur  des  long  temps  en  la  France  conue 
Cherche  une  nation  aux  hommes  inconue 
Pour  la  rendre  sujette  a  1' empire  Francois, 
Et  encore  y  assoir  le  throne  de  noz  Rois : 
Ains  plutot  (car  en  toy  la  Sagesse  eternelle 
A  mis  ie  ne  s^ay  quoy  digne  d'une  ame  belle) 
Le  motif  qui  premier  a  suscite  ton  coeur 
A  si  loin  rechercher  un  immortel  honneur. 
Est  le  Zele  devot  &  I'aftection  grande 
De  rendre  a  I'Eternel  une  agreeable  offrande, 
Lui  voiiant  toy,  tes  biens,  ta  vie,  &  tes  enfans. 
Que  tu  vas  exposer  a  la  merci  des  vents, 
Et  voguant  incertain  comme  a  un  autre  pole 
Pour  son  nom  exalter  &  sa  sainte  parole. 
Ainsi  tous-deux  portes  de  meme  affection  : 
Ainsi  I'un  secondant  I'autre  en  intention, 
Heureux,  vous  acquerres  une  immortele  vie. 
Qui  de  felicite  toujours  sera  suivie  : 
Vie  non  point  semblable  a  celle  de  ces  dieux 
Qui  I'antique  ignorance  a  feinte  dans  les  cieux 
Pour  avoir  (comme  vous)  reforme  la  nature, 
Les  moeurs  &  la  raison  des  hommes  sans  culture, 
Mais  une  vie  ou  git  cette  felicite 
Que  les  oracles  saints  de  la  Divinite 
Out  liberalement  promis  aux  saintes  ames 
Que  le  ciel  a  forme  de  ses  plus  pures  flammes. 
Tel  est  votre  destin  &  cependant  9a  bas 
Votre  nom  glorieux  ne  craindra  le  trepas. 
Et  la  posterite  de  votre  gloire  eprise 
Sera  emeue  a  suivre  une  meme  entreprise, 
Mais  vous  serez  le  centre  ou  se  rapportera 
Ce  que  I'age  futur  en  vous  suivant  fera. 
Toy  qui  par  la  terreur  de  ta  sainte  parole 
Regis  a  ton  vouloir  les  postilions  d'yEole, 
Qui  des  flots  irritez  peux  I'orgueil  abbaisser, 
Et  les  vallons  des  eaux  en  un  moment  hausser, 
228 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

Grand  Dicu  sois  nutrc  guide  en  ce  doutcux  voyage. 
Puis  que  tu  nous  y  as  enHamme  le  courage  : 
Lache  de  tes  thresors  un  favorable  vent 
Qui  pousse  notre  nef  en  peu  d'heure  au  Ponant, 
Et  fay  que  la  puissions  arrive/,  par  ta  grace 
Jetter  le  fondement  d'une  Chrcticnne  race. 

Pour  m'egayer  I'esprit  ces  vers  ie  composois 
Au  premier  que  ie  vi  les  murs  des  Rochelois.] 


Chapter  X. 

"Jonas,"  the  name  of  our  ship:  Low  tide  causes  difficult  departure  from  la 
Rochelle  :  La  Rochelle  Protestant  city  :  Common  people  insolent  :  Peasants  : 
Accident  to  the  Jonas  :  New  equipment  :  Weak  soldiers  should  not  be 
placed  at  the  frontiers  :  Ministers  pray  for  conversion  of  heathen  :  Little 
zeal  among  ours  :  Eucharist  carried  by  early  Christians  on  voyages :  Dili- 
gence of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  at  the  moment  of  embarkation. 

Being  come  to  Rochell,  we  found  there  Monsieur  de  Monts, 
and  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  that  were  come  in  Poste,  and  our 
Ship  called  the  Jonas,  of  the  burthen  of  one  hundred  and  fiftie 
tons,  ready  to  passe  out  of  the  chaines  of  the  Towne,  to  tarry 
for  winde  and  tide.  The  tyde  I  say,  because  that  a  great  Ship 
laden,  cannot  come  to  sea  from  Rochell,  but  in  spring  tydes, 
upon  the  new  and  full  Moone,  by  reason  that  in  the  Towne 
roade  there  is  no  sufficient  depth. 

[There  we  held  high  festival ;  indeed  we  were  so  feasted  that 
we  began  to  long  for  the  fast  of  shipboard.  And  fast  it  was, 
for,  as  we  will  relate  later,  it  was  two  months  before  we  had  a 
sight  of  land.  The  workmen  during  all  this  rejoicing  (they 
had  their  twenty  sous  a  day)  kept  up  a  tremendous  hubbub  in 
the  St.  Nicolas  quarter  where  they  were  lodged.  That  kind  of 
proceeding  was  considered  indeed  strange  in  such  an  exemplary 
city  as  la  Rochelle,  where  no  dissolute  conduct  is  permitted  to 
appear  and  where  each  one  walks  with  his  eyes  straight  ahead 

229 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

if  he  wishes  not  to  incur  the  censure  of  the  mayor  and  the 
clergymen  of  the  city.  So  it  happened  that  several  of  our  men 
were  made  prisoners  and  kept  in  the  City  Hall  until  time  for 
them  to  depart  with  the  ship.  They  would  have  been  punished, 
but  were  spared  on  account  of  their  impending  voyage,  where 
they  would  have  no  easy  time.  They  paid  a  sufficient  penalty 
for  their  foolishness  in  the  obligations  which  they  incurred  to 
the  worthy  Messieurs  Macquin  and  Georges,  citizens  of  that 
town,  for  holding  them  to  their  duty.  Not  all  of  the  workmen 
were  of  this  sort,  however ;  there  were  among  them  those  order- 
ly and  respectful.  I  must  say,  however,  that  the  laboring  man 
of  the  lower  class  is  a  strange  animal.  Apropos  of  this  I  recall 
the  war  of  the  Croquans,"  among  whom  I  found  myself  one 
time  in  Quercy.  It  was  a  curious  sight,  the  wooden-shod  crowd 
(from  which  shoes,  by  the  way,  they  have  their  name  of  "  Cro- 
quans,"  for  their  sabots,  loosely  fastened  in  the  front  and  in  the 
back,  make  a  sound  of  "  croc,  croc  "  at  every  step).  They  were 
a  confused  mass  of  beings,  listening  neither  to  rime  nor  reason ; 
armed,  some  with  hooks  at  the  end  of  long  sticks,  others  with 
rusty  swords  and  weapons  of  like  sort. 

Our  Jonas  had  taken  aboard  her  entire  load  and  been  towed 
to  the  roadstead  outside  of  the  city,  ready  to  set  sail  the  eighth 
or  ninth  of  April.  Captain  Foulques  had  been  put  in  com- 
mand. But  with  a  negligence  not  unusual  among  men,  the 
Captain  (who  later  proved  himself  strong  and  vigilant  on  the 
sea)  left  the  ship  loosely  guarded,  neither  he  himself  nor  the 
pilot  aboard,  only  six  or  seven  sailors  of  indifferent  quality.  It 
so  happened  that  a  strong  wind  from  the  southeast  came  up 
in  the  night,  broke  the  cable  of  the  only  anchor  by  which  the 
Jonas  was  held,  and  dashed  the  ship  against  the  jetty  of  the 
chain  tower  so  many  times  that  the  ship  was  broken  and  almost 
sunk.     Fortunately  the  tide  was  going  out.     If  this  had  hap- 

'  Name  given  to  the  revolted  peasantry  of  Guienne  in  1594.  Hatzfeld  and 
Darmesteter  derive  the  name  from  Croquer,  to  crunch  (with  the  jaws),  to  eat 
like  animals. 

230 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

pened  at  high  tide,  the  ship  would  probably  have  been  upset, 
with  a  loss  much  greater  than  that  which  was  actually  incurred. 
The  ship  did  remain  upright  and  it  was  possible  to  repair  the 
leak,  which  was  done  with  all  speed.  The  laborers  were  or- 
dered to  come  to  our  help  in  this  hour  of  need,  either  to  work 
the  pumps  or  to  turn  the  capstan  or  to  do  other  things  ;  but 
only  a  few  responded  to  the  call  of  duty  ;  the  most  part  took 
the  matter  jestingly.  Some  waded  out  to  the  boat  in  the  mud 
and  then  returned  saying  water  had  been  dashed  on  them  by 
other  workmen  aboard,  they  not  having  sense  enough  to  know 
that  they  had  approached  from  the  side  where  the  wind  scattered 
the  water  from  the  pumps. 

I,  with  several  others  willing  to  help,  went  out  to  the  boat 
with  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  where  we  were  by  no  means 
idle.  All  la  Rochelle  was  on  the  rampart  to  see  the  spectacle. 
The  sea  was  still  rough  and  we  feared  to  be  again  dashed 
against  the  great  towers  of  the  city  walls,  but  we  at  last  got 
safely  into  dock.  The  boat  was  emptied  completely  and  it  was 
necessary  to  equip  it  entirely  anew.  The  loss  was  great  and  we 
feared  that  the  voyage  would  have  to  be  abandoned.] 

I  beleeve,  that  after  so  many  trials,  none  would  have  ventured 
to  goe  plant  colonies  in  those  parts,  that  Countrey  being  so  ill 
spoken  of  that  every  one  did  pittie  us,  considering  the  acci- 
dents happened  to  them  that  had  been  there  before.  Notwith- 
standing Monsieur  de  Monts  and  his  associates  did  beare  man- 
fully this  losse. 

[I  am  here  constrained  to  say  that  if  ever  this  country  is 
peopled  with  Christian  and  civilized  nations  it  will  (with  all  due 
credit  to  the  King)  be  to  the  authors  of  this  voyage  that  will 
belong  first  praise. 

This  disgraceful  accident  retarded  us  more  than  a  month, 
which  was  spent  in  unloading  no  less  than  in  refitting  our 
boat.  During  this  time  we  visited  the  neighboring  villages 
about  la  Rochelle  —  especially  Cordeliers,  but  a  half  league  dis- 

231 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

tant.  There  one  Sunday  I  attended  a  sermon.  I  was  greatly 
surprised  to  find  these  frontier  places  so  little  guarded,  con- 
sidering how  near  to  them  are  powerful  enemies.  And  since  I 
am  recounting  facts  as  they  are,  let  me  say  that  it  seems  to  me 
a  shameful  thing  that  the  clergymen  of  La  Rochelle  in  their 
assemblies  pray  to  God  every  day  for  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen  people  and  even  for  our  expedition,  and  that  our 
priests  do  nothing  of  the  sort.  In  truth  we  had  asked  neither 
party  for  their  prayers,  but  the  facts  show  where  the  zeal  was. 

A  little  while  before  our  departure  I  asked  the  curate  or 
vicar  of  the  Church  of  la  Rochelle  if  he  could  not  find  some 
brother  to  accompany  us.  I  had  thought  it  an  easy  matter,  for 
the  order  was  numerous  there  and  living  in  a  maritime  city  I 
had  thought  would  predispose  them  to  travel  on  the  ocean. 
But  not  a  priest  could  I  obtain.  They  said  that  to  undertake 
such  a  voyage  one  must  feel  especially  called  by  a  great  zeal 
and  piety ;  that  1  would  do  better  to  address  myself  to  the 
Jesuit  Fathers,  the  which  I  could  not  do  in  the  time  that 
remained,  for  our  boat  was  about  loaded. 

Apropos  of  this  incident  I  am  reminded  of  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt's  experience  upon  his  return  from  his  first  voyage. 
He  was  at  court,  and  there  was  asked  by  a  Jesuit  priest  of  the 
court  what  progress  toward  the  conversion  of  the  people  of 
New  France  could  be  hoped  for,  and  how  great  was  their 
number.  To  which  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  replied  that 
there  were  at  least  one  hundred  thousand  souls  to  be  won  for 
Jesus  Christ,  a  low  estimate.  The  good  father  replied,  "  No 
more  than  that !  "  as  if  he  considered  such  a  number  not  suffi- 
ciently large  to  keep  a  man  busy.  Surely  if  there  were  only  the 
hundredth  part  of  that,  or  even  still  less,  they  ought  not  to  be 
abandoned  to  perdition.  The  Good  Shepherd  himself,  having 
one  sheep  lost  from  his  hundred,  left  the  ninety  and  nine 
to  seek  that  one.'    We  are  taught  (and  I   so  believe)  that  our 

'  Matt.,  chap,  xviii,  v.  12,  13. 

232 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARliOT 

Saviour  Jesus  Christ  would  not  have  disdained  one  lost  man 
but  would  have  come  to  save  him  as  well  as  all  the  world,  and 
we  may  not  consider  of  little  importance  these  poor  peoples 
though  they  swarm  not  in  numbers  as  those  of  l^iris  or  Con- 
stantinople. 

Seeing  that  I  had  no  success  in  obtaining  a  priest  to  ad- 
minister the  Sacraments  to  us,  either  on  sea  or  land,  I  was 
reminded  of  the  custom  of  the  early  Christians  who  carried  with 
them  on  their  voyages  the  holy  bread  of  the  Eucharist,  for  they 
could  have  no  hope  of  finding  a  priest  to  give  them  the  sacra- 
ment, as  the  world  was  then  chiefly  pagan  or  heretical.  Indeed 
the  word  "  Viaticum  "  was  most  appropriate,  for  it  went  with  them 
upon  their  travels ;  nevertheless  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the 
original  intention  of  the  name  was  spiritual.  Knowing  that  we 
faced  the  same  necessities  as  they,  (having  left  but  one  priest  in 
the  New  France,  ot  whose  death  we  learned  upon  our  return,) 
I  asked  if  we  might  not  adopt  the  same  custom  as  the  early 
Christians  who  were  less  intelligent  than  we  were.  But  I  was 
told  that  it  was  permissible  in  those  days  for  considerations 
that  no  longer  held.  I  reminded  the  priests  that  Satyeus,  the 
brother  of  Saint  Ambrose,  took  with  him  this  spiritual  medi- 
cine when  he  went  upon  the  sea,  as  we  read  in  his  funeral 
oration  written  by  Saint  Ambrose  himself.  He  says  the  holy 
bread  was  carried  in  an  "  orario"  which  I  take  to  be  a  linen  or 
silken  wrapping.  And  surely  it  was  of  much  benefit  to  him, 
for  when  he  met  with  disaster  he  was  able  to  save  himself  on  a 
stave  from  the  wreck  of  his  boat.  But  I  was  no  more  bark- 
ened to  after  citing  this  example  than  before.  I  was  greatly 
astonished  by  the  whole  matter.  It  seemed  to  me  a  most 
untoward  circumstance  that  we  should  be  in  a  worse  state  than 
the  early  Christians.  Is  the  Eucharist  a  thing  different  now 
from  what  it  was  then?  If  they  held  it  precious,  do  we  make 
less  account  of  it? 

But  to  return  to  our  Jonas.     It  was  loaded  and  again  towed 

233 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

to  the  roadstead  outside  of  the  city.  Nothing  now  lacked  but 
tide  and  a  wind,  but  just  there  lay  the  difficulty.  For  in  shal- 
low waters,  as  at  la  Rochelle,  one  must  wait  for  the  high  tides  of 
the  new  and  full  moons,  and  if  then,  peradventure,  there  is 
no  favorable  wind  another  wait  of  a  fortnight  is  entailed,  and 
meantime  the  season   for  voyaging  passes. 

When  we  were  at  last  made  ready,  after  so  many  hardships 
and  at  such  costs,  here  we  stayed  held  by  an  unfavorable  wind 
and  a  waning  moon.  Captain  Foulques  seemed  to  lose  interest 
in  his  charge  and  no  longer  stayed  aboard  the  ship.  It  was 
rumored  that  he  was  besought  by  merchants  other  than  those 
associated  with  Monsieur  de  Monts  to  break  up  the  enterprise, 
and  perhaps  he  did  not  get  along  well  with  those  who  engaged 
him  for  the  work.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  seeing  this, 
took  upon  himself  the  captainship,  and  installed  himself 
aboard  to  be  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  first  wind.  At 
last  on  the  eleventh  of  May,  1606,  by  the  favor  of  a  slight 
breeze  from  the  East  he  gained  the  sea  and  conducted  our 
Jonas  to  La  Palisse,  and  on  the  morrow,  the  twelfth  day  of 
May,  came  to  Chef-de-bois  (places  where  ships  have  protection 
from  the  ocean  winds),  and  there  the  hope  of  New  France 
assembled.  I  say  its  Hope,  for  upon  this  expedition  depended 
entirely  the  success  or  the  failure  of  the  colony.] 

Chapter  XL 

Departure  from  La  Rochelle  :  Meeting  with  different  ships  :  Pirates  :  Tem- 
pestuous sea  at  the  Azores  :  Cause  :  Why  westerly  winds  prevail  on  the 
ocean  :  From  whence  come  the  winds :  Porpoises  prognosticate  storms  : 
Ways  of  taking  porpoises  :  Storms  :  Their  effects  :  Calms  :  Squalls  :  How 
they  form  :  Their  effects  :  Assurance  of  sailors  :  Saluting  a  royal  ship  :  Cal- 
culation of  distance  :  Sea  warm,  then  cold  :  Reason  of  this  :  Icebergs  of 
Newfoundland. 

The  Saturday,  Whitson  Eve,  the  thirteenth  of  May,  we 
weied  our  anckers,  and  sailed  in  open  Sea,  so  that  by  little  and 

234 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

little  we  lost  the  sight  of  the  great  Towers  and  Towne  of 
Rochell,  then  of  the  lies  of  Rez  and  Olcron,  bidding  I^rance 
fare-well.  It  was  a  thing  fearefull  for  them  that  were  not  used 
to  such  a  dance,  to  see  them  carried  upon  so  moveable  an  ele- 
ment, and  to  be  at  every  moment  (as  it  were)  within  two 
fingers  breadth  of  death.  We  had  not  long  sailed,  but  that 
many  did  their  endevour  to  yeelde  up  the  tribute  to  Neptune. 
In  the  meane  while  we  went  still  forward,  for  there  was  no 
more  going  backe,  the  planke  being  once  taken  up.  The  six- 
teenth of  May  we  met  with  thirteene  Holanders,  going  for 
Spaine,  which  did  inquire  of  our  voiage,  and  so  held  their 
course. 

[Then  we  were  an  entire  month  with  a  sight  of  nothing  out- 
side of  our  floating  village  but  sky  and  water,  except  that  near 
the  Azores  we  met  one  ship  filled  with  Dutch  and  English. 
They  came  alongside,  and  according  to  custom  we  asked  them 
from  whence  they  were.  They  replied  that  they  were  New- 
foundlanders, that  is  codfishers  on  their  way  to  Newfoundland, 
and  asked  if  we  would  like  their  company,  for  which  proposal 
we  thanked  them.  They  then  drank  to  our  health  and  we  to 
theirs  and  they  steered  away.  We  decided  from  the  aspect  of 
their  boat,  green  with  moss  on  the  hulk  and  sides,  that  they 
were  pirates  that  had  been  riding  the  waves  many  a  day  in 
search   of  prey. 

It  was  about  that  time  that  Neptune's  sheep  (as  the  white 
waves  that  an  agitated  ocean  throws  up  are  called)  began  to 
jump  in  earnest  and  we  felt  the  rude  thrusts  of  his  trident. 

The  sea  is  always  tempestuous  in  this  place.  If  asked  the 
cause  I  would  say  the  conflict  of  the  eastern  and  western  winds 
which  meet  in  this  part  of  the  sea.  Especially  is  this  true  in 
summer  when  the  western  winds  blow  with  force  over  a  large 
part  of  the  sea  until  they  meet  the  eastern  resisting  winds.  It 
is  not  well  to  find  oneself  at  one  of  these  meeting  places.  This 
cause  seems  to  me  the  more  probable  because  of  our  exper- 

235 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

ience.  Until  we  reached  the  region  of  the  Azores  we  had  a 
favorable  wind,  then  winds  southwest  and  northwest  —  dead 
ahead,  seldom  north  or  south  which  would  have  been  favorable 
for  sailing  close  to  the  wind.  A  direct  easterly  wind  we  had 
only  once  or  twice  and  then  it  was  of  short  duration.  It  is 
certain  that  westerly  winds  prevail  on  this  ocean,  either  because 
of  a  certain  deflection  of  the  easterly  winds  which  blow  with 
force  south  of  the  equator,  and  of  which  we  have  before ' 
spoken,  or  because  of  the  great  expanse  of  this  western  land 
over  which  the  wind  comes,  and  it  is  greatest  in  the  summer 
time  when  the  sun  has  the  power  of  drawing  the  vapors  from 
the  earth. 

For  the  winds  come  from  the  caves  and  caverns  of  the  land, 
though  the  poets  claim  that  Aeolus  keeps  them  in  a  prison, 
letting  them  out  at  his  pleasure  to  rage  over  the  land.  But 
the  Holy  Spirit  confirms  us  the  more  strongly  in  this  opinion 
when  by  the  mouth  of  the  prophet  it  says  that  Almighty  God, 
among  other  wonders,  brings  the  winds  out  from  among  his 
treasuries, —  which  are  the  caves  of  which  I  spoke.  The  word 
"treasury  "  means  in  Hebrew  a  secret  and  hidden  place. 

"  He  causeth  the  vapors  to  ascend  from  the  ends  of  the 
earth  :  he  maketh  lightnings  for  the  rain ;  he  bringeth  the  wind 
out  of  his  treasuries."' 

"Des  recoins  de  la  terre,  ou  ses  limites  sont, 
Les  pesantes  vapeurs  il  souleve  en  amont, 
II  change  les  eclairs  en  pluvieux  ravages, 
Tirant  de  ses  thresors  les  veuts  &  les  orages." 

These  same  continual  westerly  winds  that  we  observed  were 
one  of  the  considerations  that  led  the  Genoese  Christopher 
Columbus  to  conclude  that  a  large  continent  lay  to  the  west. 

As  we  went  on  we  encountered  more  and  more  tempests. 
Our  suffering  so  many  contrary  winds  was  due  to  our  setting 
sail   so   late   in   the  season.     Those  who   sail   in    March    have 

'  Book  II,  chap.  iv.        ^  Ps.  134  (Heb.  135),  v.  7. 

236 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

nearly  always  good  weather,  the  winds  blowing  at  that  season 
ordinarily  from  the  east,  northeast  and  north.  Often  the 
storms  were  presaged  by  the  porpoises  that  surrounded  our 
ships  by  thousands,  playing  among  themselves  in  a  most 
amusing  manner.  Some  among  them  met  misfortune  by  ap- 
proaching too  close,  for  there  were  always  sailors  watching  for 
them  under  the  bowsprit  (at  the  prow  of  the  boat),  spears  in 
hand.  A  number  of  porpoises  were  harpooned  and  with  the 
help  of  other  sailors  brought  aboard  by  means  of  boat-hooks. 
In  this  manner  we  took  many  of  them  going  and  coming,  and 
it  was  by  no  means  an  ill  service  to  us. 

This  animal  has  about  two  fingers  of  fat  along  its  back. 
When  cut  open  we  bathed  our  hands  in  its  warm  blood,  which 
is  said  to  be  excellent  for  the  nerves.  The  porpoise  has  a 
marvelous  quantity  of  teeth  the  whole  length  of  its  mouth.  It 
must  hold  well  to  anything  once  in  its  jaws.  Its  flesh  has 
exactly  the  taste  of  pork.  Its  bones  are  not  like  those  of  a  fish 
but  like  a  quadruped.  The  most  delicate  part  is  the  crest  of 
its  back  and  its  tail,  which  is  neither  like  that  of  flesh  nor  of 
fish  but  better  than  either.  So  also,  speaking  of  tails,  is  that 
of  the  beaver,  which  seems  to  be  scaly.  These  porpoises  were 
the  only  fish  we  caught  before  reaching  the  cod  banks,  but  in 
the  distance  we  saw  other  enormous  fish ;  the  surface  of  their 
backs  above  the  water  must  have  measured  half  an  acre  and 
they  spouted  into  the  air  large  streams  of  water  more  than  two 
lance-lengths  in  height  from  the  blow-holes  and  orifices  in 
their  heads. 

To  return  to  our  storms.  We  had  some  that  compelled  us 
to  lower  sails  and  wait  with  arms  folded  while  the  waves  buf- 
feted us  and  carried  us  whither  they  would.  If  some  chest 
happened  to  be  poorly  moored  (I  like  to  use  the  nautical  term) 
it  careered  about  the  ship,  making  an  unholy  uproar.  Several 
times  the  dinner  pot  was  upset,  and  while  eating,  our  plates,  if 
they  were  not  held  fast,  shot  about  from  one  end  of  the  table 

237 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

to  the  other.  To  drink  we  had  to  take  care  to  bring  the  glass 
to  our  mouths  with  the  motion  of  the  ship.  It  was,  in  short, 
rude  amusement  for  those  who  could  not  well  support  a  rigor- 
ous shaking  up.  Most  of  us,  however,  could  laugh  ;  and  we 
felt  no  danger  in  our  strong  ship  built  especially  to  withstand 
just  such  waves. 

Then  sometimes  we  had  irksome  calms.  We  could  bathe  in 
the  sea  at  such  times,  and  we  danced  on  the  deck  and  climbed 
to  the  main-top  singing  the  while.  But  when  we  saw  a  speck 
of  cloud  on  the  horizon  we  left  our  amusements  with  all  speed. 
We  were  ever  on  the  lookout  for  one  of  those  sudden  squalls 
which  often  let  themselves  loose  upon  us,  muttering,  rumbling, 
blustering,  roaring,  whistling,  hissing,  ready  to  turn  our  boat 
upside  down  it  there  were  not  ready  hands  to  execute  the  cap- 
tain's orders.  The  beforementioned  Captain  Foulques  proved 
himself  a  watchful  officer. 

We  know  the  cause  and  place  of  the  origin  of  these  squalls 
or  tempests.  Pliny  speaks  of  them  in  his  Natural  History.' 
He  says  they  are  formed  by  vapors  rising  from  the  earth  until 
they  meet  a  region  of  cold  air  which  they  are  not  able  to  pass, 
and  so  are  compelled  to  return  downward.  Also  at  times  these 
vapors  from  the  earth  meet  sulphurous  and  igneous  vapors 
which  surround  and  press  in  upon  them.  There  ensues  a  battle 
royal  between  the  sulphurous  heat  and  the  aetherial  moisture 
which  is  forced  by  its  stronger  enemy  to  flee.  It  expands  and 
fills  the  sky,  and  whistles,  roars,  storms,  in  short  produces  a  gale 
which  is  great  or  small  in  proportion  as  the  sulphurous  vapor 
that  surrounds  it  breaks  away  and  makes  an  opening  for  it, 
sometimes  all  at  once  as  we. have  seen,  sometimes  with  more 
delay,  according  to  the  quantity  of  the  substance  of  which  it  is 
composed  and  according  to  the  degree  of  agitation  among  the 
conflicting  elements. 

I  cannot  but  mention  the  marvelous  assurance  of  experienced 

'  Pliny,  Book  II,  chapter  xiviii. 

238 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBO'V 

sailors  during  these  squalls,  cyclones,  and  tempests.  With  the 
boat  traveling  up  mountains  of  water  and  then  sliding  to  the 
depths  of  profound  abysses,  they  climb  the  ropes,  not  only  to 
the  maintop  but,  without  footholds,  to  the  other  masts  branch- 
ing out  from  it,  holding  themselves  only  by  the  strength  of  their 
arms  and  their  feet  twisted  around  the  ropes.  Moreover  if 
during  a  storm  the  mainsail  (which  they  call  Paphil  or  Pape- 
fust)  rips  loose  from  the  top,  the  first  man  commanded  to  do 
so  puts  himself  a-straddle  the  mainyard  and  with  a  hammer  at 
his  belt  and  a  halt  dozen  nails  in  his  mouth,  risking  a  thousand 
perils,  fastens  the  loosened  sail  to  its  place. 

I  once  heard  a  story  of  the  boldness  of  a  Swiss,  who,  after 
the  siege  of  Laon,  when  the  city  was  returned  to  the  King, 
climbed  in  his  joy  to  the  cross  on  the  bell-tower  of  the  Church 
of  Our  Lady  at  that  place  and  suspended  himself  from  it,  feet 
up,  like  a  forked  tree,  which  action  was  very  bold. 

The  story  is  also  told  of  one  who  did  the  same  from  the 
spire  of  the  Strasburg  Cathedral,  which  is  higher  than  that  of 
Laon. 

But  all  those  feats  are  as  nothing,  In  my  mind,  to  those  of 
our  brave  sailors.  The  Swiss  and  the  Strasburger  performed 
their  exploits  on  a  solid  body  without  movement,  while  our 
sailors  were  on  a  rolling  ship  on  a  raging  sea. 

After  we  passed  the  pirates  we  were  blown  about  by  contrary 
winds  until  the  eighteenth  of  June,  during  which  time  we 
sighted  but  one  and  that  a  far  distant  ship.  Though  we  could 
not  hail  it,  the  sight  was  a  comfort.  On  the  above  date  we  met 
a  ship  from  Honfleur,  commanded  by  Captain  La  Roche,  on 
Its  way  to  Newfoundland.  They  had  had  better  fortune  on 
the  sea  than  we.  When  a  private  vessel  meets  a  royal  ship  (as 
ours).  It  Is  the  custom  for  the  private  boat  to  go  under  the 
wind  and  present  itself  not  side  to  side  but  obliquely,  at  the 
same  time  lowering  its  flag. 

Thus  did  Captain  La  Roche,  except  lowering  the  flag,  for  he 

239 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

had  none,  as  no  more  had  we.  Flags  are  scarcely  needed  in 
these  waters  except  upon  approaching  land  or  in  case  of 
fighting. 

Our  mariners  compared  their  estimates  of  distances  covered. 
For  on  every  ship  the  master  pilot  and  the  first  mate  register 
each  day  the  route  covered,  the  currents,  winds,  time,  and  esti- 
mate of  distance.  Monsieur  la  Roche  calculated  that  we  were 
at  the  forty-fifth  degree  and  at  one  hundred  leagues  from  the 
Banks ;  our  pilot.  Master  Oliver  Fleuriot,  from  St.  Malo, 
thought  we  were  within  sixty  leagues ;  Captain  Foulques  put 
the  distance  at  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  and  I  consider 
his  estimate  the  nearest. 

We  derived  much  pleasure  from  the  meeting  with  this  boat. 
It  gave  us  courage  since  we  began  to  meet  neighbors  and  made 
us  feel  we  were  again  in  familiar  waters. 

There  is  one  circumstance  upon  which  I  must  remark  and 
which  gave  me  food  for  thought.] 

About  the  eighteenth  day  of  June,  we  found  the  Sea-water, 
during  three  dayes  space,  very  warme,  and  by  the  same  warmth, 
our  Wine  also  was  warme  in  the  bottome  of  our  Ship,  yet  the 
ayre  was  not  hotter  then  before.  And  the  one  and  twentieth  of 
the  said  Moneth,  quite  contrary,  we  were  two  or  three  dayes  so 
much  compassed  with  Mistes  and  Coldes,  that  wee  thought 
our  selves  to  be  in  the  moneth  of  January,  and  the  water  of 
the  Sea  was  extreame  cold.  Which  continued  with  us  untill  we 
came  upon  the  said  Banke,  by  reason  of  the  said  Mists,  which 
outwardly  did  procure  this  cold  unto  us.  When  I  seeke  out 
the  cause  of  this  Antiperistasis,  I  attribute  it  to  the  Ices  of  the 
North,  which  come  floting  downe  upon  the  Coast  and  Sea 
adjoyning  to  New-found-land  and  Labrador,  which  we  have 
said  elsewhere  is  brought  thither  with  the  Sea  by  her  naturall 
motion,  which  is  greater  there  then  elsewhere,  because  of  the 
great  space  it  hath  to  run  as  in  a  gulfe  in  the  depth  of  America, 
where    the   nature   and   situation  of  the   universall   earth   doth 

240 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC.l RliOr 

beare  it  easily.  Now  these  Ices  (which  sometimes  are  scene  in 
bank.es  of  ten  leagues  length,  and  as  high  as  Mountaines  and 
hils,  and  thrice  as  deepe  in  the  waters)  holding,  as  it  were,  an 
Empire  in  this  Sea,  drive  out  farre  from  them  that  which  is 
contrary  to  their  coldnesse,  and  consequently  doe  binde  and 
close  on  this  side  that  small  quantity  of  milde  temperature  that 
the  Summer  may  bring  to  that  part  where  they  come  to  seate 
and  place  themselves. 

[I  do  not  deny  that  the  same  latitudes  of  this  region  are 
colder  than  corresponding  latitudes  in  pAirope  for  reasons  which 
I  will  give  later  in  speaking  of  the  backwardness  of  the  sea- 
sons. I  will  express  my  opinion,  leaving  it  to  any  other  to 
do  the  same. 

I  wished  to  be  mindful  of  this  memorable  experience  on  the 
return  from  New  France  and  I  found  the  same  warm  waters,  as 
nearly  as  possible,  altho  in  the  month  of  September,  at  five  or 
six  days'  distance  from  the  Great  Banks  of  which  I  have 
spoken.] 

Chapter  XII. 

Cod  banks :  Arrival  there  :  Description :  Fishing  for  cod  and  catching  birds : 
Gluttony  of  the  "Happe-foyes"  :  Divers  perils:  Favors  from  God: 
Causes  of  frequent  and  long  fogs  in  western  sea  :  Signs  of  land  :  View  of 
land  :  Marv'elous  odors  :  Accosting  two  shallops  :  Stop  at  Port  du  Mouton  : 
Arrival  at  Port  Royal  :   Two  Frenchmen  there  alone  among  the  savages. 

Before  we  come  to  the  Banke,  which  is  the  great  Banke 
where  the  fishing  of  greene  Cod-fishes  is  made  (so  are  they 
called  when  they  are  not  dry,  for  one  must  goe  aland  for  the 
drying  of  them)  the  Sea-faring  men,  besides  the  computation 
they  make  of  their  course,  have  warnings  when  they  come  neere 
to  it,  by  Birds,  which  are  knowne  :  even  as  one  doth  them  of 
these  our  parts,  returning  backe  into  France,  when  one  is  with- 
in one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  neere  it. 
The  most  frequent  of  these  Birds,  towards  the  said  Bankes,  be 

241 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Godes,  Fouquets  {i.e.  sea-swallows)^  and  other  called  Happe- 
foyes  {i.e.  Liver-catchers).  [When  we  observed  that  these 
birds  were  different  from  those  seen  in  the  middle  of  the  ocean 
we  knew  we  were  approaching  the  Banks.  On  Thursday,  the 
twenty-second  of  June,  we  sounded  but  could  not  touch  bot- 
tom ;  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  we  sounded  again  and 
struck  bottom  at  thirty-six  fathoms.  I  cannot  express  our  joy 
upon  arriving  at  last  where  we  had  so  ardently  desired  to  be. 
We  had  no  longer  any  sick.  Every  man  leaped  up  for  very 
joy.  We  felt  as  if  we  were  in  our  own  country,  though  in  fact 
we  had  yet  almost  the  half  of  our  voyage  to  accomplish  before 
arriving  at  Port  Royal. 

I  wish  at  this  point  to  throw  a  little  light  on  the  word 
"  bank,"  which  in  this  connection  is  not  familiar  to  everv  one. 
Sandy  bottoms  that  are  dry  at  low  tide  are  often  called 
"  banks  "—places  indeed  disastrous  for  mariners.] 

The  Banke  whereof  we  speake,  are  Mountaines  grounded 
in  the  depth  of  the  waters,  which  are  raised  up  to  thirty,  six 
and  thirty,  and  forty  fathoms,  neere  to  the  upper  face  of  the 
Sea.  This  Banke  is  holden  to  be  of  two  hundred  leagues  in 
length,  and  is  eighteene,  twenty,  and  twenty  foure  leagues 
broad,  which  being  passed,  there  is  no  more  bottome  found  out 
then  in  these  parts,  untill  one  come  to  the  land.  The  Ships 
being  there  arrived,  the  sailes  are  rowled  up,  and  there  fishing 
is  made  for  the  green-fish.  [To  make  it  more  clear  to  my 
reader  I  have  marked  this  place  on  my  map  of  Newfoundland 
with  points,  which  is  the  only  way  I  know  to  represent  it. 

In  the  middle  of  the  Lake  of  Neuchatel  in  Switzerland  is 
found  a  similar  thing.  There  fishermen  catch  at  a  depth  of  six 
fathoms,  and  suddenly  beyond  that  find  no  bottom.]  There  is 
farther  off,  other  Bankes,  as  I  have  marked  in  the  said  Map, 
upon  the  which  good  fishing  may  be  made:  and  many  goe 
thither  that  know  the  places.  When  that  we  parted  from 
Rochel,  there  was  (as  it  were)  a  Forrest  of  Ships  lying  at  Chef 

242 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

de  Bois  (whereot  that  place  hath  taken  his  name)  which  went 
all  in  a  company  to  that  Country,  preventing  us  (in  their  going) 
but  onely  of  two  daies. 

Having  seene  and  noted  the  Banke,  we  hoisted  up  saiJes  and 
bare  all  night,  keeping  still  our  Coast  to  the  West.  But  the 
dawne  of  day  being  come,  which  was  Saint  John  Baptist's  J'-ve, 
in  Gods  name  we  pulled  downe  the  sailes,  passing  that  day  a 
fishing  of  Cod-fish,  with  a  thousand  mirths  and  contentments, 
by  reason  of  fresh  meates,  whereof  we  had  as  much  as  we  would, 
having  long  before  wished  for  them.  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court,  and  a  young  man  of  Retel  named  Le  Fleure,  who  by 
reason  of  the  Sea-sicknesse  were  not  come  out  from  their  beds 
nor  Cabines,  from  the  beginning  of  the  Navigation,  came  upon 
the  hatches  that  day,  and  had  the  pleasure  not  onely  of  fishing 
of  Cod,  but  also  of  those  Birds,  that  be  called  by  the  French 
Marriners  Hapfoyes,  that  is  to  say.  Liver-catchers,  because  of 
their  greedinesse  to  devoure  the  livers  of  the  Cod-fishes  that 
are  cast  into  the  Sea  after  their  bellies  be  opened,  whereof 
they  are  so  covetous  that  though  they  see  a  great  Powle  over 
their  heads,  ready  to  strike  them  downe,  yet  they  adventure 
themselves  to  come  neere  to  the  Ship,  to  catch  some  of  them, 
at  what  price  soever.  And  they  which  were  not  occupied  in 
fishing,  did  passe  their  time  in  that  sport.  And  so  did  they, 
by  their  diligence,  that  we  tooke  some  thirty  of  them,  [but 
in  the  doing  of  this  one  of  the  ship's  carpenters  fell  over- 
board. Fortunately  the  ship  was  only  drifting  at  that  moment 
and  he  was  able  to  save  himself  by  the  rudder,  from  which  he 
was  drawn  onto  the  deck,  and  was  punished  for  his  carelessness 
by  Captain  Foulques.] 

In  this  fishing,  we  sometimes  did  take  Sea-dogs,  whose  skins 
our  Joyners  did  keepe  carefully  to  smooth  their  worke  withall. 
Item,  fishes  called  by  Frenchmen  Merlus,  which  be  better  then 
Cod,  and  sometimes  another  kinde  of  fish,  called  Bars :  which 
diversity  did  augment  our  delight.    They  which  were  not  busie 

243 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

in  taking  neither  Fishes  nor  Birds,  did  passe  their  time  in 
gathering  the  hearts,  guts,  and  other  inward  parts  (most  deli- 
cate) of  the  Cod-fish,  which  they  did  mince  with  lard  and 
spices,  and  with  those  things  did  make  as  good  Bolonia 
Sausiges,  as  any  can  be  made  in  Paris,  and  we  did  eate  of  them 
with  a  very  good  stomacke. 

[In  the  evening  we  hoisted  sail  and  set  out  to  continue  on 
our  route,  after  having  fired  off^  our  cannon  in  honor  of  the 
festival  of  Saint  John  and  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  who 
bears  his  name.  The  next  day  some  of  the  company  thought 
they  saw  icebergs  in  the  distance,  and  we  remembered  the  fate 
of  the  Olonois  boat  which  was  wrecked  the  year  before  by 
approaching  too  near  them.  Two  men  of  the  Olonois  boat  who 
saved  themselves  on  an  iceberg  had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
picked   up   by  a   passing  ship.] 

From  the  eighteenth  of  June  untill  we  did  arrive  at  Port 
Royal,  we  have  found  the  weather  quite  otherwise  to  that  we 
had  before.  For  (as  we  have  already  said)  we  had  cold  mists  or 
fogs,  before  our  comming  to  the  Banke  (where  we  came  in  faire 
sunshine)  but  the  next  day  we  fell  to  the  fogs  againe,  which 
(a  farre  off)  we  might  perceive  to  come  and  wrap  us  about, 
holding  us  continually  prisoners  three  whole  dayes,  for  two 
dayes  of  faire  weather  they  permitted  us :  which  was  alwayes 
accompanied  with  cold,  by  reason  of  the  Summers  absence.  Yea 
even  divers  times  we  have  seene  our  selves  a  whole  sennight 
continually  in  thicke  fogges,  twice  without  any  shew  of  Sunne, 
but  very  little,  as  I  will  recite  hereafter.  And  I  will  bring  forth 
a  reason  for  such  efi^ects  which  seemeth  unto  me  probable.  As 
wee  see  the  fire  to  draw  the  moistnesse  of  a  wet  cloth,  opposite 
unto  it ;  likewise  the  Sunne  draweth  moistnesse  and  vapours 
both  from  the  Sea  and  from  the  land.  But  for  the  dissolving 
of  them,  there  is  here  one  vertue,  and  beyond  those  parts 
another,  according  to  the  accidents  and  circumstances  that  are 
found.     In   these   our   Countries   it  raiseth   up  vapours  onely 

244 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHO't 

from  the  ground,  and  from  our  Rivers:  which  earthly  vapours, 
grosse  and  waighty,  and  participating  lesse  of  the  moist  elie- 
ment,  doe  cause  us  a  hot  aire,  and  the  earth  discharged  of 
those  vapours,  becomes  thereby  more  hot  and  parching.  From 
thence  it  commeth  that  the  said  vapours,  having  the  earth  on 
the  one  part,  and  the  Sunne  on  the  other,  which  heateth  them, 
they  are  easily  dissolved,  not  remaining  long  in  the  ayre, 
unlesse  it  be  in  winter,  when  the  earth  is  waxen  cold,  and  the 
Sunne  beyond  the  Equinoctial!  line,  farre  off  from  us.  From 
the  same  reason  proceedeth  the  cause  why  Mists  and  fogs  be 
not  so  frequent,  nor  so  long  in  the  French  Seas,  as  at  the  New- 
found-land, because  that  the  Sunne,  passing  from  his  rising 
above  the  grounds,  this  Sea  at  the  comming  thereof  receiveth 
only  earthly  vapours,  and  by  a  long  space  retaineth  this  vertue 
to  dissolve  very  soone  the  exhalation  it  draweth  to  it  selfe. 
But  when  it  commeth  to  the  middest  of  the  Ocean,  and  to  the 
said  New-found-land,  having  elevated  and  assumed  in  so  long 
a  course  a  great  abundance  of  vapours,  from  this  moist  wide 
Ocean,  it  doth  not  so  easily  dissolve  them,  as  well  because 
those  vapours  be  cold  of  themselves  and  of  their  nature,  as 
because  the  element  which  is  neerest  under  them,  doth  sim- 
pathize  with  them,  and  preserveth  them,  and  the  Sunne-beames 
being  not  holpen  in  the  dissolving  of  them,  as  they  are  upon 
the  earth.  Which  is  even  seene  in  the  land  of  that  Countrie, 
which  (although  it  hath  but  small  heate,  by  reason  of  the 
abundance  of  woods)  notwithstanding  it  helpeth  to  disperse 
the  Mists  and  Fogges,  which  be  ordinarily  there,  in  the  morn- 
ing, during  Summer,  but  not  as  at  Sea,  for  about  eight  a  clocke 
in  the  morning  they  begin  to  vanish  away,  and  serve  as  a  dew 
to  the  ground.  [I  hope  that  these  little  digressions  will  not  be 
displeasing  to  the  Reader,  since  they  seem  to  be  apropos.] 

The  eight  and  twentieth  day  of  June,  we  found  our  selves 
upon  a  small  banke  (other  then  the  great  Banke  whereof  we 
have  spoken)  at  forty  fathoms.     [The   next  day   one    of  our 

245 


VOYAGES  rO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

sailors  fell  into  the  sea  in  the  night-time,  and  would  have  been 
lost  if  he  had  not  chanced  to  find  a  rope  dragging  in  the 
water.]  From  that  time  forward,  we  began  to  descry  land- 
markes  (it  was  New-found-land)  by  hearbes,  mosses,  flowers, 
and  peeces  of  wood,  that  we  alwaies  met,  abounding  the  more, 
by  so  much  wee  drew  neere  to  it.  The  fourth  day  of  July, 
our  sailers,  which  were  appointed  for  the  last  quarter  watch, 
descried  in  the  morning,  very  early,  every  one  being  yet  in 
bed,  the  lies  of  Saint  Peter.  And  the  Friday  the  seventh  of 
the  said  Moneth,  we  discovered,  on  the  Larboord,  a  Coast  of 
land,  high  raised  up,  [just  visible,  which  discovery  gave  us 
exceeding  pleasure.  It  was  providential  that  we  made  this 
discovery  in  fine  weather.  And  while  we  were  still  afar  off, 
the  boldest  ones  mounted  to  the  top  in  order  to  get  a  better 
view,  as  we  were  all  hopeful  that  this  land  would  be  inhabited. 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  climbed  up  and  so  did  I,  a  thing 
which  we  had  never  done  before.]  Even  our  Dogs  did  thrust 
their  noses  out  of  the  Ship,  better  to  draw  and  smell  the  sweet 
ayre  of  the  land,  not  being  able  to  containe  themselves  from 
witnessing,  by  their  gestures,  the  joy  they  had  of  it.  We  drew 
within  a  league  neere  unto  it,  and  (the  sailes  being  let  downe) 
we  fell  a  fishing  of  Cod,  the  fishing  of  the  Banke  beginning  to 
faile.  They  which  had  before  us  made  voyages  in  those  parts, 
did  judge  us  to  be  at  Cape  Breton.  The  night  drawing  on,  we 
stood  off  to  the  Sea-ward :  the  next  day  following,  being  the 
eight  of  the  said  moneth  of  July,  as  we  drew  neere  to  the  Bay 
of  Campseau,  came,  about  the  evening,  mists,  which  did  con- 
tinue eight  whole  dayes,  during  which  we  kept  us  at  Sea,  hulling 
still,  not  being  able  to  goe  forward,  being  resisted  by  West  and 
South-west  windes.  During  these  eight  dayes,  which  were  from 
one  Saturday  to  another,  God  (who  hath  alwayes  guided  these 
voyages,  in  the  which  not  one  man  hath  been  lost  by  Sea) 
shewed  us  his  speciall  favour,  in  sending  unto  us,  among  the 
thicke   fogges,  a  clearing   of  the   Sunne,  which   continued   but 

246 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

halfe  an  hour:  and  then  had  we  sight  of  the  firnie  land,  and 
knew  that  we  were  ready  to  be  cast  away  upon  the  rockes,  if 
wee  had  not  speedily  stood  off  to  Sea-ward.  [It  is  thus  that 
one  seeks  the  land  as  tho  it  were  a  beloved  mistress,  altho  she 
often  repels  her  lover  most  rudely.]  Finally,  upon  Saturday, 
the  fifteenth  ot  July,  about  two  a  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  the 
skie  began  to  salute  us,  as  it  were,  with  Cannon  shots,  shedding 
teares,  as  being  sorry  to  have  kept  us  so  long  in  paine.  So  that 
faire  weather  being  come  againe,  we  saw  comming  straight  to  us 
(we  being  foure  leagues  off  from  the  land)  two  Shallops  with 
open  sailes,  in  a  Sea  yet  wrathed.  This  thing  gave  us  much 
content.  But  whilst  we  followed  on  our  course,  there  came 
from  the  land  odors  uncomparable  for  sweetnesse,  brought  with 
a  warme  winde,  so  abundantly,  that  all  the  Orient  parts  could 
not  procure  greater  abundance.  We  did  stretch  out  our  hands, 
as  it  were  to  take  them,  so  palpable  were  they,  which  I  have 
admired  a  thousand  times  since.  Then  the  two  Shallops  did 
approach,  the  one  manned  with  Savages,  who  had  a  Stagge 
painted  at  their  sailes,  the  other  with  Frenchmen  of  Saint 
Maloes,  which  made  their  fishing  at  the  Port  of  Camseau,  but 
the  Savages  were  more  diligent,  for  they  arrived  first.  Having 
never  scene  any  before,  I  did  admire,  at  the  first  sight,  their 
faire  shape,  and  forme  of  visage.  One  of  them  did  excuse 
himselfe,  for  that  he  had  not  brought  his  faire  bever  gowne, 
because  the  weather  had  beene  foule.  He  had  but  one  red 
peece  of  Frize  upon  his  backe,  and  Matachiaz'  about  his  necke, 
at  his  wrists,  above  the  elbow,  and  at  his  girdle.  We  made  them 
to  eate  and  drinke.  During  that  time  they  told  us  all  that  had 
passed,  a  yeare  before,  at  Port  Royal  whither  we  were  bound. 
In  the  meane  while  they  of  Saint  Maloe  came,  and  told  us  as 
much  as  the  Savages  had.  Adding  that  the  Wednesday,  when 
that  we  did  shun  the  rockes,  they  had  scene  us,  and  would  have 

'  "Matachiaz  be  carkanets,   necklaces,   bracelets,  and  wrought  girdles."  — 
Note  by  Purchas. 

247 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

come  to  us  with  the  said  Savages,  but  that  they  left  off,  by 
reason  we  put  to  the  Sea :  and  moreover  that  it  had  beene 
alwayes  faire  weather  on  the  land :  which  made  us  much  to 
marvell :  but  the  cause  thereof  hath  beene  shewed  before. 
[From  such  inconvenience  there  is  one  fortunate  result,  that 
these  storms  serve  as  a  bulwark  for  the  country  and  they  always 
quickly  know  what  will  happen  on  the  sea.  They  told  us  also 
that  they  had  been  told  some  days  before  by  other  savages  that 
a  boat  had  been  seen  at  Cape  Breton.]  These  Frenchmen  of 
Saint  Maloe  were  men  that  did  deale  for  the  associates  of 
Monsieur  de  Monts,  and  did  complaine  that  the  Baskes,  or 
men  of  Saint  John  de  Lus  (against  the  King  his  Inhibitions) 
had  trucked  with  the  Savages,  and  carried  away  above  six 
thousand  Beavers  skins.  They  gave  us  sundry  sorts  of  their 
fishes,  as  Bars,'  Merlus,  and  great  Fletans.  [Before  these  Sav- 
ages went  away  they  asked  for  bread  to  give  to  their  wives,  and 
we  gave  them  some.  They  well  deserved  it  since  they  had 
come  so  boldly  to  let  us  know  where  we  were.  For  afterwards 
we  proceeded  always  with  confidence.] 

At  the  parting,  some  number  of  ours  went  a-land  at  the  Port 
of  Camseau,  as  well  to  fetch  us  some  wood  and  fresh  water, 
whereof  we  had  neede,  as  for  to  follow  the  Coast  from  that 
place  to  Port  Royall  in  a  Shallop,  for  we  did  feare  least  Mon- 
sieur de  Pont  should  be  at  our  comming  thither  already  gone 
from  thence.  The  Savages  made  offer  to  goe  to  him  thorow 
the  woods,  with  promise  to  be  there  within  six  dayes,  to  adver- 
tise him  of  our  comming,  to  the  end  to  cause  his  stay,  for  as 
much  as  word  was  left  with  him  to  depart,  unless  hee  were  suc- 
coured within  the  sixteenth  day  of  that  moneth,  which  he 
failed  not  to  doe :  notwithstanding  our  men  desirous  to  see  the 
Land  neerer,  did  hinder  the  same.  They  promised  us  to  bring  unto 
us  the  next  day  the  said  wood  and  water,  if  wee  would  approch 
neere  the  Land,  which  wee  did  not,  but  followed  on  our  course. 

'  The  Bar  is  like  a  perch,  and  is  called  also  sea-wolf.     The  Merlus  is  a  cod, 
and  Fletans  arc  large  flatfish. 

248 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

Tuesday  the  seventeenth  ot  July,  wee  were  according  to  our 
accustomed  manner,  surprized  with  mists  and  contrarie  wind. 
But  the  Thursday  wee  had  cahne  weather,  so  that  whether  it 
were   mist  or  faire  weather  wee  went  nothing  forward. 

[During  this  cahii  a  carpenter  went  bathing  in  the  sea  in  the 
evening  after  having  drunk  too  much  liquor.  He  was  taken 
suddenly  ill,  the  cold  of  the  water  without  combatting  with  the 
heat  of  the  liquor  within.  Several  sailors,  seeing  their  compan- 
ion's peril,  threw  themselves  into  the  water  to  help  him,  but 
he,  with  his  cloudy  wits,  set  them  at  defiance,  not  understand- 
ing their  efforts.  Seeing  which  other  sailors  jumped  in  to  help 
and  they  got  so  in  the  way  one  of  another  that  they  were  all  in 
danger.  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  was  heard  the  voice  of 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt.  He  called  sharply,  "Jean  Hay, 
look  at  me !  Now  catch  the  rope  that  I  throw  you  ! "  They 
pulled  him  on  deck  and  the  rest  saved  themselves  as  best 
they  could.  The  author  of  all  this  confusion  fell  so  ill  after- 
wards that  we  feared  his  death.] 

After  this  calme  wee  had  two  dayes  of  fogges.  The  Sunday, 
the  three  and  twentieth  of  the  said  moneth,  wee  had  knowledge 
of  the  Port  du  Rossignoll,  and  the  same  day  in  the  afternoone, 
the  Sunne  shining  faire,  we  cast  anchor  at  the  mouth  of  Port 
du  Mouton,  and  we  were  in  danger  to  fall  upon  a  shoald,  being 
come  to  two  fathomes  and  a  halfe  depth.  We  went  aland 
seventeene  of  us  in  number,  to  fetch  the  wood  and  water, 
whereof  we  had  need.  There  we  found  the  Cabins  and  Lodg- 
ings,  yet  whole  and  unbroken,  that  Monsieur  de  Monts  made 
two  yeeres  before,  who  had  sojourned  there  by  the  space  of  one 
moneth,  as  we  have  said  in  his  place.  We  saw  there,  being  a 
sandy  Land,  store  of  Okes  bearing  Acornes,  Cypresse-trees, 
Firre-trees,  Bay-trees,  Muske-roses,  Goose-berries,  Purslen, 
Raspies,  Femes,  Lysimachia,  (a  kind  of  Scammonee)  Calamus 
odoratus,  Angelica,  and  other  Simples,  in  the  space  of  two 
houres  that  wee  tarried  there.     Wee  brought  backe  in  our  ship 

249 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

wilde  Peaze,  which  we  found  good.  [They  grow  on  the  shore 
of  the  sea  which  washes  over  them  twice  a  day.] 

We  had  not  the  leisure  to  hunt  after  Rabets  that  be  there  in 
great  number,  not  farre  from  the  Port,  but  we  returned  aboord 
as  soone  as  we  had  laden  our  selves  with  water  and  wood  :  and 
so  hoised  up  sailes. 

Tuesday  the  five  and  twentieth  day  we  were  about  the  Cap 
de  Sable,  in  faire  weather,  and  made  a  good  journey,  for  about 
the  evening  we  came  to  sight  of  Long  He,  and  the  Bay  of 
Sainte  Marie,  but  because  of  the  night  we  put  back  to  Seaward. 
And  the  next  day  we  cast  Anchor  at  the  mouth  of  Port  Royall, 
where  wee  could  not  enter  by  reason  it  was  ebbing  water,  but 
we  gave  two  Canon  shot  from  our  ship  to  salute  the  said  Port, 
and  to  advertize  the  Frenchmen  that  we  were  there. 

Thursday  the  seven  and  twentieth  of  July,  we  came  in  with 
the  floud,  which  was  not  without  much  difficultie,  for  that  we 
had  the  wind  contrarie,  and  gusts  of  wind  from  the  Mountains, 
which  made  us  almost  to  strike  upon  the  Rockes.  And  in 
these  troubles  our  ship  bare  still  contrarie,  the  Poope  before, 
and  sometimes  turned  round,  not  being  able  to  do  any  other 
thing  else.  Finally,  being  in  the  Port,  it  was  unto  us  a  thing 
marvellous  to  see  the  faire  distance  and  largenesse  of  it,  and  the 
Mountaines  and  Hils  that  invironed  it,  and  I  wondered  how  so 
faire  a  place  did  remayne  desert,  being  all  filled  with  Woods, 
seeing  that  so  many  pine  away  in  the  World  which  might  make 
good  of  this  Land,  if  onely  they  had  a  chiefe  Governour  to 
conduct  them  thither.  We  knew  not  yet  if  Monsieur  du  Pont 
was  gone  or  no,  and  therefore  wee  did  expect  that  hee  should 
send  some  men  to  meete  us;  but  it  was  in  vaine  :  for  hee  was 
gone  from  thence  twelve  dayes  before.  And  whilest  we  did 
hull  in  the  middest  of  the  Port,  Membertou,  the  greatest  Saga- 
mos'  of  the  Souriquois  (so  are  the  people  called  with  whom  we 
were)  came  to  the  French  Fort,  to  them  that  were   left  there, 

'  Captain. 

250 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    EE^CARHOr 

being  only  two,  crying  as  a  mad  man,  saying  in  his  Language; 
".What!  You  stand  here  a  dining  (for  it  was  about  noone)  and 
doe  not  see  a  great  ship  that  commeth  here;  and  we  know  not 
what  men  they  are :  "  Suddenly  these  two  men  ranne  upon  the 
Bulwarke,  and  with  diligence  made  readie  the  Canons,  which 
they  furnished  with  Pellets  and  touch-Powder.  Membertou, 
without  delay,  came  in  a  Canow  made  of  barkes  of  trees,  with  a 
Daughter  of  his,  to  view  us :  And  having  found  but  friendship, 
and  knowing  us  to  be  Frenchmen,  made  no  alarme.  Notwith- 
standing one  of  the  two  Frenchmen  left  there,  called  LaTaille, 
came  to  the  shoare  of  the  Port,  his  match  on  the  cocke,  to 
know  what  we  were  (though  he  knew  it  well  enough,  for  we 
had  the  white  Banner  displayed  at  the  top  of  the  Mast)  and  on 
the  sudden  foure  volley  of  Canons  were  shot  off,  which  made 
innumerable  echoes :  And  from  our  part,  the  Fort  was  saluted 
with  three  Canon  shots,  and  many  Musket  shots,  at  which 
time  our  Trumpeter  was  not  slacke  of  his  dutie.  Then  we 
landed,  viewed  the  house,  and  we  passed  that  day  in  giving 
God  thankes,  in  seeing  the  Savages  Cabins,  and  walking  thorow 
the  Medowes.  But  I  cannot  but  praise  the  gentle  courage  of 
these  two  men,  one  of  them  I  have  alreadie  named,  the  other  is 
called  Miquelot:  which  deserve  well  to  be  mentioned  here, 
for  having  so  freely  exposed  their  Hves  in  the  conservation  of 
the  welfare  of  New  France.  For  Monsieur  du  Pont  having 
but  one  Barke  and  a  Shallop,  to  seeke  out  towards  New-found- 
land  for  French  shippes,  could  not  charge  himselfe  with  so 
much  furniture,  Corne,  Meate,  and  Merchandises  as  were 
there ;  which  he  had  bin  forced  to  cast  into  the  Sea  (and  which 
had  bin  greatly  to  our  prejudice,  and  we  did  fear  it  very  much) 
if  these  two  men  had  not  adventured  themselves  to  tarrie  there, 
for  the  preserving  of  those  things,  which  they  did  with  a  will- 
ing and  joyfull  minde. 


251 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 
Chapter  XIII. 

Fortunate  meeting  with  Monsieur  du  Pont  :  His  return  to  Port  Royal :  Rejoicings  : 
Description  of  environs  of  said  Port  :  Conjectures  concerning  the  source  of  the 
great  river  of  Canada  :  Sowing  of  wheat  :  Monsieur  du  Pont's  return  to  France  : 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt's  voyage  to  the  country  of  the  Armouchiquois  : 
Fine  barley  grows  without  cultivation  :  Occupations  and  way  of  living  at  Port 
Royal :   Cause  of  the  prairies  along  the  river  I'Equille. 

The  Friday,  next  day  after  our  arrivall,  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  affected  to  this  Enterprize  as  for  himselfe,  put  part  of 
his  people  to  worke  in  the  tillage  and  manuring  of  the  ground, 
whilest  the  others  were  employed  in  making  cleane  of  the 
Chambers,  and  every  one  to  make  readie  that  which  belonged 
to  his  Trade.  [My  desire  to  know  what  we  could  hope  from 
this  land  made  me  more  eager  than  the  others  to  set  to  work.] 
In  the  meane  time  those  people  of  ours  that  had  left  us  at 
Campseau  to  come  along  the  Coast,  met  (as  it  were  miracu- 
lously) with  Monsieur  du  Pont  among  Hands  that  bee  in  great 
number  in  those  parts.  [To  tell  how  great  was  the  joy  on  both 
sides  is  impossible.]  The  said  Monsieur  du  Pont,  at  this 
happie  and  fortunate  meeting,  returned  backe  to  see  us  in  the 
Port  Royall,  and  to  ship  himselfe  in  the  Jonas,  to  returne  into 
France.  As  this  chance  was  beneficiall  unto  him,  so  was  it  unto 
us,  by  the  meanes  of  his  ships  that  hee  left  with  us.  For  with- 
out that  wee  had  beene  in  such  extremitie  that  we  had  not 
beene  able  to  goe  nor  come  any  where,  our  ship  being  once 
returned  into  France.  Hee  arrived  there  on  Monday  the  last 
of  July,  and  tarried  yet  in  Port  Royall,  untill  the  eight  and 
twenty  of  August.  All  this  moneth  we  made  merry.  [Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  broached  a  cask  of  wine  which  had  been 
given  him  for  his  own  use,  and  announced  permission  for  all 
comers  to  drink  their  fill  as  long  as  it  lasted,  so  that  it  happened 
that  a  number  became  very  like  foolish  children.] 

At  the  very  beginning,  we  were  desirous  to  see  the  Countrie 
up   the   River,  where  wee   found   Medowes   almost  continuall 

252 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOt 

above  twelve  leagues  of  ground,  among  whieh  brookes  doe 
runne  without  number,  whieh  eome  from  the  Hills  and  Moun- 
taines  adjoyning.  The  Woods  are  very  thicke  on  the  water 
shoares,  and  so  thicke  that  sometimes  one  cannot  goe  thorow 
them. 

[I  will  not,  however,  aver  that  they  are  equal  to  the  forests 
of  Peru  described  by  Joseph  Acosta.  He  says,  "One  of  our 
brothers,  a  man  worthy  of  all  confidence,  told  us  how,  when 
he  was  once  lost  in  the  mountains,  without  knowing  where  he 
was  or  whither  he  should  go,  he  found  himself  in  a  place  so 
thickly  covered  with  underbrush  that  he  travelled  over  it  for 
fifteen  days  without  touching  foot  to  the  ground."'  I  will  leave 
it  to  each  one  to  believe  it  if  he  chooses,  but  I  will  say  that 
I  myself  have  not  yet  attained  sufficient  credulity. 

The  woods  are  less  dense  farther  from  the  rivers  and  damp 
places.  The  beauty  of  it  is  so  great  that  in  truth  the  country 
resembles  the  land  promised  by  God  to  his  chosen  people  by 
the  mouth  of  Moses:  "For  the  Lord  thy  God  bringeth  thee 
into  a  good  land,  a  land  of  brooks  and  of  water,  of  fountains 
and  depths  that  spring  out  of  valleys  and  hills.  ...  A  land 
wherein  thou  shalt  eat  bread  without  scarceness,  thou  shalt  not 
lack  anything  in  it;  a  land  whose  stones  are  iron,  and  out  of 
whose  hills  thou  mayest  dig  brass."  ^ 

And  in  further  confirmation  of  the  goodness  and  of  the 
wonderful  situation  of  the  land  he  promised  to  give  them  he 
says :  "  For  the  land,  whither  thou  goest  in  to  possess  it,  is  not 
as  the  land  of  Egypt,  from  whence  ye  came  out,  where  thou 
sowest  thy  seed,  and  wateredst  it  with  thy  foot,  as  a  garden  of 
herbs :  But  the  land,  whither  ye  go  to  possess  it,  is  a  land  of 
hills  and  valleys,  and  drinketh  water  of  the  rain  of  heaven."  ^ 

As  we  described  Port  Royal  and  its  environs  before  in 
recounting  the  first  voyage  of  Monsieur  de  Monts,  and  as  we 

'  Joseph  Acosta,  Bk  IV.,  chap.  xxx. 

2  Deut.  viii,  7,  9. 

3  Deut.  xi,  10,  II. 

253 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

repeat  here,  the  country  abounds  plentifully  in  small  streams 
as  is  shown  by  the  number  of  great  rivers  that  water  it.  In 
this  matter  the  land  yields  not  one  whit  to  the  country  of  the 
Gauls  (which  is  very  fortunate  in  this  respect).  It  will  be  famous 
for  its  felicity  if  it  is  ever  inhabited  by  an  industrious  people  who 
will  know  how  to  cultivate  it.  It  is  verily  the  promised  land 
"whose  stones  are  iron  and  out  of  whose  hills  thou  mayest  dig 
brass."  We  have  already  spoken  of  the  mines  of  iron  and  brass 
and  of  the  steel,  and  we  will  have  more  to  say  of  them  hereafter. 
Around  about  Port  Royal  the  country  is  very  diversified.  In 
the  mountains  there  are  stretches  of  beautiful  country;  wherein 
I  have  seen  lakes  and  streams  no  less  than  in  the  valleys.] 

In  the  passage  to  come  forth  from  the  same  Port,  for  to  goe 
to  Sea,  there  is  a  Brooke,  which  falleth  from  the  high  Rockes 
downe,  and  in  falling  disperseth  it  selfe  into  a  small  raine,  which 
is  very  delightfull  in  Summer,  because  that  at  the  foote  of  the 
Rocke  there  are  Caves,  wherein  one  is  covered,  whilest  that 
this  raine  falleth  so  pleasantly  :  And  in  the  Cave  (wherein  the 
raine  of  this  Brooke  falleth)  is  made,  as  it  were,  a  Rain-bowe 
when  the  Sunne  shineth :  which  hath  given  me  great  cause  of 
admiration. 

[Once  when  we  went  from  our  fort  to  the  sea  through  the 
woods  (a  distance  of  three  leagues)  we  met  with  a  pleasant  sur- 
prise upon  the  return  trip.  We  thought  ourselves  on  a  flat 
stretch  when  we  suddenly  found  ourselves  on  the  summit  of  a 
high  mountain.  The  descent  was  not  so  pleasant,  however,  as  we 
had  much  difficulty  on  account  of  the  snow.  But  the  mountains 
in  the  country  are  never  continuous  or  universal.] 

Within  ten  leagues  of  our  dwelling,  the  Countrey,  thorow 
which  the  River  L'  Equille  passeth,  is  all  plaine  and  even.  I 
have  scene  in  those  parts  many  Countries,  where  the  land  is  all 
even,  and  the  fairest  of  the  world.  But  the  perfection  thereof  is, 
that  it  is  well  watered.  And  for  witnesse  whereof,  not  onely 
in  Port  Royall  but  also  in  all  New  France,  the  great  River  of 

254 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCJRhOr 

Canada  is  proofe  thereof,  which  at  the  end  of  foure  hundred 
leagues  is  as  broad  as  the  greatest  Rivers  of  the  world,  replen- 
ished with  lies  and  Rockes  innumerable:  taking  her  beginning 
from  one  of  the  Lakes  which  doe  meete  at  the  streame  of  her 
course  (and  so  I  thinke)  so  that  it  hath  two  courses,  the  one 
from  the  East  towards  P' ranee :  the  other  from  the  West  to- 
wards the  South  Sea:  which  is  admirable,  but  not  without  the 
like  example  found  in  our  Europe.  For  I  understand  that  the 
River  which  commeth  downe  to  Trent  and  to  Verone  proceed- 
eth  from  a  Lake  which  produceth  another  River,  whose  course 
is  bent  opposite  to  the  River  of  Lins  which  falleth  into  the 
River  Danube.  So  our  Geographies  show  that  the  Nile  issueth 
from  a  Lake  that  bringeth  forth  other  Rivers,  which  discharge 
themselves  into  the  great  Ocean. 

Let  us  returne  to  our  tillage :  for  to  that  must  wee  apply  our 
selves  :  it  is  the  first  mine  that  must  bee  sought  for,  which  is 
more  worth  than  the  treasures  of  Atabalipa:'  And  hee  that  hath 
Corne,  Wine,  Cattell,  Woollen  and  Linnen,  Leather,  Iron,  and 
afterward  Cod-fish,  he  needeth  no  other  treasures,  for  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Now  all  this  is  (or  may  be)  in  the  Land  by 
us  described :  upon  which  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  having 
caused  a  second  tillage  to  be  made,  in  fifteene  dayes  after  his 
arrivall  thither,  he  sowed  it  with  our  French  Corne,  as  well 
Wheat  and  Rie,  as  with  Hempe,  Flaxe,  Turnep  seed,  Radice, 
Cabages,  and  other  seeds :  And  the  eight  day  following,  he  saw 
that  his  labour  had  not  beene  in  vaine,  but  rather  a  faire  hope, 
by  the  production  that  the  ground  had  already  made  of  the 
seedes  which  shee  had  received.  Which  being  shewed  to  Mon- 
sieur du  Pont  was  unto  him  a  faire  subject  to  make  his  relation 
in  France,  as  a  thing  altogether  new  there.  The  twentieth  day 
of  August  was  already  come,  when  these  faire  shewes  were 
made,  and  the  time  did  admonish  them  that  were  to  goe  in  the 
Voyage,    to    make   ready.     Whereunto    they   beganne    to   give 

'  Evidently  Atahualpa,  the  Inca  chieftain,  is  intended. 

255 


For  AGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

order,  so  that  the  five  and  twentieth  day  of  the  same  moneth, 
after  many  peales  of  Ordnance,  they  weighed  anchor  to  come 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Port,  which  is  commonly  the  first  dayes 
journey. 

Monsieur  de  Monts  being  desirous  to  reach  as  farre  into  the 
South  as  he  could,  and  seeke  out  a  place  very  fit  to  inhabit 
beyond  Malebarre,  had  requested  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  to 
passe  farther  than  yet  he  had  done,  and  to  seeke  a  convenient 
Port  in  good  temperature  of  aire,  making  no  greater  account  of 
Port  Royall  than  of  Sainte  Croix,  in  that  which  concerneth 
health.  Whereunto  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  being 
willing  to  condescend,  would  not  tarrie  for  the  Spring  time, 
knowing  he  should  have  other  employments  to  exercise  him- 
selfe  withall.  But  seeing  his  sowings  ended,  and  his  field 
greene,  resolved  himselfe  to  make  this  Voyage  and  Discoverie 
before  Winter.  So  then  hee  disposed  all  things  to  that  end, 
and  with  his  Barke  anchored  neere  to  the  Jonas,  to  the  end  to 
get  out  in  companie. 

[During  the  three  days  that  he  was  obliged  to  wait  for  a 
favorable  wind  a  whale  (which  the  natives  call  Maria)  came 
each  morning  into  the  Port  with  the  high  tide,  and  there  wal- 
lowed at  her  ease,  going  out  with  the  ebb. 

Moreover  taking  advantage  of  a  little  leisure  I  composed  in 
French  verse  an  "  Adieu  to  the  Sieur  du  Pont  and  his  com- 
pany," which  is  published  among  the  poems  called  "  The 
Muses  of  New  France."] 

The  eight  and  twentieth  day  of  the  said  moneth  each  of  us 
tooke  his  course,  one  one  way,  and  the  other  another,  diversely 
to  Gods  keeping.  As  for  Monsieur  du  Pont  he  purposed  by 
the  way  to  set  upon  a  Merchant  of  Rouen,  named  Boyer,  who 
(contrary  to  the  Kings  inhibitions)  was  in  those  parts  to 
trucke  with  the  Savages,  notwithstanding  hee  had  beene  de- 
livered out  of  prison  in  Rochell,  by  the  consent  of  Monsieur 
de   Poutrincourt,  under  promise   hee   should   not  goe  thither; 

256 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOr 

but  the  said  Boyer  was  already  gone.  And  as  for  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt,  hee  tooke  his  course  for  the  lie  of  Sainte  Croix, 
the  Frenchmens  first  abode,  having  Monsieur  de  Champdore 
for  Master  and  Guide  of  his  Barque:  but  beeing  hindered  by 
the  winde,  and  because  his  Barque  did  leake,  hee  was  forced 
twice  to  put  backe  againe.  In  the  end  hee  quite  passed  the 
Bay  Kran^oise,  and  viewed  the  said  He,  where  hee  found  ripe 
Corne,  of  that  which  two  yeeres  before  was  sowed  bv  Monsieur 
de  Monts,  which  was  faire,  bigge,  weighty,  and  well  filled.  Hee 
sent  some  of  that  Corne  to  Port  Royall,  where  I  was  requested 
to  stay,  to  looke  to  the  house,  and  to  keepe  the  rest  of  the 
companie  there  in  concord.  Whereunto  I  did  agree  (though  it 
was  referred  to  my  will)  for  the  assurance  that  wee  had  among 
our  selves,  that  the  yeere  following  wee  should  make  our  habi- 
tation in  a  warmer  Countrie  beyond  Malebarre,  and  that  wee 
should  all  goe  in  companie  with  them  that  should  bee  sent  to 
us  out  of  France.  In  the  meane  while  I  employed  my  selfe  in 
dressing  the  ground,  to  make  inclosures  and  partitions  of 
Gardens,  for  to  sowe  Corne  and  Kitchin  herbes.  Wee  caused 
also  a  Ditch  to  bee  made  all  about  the  Fort,  which  was  very 
needfull  to  receive  the  waters  and  moistnesse,  that  before  did 
runne  underneath  among  the  rootes  of  trees,  that  had  beene 
fallen  downe:  which  peradventure  did  make  the  place  unhealth- 
full.  I  will  not  stand  in  describing  heere,  what  each  of  our  other 
workmen  and  labourers  did  particularly  make.  It  sufficeth,  that 
wee  had  store  of  Joyners,  Carpenters,  Masons,  Stone-Carvers, 
Lock-Smithes,  Taylors,  Boord-sawyers,  Mariners,  &c.  who  did 
exercise  their  Trades,  which  (in  doing  their  duties)  were  very 
kindly  used,  for  they  were  at  their  owne  libertie  for  three 
houres  labour  a  day.  The  overplus  of  the  time  they  bestowed 
in  going  to  gather  Mussels,  which  are  at  low  water  in  great 
quantitie  before  the  Fort,  or  Lobsters,  or  Crabbes,  which  are 
in  Port  Royall,  under  the  Rockes  in  great  abundance,  or 
Cockles,  which  are  in  every  part  of  the  ooze,  about  the  shoares 

257 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

of  the  said  Port:  All  that  kinde  of  fish  is  taken  without  Net 
or  Boat.  Some  there  were  that  sometimes  tooke  wilde-fowle, 
but  not  being  skillfull,  they  spoyled  the  game.  And  as  for  us, 
our  Table  was  furnished  by  one  of  Monsieur  de  Monts  men, 
who  provided  for  us  in  such  sort  that  wee  wanted  no  fowle, 
bringing  unto  us,  sometimes  halfe  a  dozen  of  birds,  called  by 
Frenchmen,  Outards  (a  kind  of  wilde  Geese)  sometimes  as 
many  Mallards,  or  wilde  Geese,  white  and  gray,  very  often  two 
or  three  dozen  of  Larkes,  and  other  kindes  of  birds.  As  for 
Bread,  no  body  felt  want  thereof.  Every  one  had  three  quarts 
of  pure  and  good  Wine  a  day,  which  hath  continued  with  us  as 
long  as  we  have  been  there,  saving  that  when  they  who  came  to 
fetch  us,  instead  of  bringing  commodities  unto  us,  helped  us  to 
spend  our  owne,  [and  then  it  was  necessary  to  reduce  the  allow- 
ance to  one  pint.  Nevertheless  as  a  rule  we  had  an  unusual 
abundance  of  it. 

This  voyage  was  in  this  respect  the  best  of  all,  for  which 
much  praise  is  due  to  Monsieur  de  Monts  and  his  associates, 
Messieurs  Georges  and  Macquin  of  Rochelle,  who  fitted  us  out 
in  the  beginning  so  handsomely.  For  indeed  I  found  that  the 
September  wine  with  which  they  furnished  us  was,  with  various 
uses,  a  sovereign  preventive  of  the  scurvy.  I  believe  that  the 
use  of  spices  does  certainly,  in  a  measure  at  least,  correct  the 
noxiousness  of  the  air  of  the  country,  which  air,  however,  I  my- 
self have  always  found  bracing  and  pure,  notwithstanding  all 
the  considerations  touching  this  malady  that  I  have  already 
discussed.]  For  our  allowance,  wee  had  Pease,  Beanes,  Rice, 
Prunes,  Raisins,  drie  Codde,  and  salt  Fleshe,  besides  Oyle  and 
Butter.  But  whensoever  the  Savages,  dwelling  neere  us,  had 
taken  any  quantitie  of  Sturgions,  Salmons,  or  small  fishes ; 
Item,  any  Bevers,  Ellans,'  Carabous  (or  fallow  Deere),  or  other 
animals  mentioned  in  my  "  Adieu  to  New  France,"  they 
brought  unto  us   halfe  of  it :    and   that  which   remained   they 

'   A  kind  of  Stag  or  red  Deere. 

258 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOT 

exposed  it  sometimes  to  sale  publikely,  and  they  that  would 
have  any  thereof  would  trucke   Bread  for  it. 

[Such  was  in  part  our  means  of  living.  Although  each  one 
of  .our  workmen  had  his  own  trade,  yet  each  one  gave  himself 
to  whatever  work  was  necessary.  Several  masons  and  stone 
cutters  turned  bakers  and  made  us  as  good  bread  as  can  be 
bought  in  Paris.  Also  one  of  our  wood-sawyers  several  times 
made  a  good  quantity  of  coal.] 

Wherein  is  to  be  noted  a  thing  that  now  I  remember.  It  is, 
that  being  necessary  to  cut  turfes  to  cover  the  piles  of  wood, 
heaped  to  make  the  said  Coales,  there  was  found  in  the 
Medowes  three  foote  deepe  of  earth,  not  earth,  but  grasse  or 
herbes  mingled  with  mudde,  which  have  heaped  themselves 
yeerely  one  upon  another  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  not 
having  been  mooved.  Neverthelesse  the  greene  thereof  serveth 
for  pasture  to  the  Ellans,  which  wee  have  many  times  seene  in 
our  Medowes  of  those  parts,  in  herds  of  three  or  foure,  great 
and  small,  suffering  themselves  sometimes  to  bee  approached, 
then  they  ranne  to  the  Woods :  But  I  may  say  moreover,  that 
I  have  seene,  in  crossing  two  leagues  of  our  said  Medowes,  the 
same  to  be  all  trodden  with  trackes  of  Ellans,  for  I  knowe  not 
there  any  other  cloven  footed  beasts.  There  was  killed  one  of 
those  beasts,  not  farre  off  from  our  Fort  at  a  place  where  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts  having  caused  the  grasse  to  bee  mowed  two 
yeeres  before,  it  was  growne  again  the  fairest  of  the  world. 
Some  might  marvel!  how  these  Medowes  are  made,  seeing  that 
all  the  ground  in  those  places  is  covered  with  Woods.  For 
satisfaction  whereof,  let  the  curious  Reader  knowe,  that  in  high 
Spring  tides,  especially  on  March  and  September,  the  floud 
covereth  those  shoares,  which  hindereth  the  trees  there  to  take 
roote.  But  everywhere,  where  the  water  overfloweth  not,  if 
there  bee  any  ground,  there  are  Woods. 


259 


VOl^'AGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 
Chapter  XIV. 

Departure  from  the  island  Sainte-Croix  :  Bay  de  Marchin  :  Chouakoet :  Vines 
and  grapes  :  Liberality  of  the  natives  :  Armouchiquois  people  :  Curing  of 
a  wounded  Armouchiquois :  Simplicity  and  ignorance  of  this  people  :  Vice 
among  them  :  Suspicion  :  Have  no  thought  of  clothing  :  Wheat  sown  and 
vines  planted  in  the  country  of  the  Armouchiquois  :  Quantity  of  grapes  : 
Abundance  of  people  :   A  perilous  sea. 

Let  us  return  to  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  whom  we  have 
left  in  the  He  Sainte  Croix.  Having  made  there  a  review,  and 
cherished  the  Savages  that  were  there,  hee  went  in  the  space  of 
foure  dayes  to  Pemptegoet,  which  is  that  place  so  famous  under 
the  name  of  Norombega.  There  needeth  not  so  long  a  time 
in  coming  thither,  but  he  tarried  on  the  way  to  mend  his 
Barke :  for  to  that  end  he  had  brought  with  him  a  Smith  and 
a  Carpenter,  and  quantitie  of  boords.  Hee  crossed  the  lies, 
which  bee  at  the  mouth  of  the  River,  and  came  to  Kinibeki, 
where  his  Barke  was  in  danger,  by  reason  of  the  great  streames 
that  the  nature  of  the  place  procureth  there.  This  was  the 
cause  why  hee  made  there  no  stay,  but  passed  further  to  the 
Bay  of  Marchin,  which  is  the  name  of  a  Captaine  of  the  Sav- 
ages, who  at  the  arrivall  of  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
beganne  to  crie  out  aloud  He  He:  whereunto  the  like  answere 
was  made  unto  him.  Hee  replied,  asking  in  his  Language, 
What  are  yee  ?  They  answered  him.  Friends :  And  thereupon 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  approaching,  treated  amitie  with 
him,  and  presented  him  with  Knives,  Hatchets,  and  Matachiaz, 
that  is  to  say,  Scarfes,  Karkenets  and  Bracelets  made  of 
Beades,  or  Quills  made  of  white  and  blue  Glasse ;  whereof  hee 
was  very  glad,  as  also  for  the  confederacy  that  the  said  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  made  with  him,  knowing  very  well  that 
the  same  would  bee  a  great  aide  and  support  unto  him.  Hee 
distributed  to  some  men  that  were  about  him,  among  a  great 
number  of  people,  the  Presents  that  the  said  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt  gave  him,  to  whom  hee  brought  store  of  Orignac, 

260 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCAREOT 

or  l^llans  flesh  (for  the  Baskes  doe  call  a  Stagge,  or  Elian, 
Orignac)  to  refresh  the  companie  with  victuals.  That  clone, 
they  set  sayles  towards  Chouakoet,  where  the  River  of  Cap- 
taine  Olmechin  is,  and  where  the  yeere  following  was  made  the 
warre  of  the  Souriquois  and  Etechemins,  under  the  conduct  of 
the  Sagamos  Menibertou,  which  I  have  described  in  Verses, 
which  Verses  I  have  inserted  among  the  Muses  of  New 
France.  At  the  entry  of  the  Bay  of  the  said  place  of  Chou- 
akoet there  is  a  great  Hand,  about  halfe  a  league  compasse, 
wherein  our  men  did  first  discover  any  Vines  (for,  although 
there  bee  some  in  the  Lands  neerer  to  Port  Royall,  notwith- 
standing there  was  yet  no  knowledge  had  of  them)  which  they 
found  in  great  quantitie,  having  the  trunke  three  and  foure 
foote  high,  and  as  bigge  as  ones  fist  in  the  lower  part,  the 
Grapes  faire  and  great,  and  some  as  big  as  Plummes,  or  lesser : 
but  as  blacke,  that  they  left  a  staine  where  their  liquor  was 
spilled :  Those  Grapes,  I  say,  lying  over  bushes  and  brambles 
that  growe  in  the  same  Hand,  where  the  trees  are  not  so  thicke 
as  in  other  where,  but  are  six  or  seven  rods  distant  asunder, 
which  causeth  the  Grapes  to  be  ripe  the  sooner;  having  besides 
a  ground  very  fit  for  the  same,  gravelly  and  sandy.  They 
tarried  there  but  two  houres  :  but  they  noted,  that  there  were 
no  Vines  on  the  North  side,  even  as  in  the  He  Sainte  Croix  are 
no  Cedar  trees,  but  on  the  West  side. 

From  this  Hand  they  went  to  the  River  of  Olmechin,  a  Port 
of  Chouakoet,  where  Marchin  and  the  said  Olmechin  brought 
to  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  a  prisoner  of  the  Souriquois  (and 
therefore  their  enemy)  which  they  gave  unto  him  freely.  Two 
houres  after,  there  arrived  two  Savages,  the  one  an  Etechemin, 
named  Chkoudun,  Captaine  of  the  River  Saint  John,  called  by 
the  Savages  Oigoudi :  The  other  a  Souriquois,  named  Messa- 
moet,  Captaine  or  Sagamos  of  the  River  of  the  Port  De  la  Heve, 
where  this  prisoner  was  taken.  They  had  great  store  of  Mer- 
chandises trucked  with  Frenchmen,  which  they  were  comming 

261 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

to  utter,  that  is  to  say,  great,  meane,  and  small  Kettles,  Hatchets, 
Knives,  Gownes,  short  Clokes,  red  Waste-coates,  Bisket,  and 
other  things :  whereupon  there  arrived  twelve  or  fifteene  Boats, 
full  of  Savages  of  Olmechins  subjection,  being  in  very  good 
order,  all  their  faces  painted,  according  to  their  wonted  custome, 
when  they  will  seeme  faire,  having  their  Bow  and  Arrow  in 
hand,  and  the  quiver,  which  they  layed  downe  aboord.  At 
that  houre  Messamoet  beganne  his  Oration  before  the  Savages: 
shewing  them,  how  that  in  times  past,  they  often  had  friend- 
ship together:  and  that  they  might  easily  overcome  their 
enemies,  if  they  would  have  intelligence  and  serve  themselves 
with  the  amitie  of  the  Frenchmen,  whom  they  saw  there  present 
to  knowe  their  Countrey,  to  the  end  to  bring  commodities  unto 
them  hereafter,  and  to  succour  them  with  their  forces,  which 
forces  he  knew,  and  hee  was  the  better  able  to  make  a  demon- 
stration thereof  unto  them,  by  so  much  that  hee  which  spake, 
had  before  time  beene  in  France,  and  dwelt  there  with  Monsieur 
de  Grandmont,  Governour  of  Bayonne.  Finally,  his  speech 
continued  almost  an  houre  with  much  vehemency  and  affection, 
with  a  gesture  of  body  and  armes,  as  is  requisite  in  a  good 
Oratour.  And  in  the  end  he  did  cast  all  his  merchandises 
(which  were  worth  above  three  hundred  crownes,  brought  into 
that  Countrie)  into  Olmechin  his  Boat,  as  making  him  a  pres- 
ent of  that,  in  assurance  of  the  love  hee  would  witnesse  unto 
him.  That  done  the  night  hasted  on,  and  every  one  retired 
himselfe.  But  Messamoet  was  not  pleased,  for  that  Olmechin 
made  not  the  like  Oration  unto  him,  nor  requited  his  present: 
For  the  Savages  have  that  noble  qualitie,  that  they  give  liber- 
ally, casting  at  the  feet  of  him  whom  they  will  honour,  the 
Present  that  they  give  him  :  But  it  is  in  hope  to  receive  some 
reciprocall  kindnesse,  which  is  a  kinde  of  contract,  which  wee 
call  without  name,  I  give  thee,  to  the  end  thou  shouldest  give 
mee.  And  that  is  done  thorow  all  the  world.  Therefore  Mes- 
samoet from  that  day  had  in  minde  to  make  warre  to  Olmechin. 

262 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/lRliOr 

Notwithstanding,  the  next  day  in  the  morning  he  and  his 
people  did  returne  with  a  Boate  laden  with  that  which  they 
had,  to  wit,  Corne,  Tabacco,  Beanes,  and  Pumpions,  which 
they  distributed  here  and  there.  Those  two  Captaines  Olmechin 
and  Marchin  have  since  beene  killed  in  the  warres.  In  whose 
stead  was  chosen  by  the  Savages,  one  named  Bessabes,  which 
since  our  returne  hath  beene  killed  by  Englishmen  :  and  in 
stead  of  him  they  have  made  a  Captaine  to  come  from  within 
the  Lands,  named  Asticou,  a  grave  man,  valiant  and  redoubted, 
which,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  will  gather  up  a  thousand 
Savages  together,  which  thing  Olmechin  and  Marchin  might 
also  doe.  For  our  Barkes  being  there,  presently  the  Sea  was 
seene  all  covered  over  with  their  Boates,  laden  with  nimble  and 
lusty  men,  holding  themselves  up  straight  in  them:  which  wee 
cannot  do  without  danger,  those  Boates  being  nothing  else  but 
trees  hollowed.  From  thence  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  fol- 
lowing on  his  course,  found  a  certain  Port  very  delightfull, 
which  had  not  beene  seene  by  Monsieur  de  Monts :  And  dur- 
ing the  Voyage  they  saw  store  of  smoke,  and  people  on  the 
shoare,  which  invited  us  to  come  aland :  And  seeing  that  no 
account  was  made  of  it,  they  followed  the  Barke  along  the 
sand,  yea  most  often  they  did  outgoe  her,  so  swift  are  thev, 
having  their  Bowes  in  hand,  and  their  Quivers  upon  their 
backes,  alwaies  singing  and  dancing,  not  taking  care  with  what 
they  should  live  by  the  way.  [Happy  people!  A  thousand 
times  happier  than  those  across  the  sea.  If  they  but  knew  of 
God  and  his  salvation  !] 

Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  having  landed  in  this  Port,  be- 
hold among  a  multitude  of  Savages  a  good  number  of  Fifes, 
which  did  play  with  certaine  long  Pipes,  made  as  it  were  with 
Canes  of  Reedes,  painted  over,  but  not  with  such  an  harmonic 
as  our  Shepheards  might  doe;  And  to  shew  the  excellency  of 
their  arte,  they  whisled  with  their  noses  in  gambolling,  accord- 
ing to  their  fashion. 

263 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

And  as  this  people  did  runne  headlong,  to  come  to  the 
Barke,  there  was  a  Savage  which  hurt  himselfe  grievously  in  the 
heele  against  the  edge  of  a  Rocke,  whereby  hee  was  enforced  to 
remayne  in  the  place.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  his  Chirur- 
gion,  at  that  instant  would  apply  to  this  hurt  that  which  was 
of  his  Arte,  but  they  would  not  permit  it,  untill  they  had  first 
made  their  mouthes  and  mops  about  the  wounded  man.  They 
then  layed  him  downe  on  the  ground,  one  of  them  holding  his 
head  on  his  lappe,  and  made  many  bawlings  and  singings, 
whereunto  the  wounded  man  answered  but  with  a  Ho,  with  a 
complayning  voice,  which  having  done  they  yeelded  him  to  the 
cure  of  the  said  Chirurgion,  and  went  their  way,  and  the  Pa- 
tient also  after  hee  had  beene  dressed ;  but  two  houres  after  he 
came  againe,  the  most  jocund  in  the  world,  having  put  about 
his  head  the  binding  cloth  wherewith  his  heele  was  wrapped, 
for  to  seeme  the  more  gallant. 

The  day  following,  our  people  entred  farther  into  the  Port, 
where  being  gone  to  see  the  Cabins  of  the  Savages,  an  old 
woman  of  an  hundred  or  sixscore  yeeres  of  age  came  to  cast 
at  the  feete  of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  a  loafe  of  bread, 
made  with  the  Wheat  called  Mahis,  then  very  faire  Hempe  of 
a  long  growth:  Item,  Beanes,  and  Grapes  newly  gathered, 
because  they  had  seene  Frenchmen  eate  of  them  at  Chouakoet. 
Which  the  other  Savages  seeing,  that  knew  it  not,  they 
brought  more  of  them  than  one  could  wish,  emulating  one 
another;  and  for  recompence  of  this  their  kindnesse,  there 
was  set  on  their  foreheads  a  Fillet  or  Band,  of  paper,  wet  with 
spittle,  of  which  they  were  very  proud.  It  was  shewed  them, 
in  pressing  the  Grape  into  a  Glasse,  that  of  that  we  did  make 
the  Wine  which  wee  did  drinke.  Wee  would  have  made  them 
to  eate  of  the  Grape,  but  having  taken  it  into  their  mouthes, 
they  spitted  it  out,  [just  as  did  our  Gallic  forefathers  (as 
Ammion  Marcellin  relates),  thinking  it  poisonous]  so  ignorant 
is  this  people  of  the  best  thing  that  God  hath  given  to  Man, 

264 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC.IRHOr 

next  to  Bread.  Yet  notwithstanding  they  have  no  want  of  wit, 
and  might  be  brought  to  doe  some  good  things,  if  they  were 
civihzed,  and  had  the  use  of  Handy-crafts.  But  they  are  sub- 
tile, theevish,  traiterous,  and  though  they  be  naked,  yet  one 
cannot  take  heed  of  their  fingers:  for  if  one  turne  never  so 
little  his  eyes  aside,  and  that  they  spie  the  opportunitie  to 
steale  any  Knife,  Hatchet,  or  any  thing  else,  they  will  not  misse 
nor  fayle  of  it ;  and  will  put  the  theft  betweene  their  buttockes, 
or  will  hide  it  within  the  sand  with  their  foot  so  cunningly, 
that  one  shall  not  perceive  it.  [I  have  read  that  in  Florida 
the  natives  have  the  same  instincts  and  the  same  cleverness  in 
the  art  of  thievery.]  Indeed  I  doe  not  wonder  if  a  people 
poore  and  naked  be  theevish ;  but  when  the  heart  is  malicious, 
it  is  unexcusable.  This  people  is  such,  that  they  must  be 
handled  with  terrour:'  for  if  through  love  and  gentlenesse  one 
give  them  too  free  accesse,  they  will  practise  some  surprize,  as 
it  hath  beene  knowne  in  divers  occasions  heretofore,  and  will 
yet  hereafter  be  seene.  And  without  deferring  any  longer,  the 
second  day  after  our  comming  thither,  as  they  saw  our  people 
busie  awashing  Linnen,  they  came  some  fifty,  one  following 
another,  with  Bowes,  Arrowes  and  Quivers,  intending  to  play 
some  bad  part,  as  it  was  conjectured  upon  their  manner  of 
proceeding ;  but  they  were  prevented,  some  of  our  men  going 
to  meet  them,  with  their  Muskets  and  Matches  at  the  cocke, 
which  made  some  of  them  runne  away,  and  the  others  being 
compassed  in,  having  put  downe  their  weapons,  came  to  a 
Peninsula,  or  small  head  of  an  Hand,  where  our  men  were,  and 
making  a  friendly  shew,  demanded  to  trucke  the  Tabacco  they 
had  for  our  merchandises. 

The  next  day  the  Captaine  of  the  said  place  and  Port,  came 
into   Monsieur  de   Poutrincourts   Barke  to  see  him ;    wee  did 

^  "This  is  the  only  way  to  civilize  Savages.  Trust  them  and  hang  them,  nay, 
trust  them  and  they  will  cut  your  throat,  as  in  the  Virginian  massacre  appear- 
eth." — Note  by  Purchas. 

265 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

marvell  to  see  him  accompanied  with  Olmechin,  seeing  the  way 
was  marvellous  long  to  come  thither  by  Land,  and  much 
shorter  by  Sea.  That  gave  cause  of  bad  suspicion,  albeit  hee 
had  promised  his  love  to  the  Frenchmen.  Notwithstanding 
they  were  gently  received.  And  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
gave  to  the  said  Olmechin  a  complete  garment,  wherewith  be- 
ing clothed,  hee  viewed  himselfe  in  a  Glasse,  and  did  laugh  to 
see  himselfe  in  that  order.  But  a  little  while  after,  feeling  that 
the  same  hindred  him,  although  it  was  in  October,  when  hee 
was  returned  unto  his  Cabins,  he  distributed  it  to  sundry  of  his 
men,  to  the  end  that  one  alone  should  not  be  over-pestered 
with  it. 

[This  might  serve  as  a  lesson  to  our  dandies  of  either  sex 
{mignons  iff  mignonnes)  across  the  sea  with  their  superabun- 
dance of  clothing  and  their  corsets  hard  as  wood  in  which  they 
suffer  such  a  veritable  hell  that  they  are  scarcely  good  for  any- 
thing when  wrapped  up  in  their  trappings.  If  the  weather  is 
hot  they  endure  insufferable  torments  of  heat  in  their  thick 
plaited  breeches — suffering  equal  to  the  tortures  inflicted  upon 
criminals.] 

Now^  during  the  time  that  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
was  there,  being  in  doubt  whether  Monsieur  de  Monts  would 
come  to  make  an  habitation  on  that  Coast,  as  hee  wished  it,  hee 
made  there  a  piece  of  ground  to  be  tilled,  for  to  sowe  Corne 
and  to  plant  Vines,  [aided  by  our  apothecary  Monsieur  Louis 
Hebert,  a  man  who,  aside  from  his  work  in  His  profession,  took 
extreme  pleasure  in  tilling  the  land.  We  may  compare  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  with  our  good  father  Noah  who  made 
necessary  provision  for  a  wheat  crop  and  then  planted  the  vine 
of  which  he  perceived  the  full  effect  later.] 

As  they  were  deliberating  to  passe  farther,  Olmechin  came 
to  the  Barke  to  see  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  where  having 
tarried  certaine  houres,  either  in  talking  or  eating,  hee  said,  that 


266 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARIiOr 

the  next  day  an  hundred  Boates  should  come,  contayning  every 
one  sixe  men:  but  the  coming  of  such  a  number  of  men 
being  only  troublesome,  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  would  not 
tarrie  for  them ;  but  went  away  the  same  day  to  Malebarre, 
not  without  much  difficultie,  by  reason  of  the  great  streames 
and  shoalds  that  are  there.  So  that  the  Barke  having  touched 
at  three  foot  of  water  onely,  we  thought  to  be  cast  away,  and 
we  beganne  to  unlade  her,  and  put  victuals  into  the  Shalop, 
which  was  behind,  for  to  save  us  on  land  :  but  being  no  full 
Sea,  the  Barke  came  aflote  within  an  houre.  All  this  Sea  is 
a  Land  overflowed,  as  that  of  Mount  Saint  Michaels,  a  sandy 
ground  in  which  all  that  resteth  is  a  plaine  flat  Countrey  as 
farre  as  the  Mountaines,  which  are  seene  fifteene  leagues  off 
from  that  place.  And  I  am  of  opinion  that  as  farre  as  Vir- 
ginia it  is  all  alike.  Moreover,  there  is  here  great  quantity  of 
Grapes,  as  before,  and  a  Countrey  very  full  of  people.  Mon- 
sieur de  Monts,  being  come  to  Malebarre  in  an  other  season  of 
the  yeare,  gathered  onely  greene  Grapes ;  which  he  made  to  be 
preserved,  and  brought  some  to  the  King.  But  it  was  our  good 
hap  to  come  thither  in  October,  for  to  see  the  maturity  thereof 
I  have  here  before  shewed  the  difficulty  that  is  found  in 
entering  into  Malebarre.  This  is  the  cause  why  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt  came  not  in  with  his  Barke,  but  went  thither  with  a 
Shallop  onely,  which  thirty  or  forty  Savages  did  helpe  to  draw 
in  ;  and  when  it  was  full  tide  (but  the  tide  doth  not  mount 
here  but  two  fathams  high,  which  is  seldome  seene)  he  went 
out,  and  retired  himselfe  into  his  said  Barke,  to  passe  further 
in  the  morning,  as  soone  as  he  should  ordaine  it. 


267 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 
Chapter  XV. 

Dangers  :  Unknown  language  :  Building  of  a  forge  and  an  oven  :  A  cross 
set  up  :  Abundance  :  Conspiracy  :  Disobedience  :  A  murder  :  Attack  of 
three  hundred  upon  ten  :  Agility  of  the  Armouchiquois :  Prophecies  of  our 
day:  Barbin :  The  Marquis  d'Ancre:  Accident  from  a  burst  musket: 
Insolence,  fear,  ungodliness,  flight  of  savages  :  Port  Fortune :  Rough  sea  : 
Vengeance  :  Council  held  :  Resolution  to  return  to  France  :  New  perils : 
Favors  from  God  :  Arrival  of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  at  Port  Royal  : 
Reception  given  him. 

The  night  beginning  to  give  place  ta  the  dawning  of  the 
day,  the  sailes  are  hoised  up,  but  it  was  a  very  perilous  navi- 
gation. For  with  this  small  Vessell  of  only  18  tons  they  were 
forced  to  coast  the  land,  where  they  found  no  depth  :  going 
backe  to  Sea  it  was  yet  worse;  in  such  wise  that  they  did  strike 
twice  or  thrice,  being  lifted  off  againe  onely  by  the  waves, 
and  the  rudder  was  broken,  which  was  a  dreadfull  thing.  In 
this  extremity  they  were  constrained  to  cast  anker  in  the  Sea, 
at  two  fathams  deepe,  and  three  leagues  off  from  the  land. 
Which  being  done,  Daniel  Hay  (a  man  which  taketh  pleasure 
in  shewing  forth  his  vertue  in  the  perils  of  the  Sea)  was  sent 
by  Sieur  de  Poutrincourt  towards  the  Coast  to  view  it,  and  see 
if  there  were  any  Port.  And  as  he  was  neere  land  he  saw  a 
Savage,  which  did  dance,  singing,  yo,  yo,  yo ;  he  called  to  him 
to  come  neerer,  and  by  signes  asked  him  if  there  was  any  place 
to  retire  Ships  in,  and  where  any  fresh  water  was.  The  Savage 
having  made  signe  there  was,  hee  tooke  him  into  his  Shallop, 
and  brought  him  to  the  Barke,  wherein  was  Chkoudun,  Captaine 
of  the  River  of  Oigoudi,  otherwise  Saint  Johns  River;  who  be- 
ing brought  before  this  Savage,  he  understood  him  no  more 
than  did  our  owne  people  :  true  it  is,  that  by  signs  he  compre- 
hended better  than  they  what  he  would  say.  This  Savage 
shewed  the  places  where  no  depth  was,  and  where  was  any,  and 
did  so  well  indenting  and  winding  here  and  there,  alway  the  lead 
in  hand,  that  in  the  end  they  came  to  the  Port  shewed  by  him, 

268 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/lRBCrT 

where  small  depth  is;  wherein  the  Barke  being  arrived,  diligence 
was  used  to  make  a  forge  for  to  mend  her  with  her  rudder,  and 
an  Oven  to  bake  Bread,  because  there  was  no  more  Bisket  left. 

Fifteene  dayes  were  imployed  in  this  worke,  during  the 
which  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  according  to  the  laudable 
custome  of  Christians,  made  a  Crosse  to  be  framed  and  set  up 
on  a  greene  Banke,  as  Monsieur  du  Monts  had  done  two 
yeeres  before  at  Kinibeki  and  Malebarre.  Now  among  these 
exhausting  labors  they  gave  not  over  making  good  cheere,  with 
that  which  both  the  Sea  and  Land  might  furnish  in  that  region. 
For  in  this  Port  is  plenty  of  Fowle,  in  taking  of  which  many 
of  our  men  applied  themselves :  especially  the  Sea  Larkes  are 
there  in  so  great  flights  that  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  killed 
eight  and  twenty  of  them  with  one  Caliver  shot.  As  for  fishes, 
there  be  such  abundance  of  Porpeses,  and  another  kinde  of  fish, 
called  by  Frenchmen  Souffleurs  [that  is  to  say^  Blowers)^  that 
the  Sea  seemes  to  be  covered  all  over  with  them.  But  they  had 
not  the  things  necessary  for  this  kinde  of  fishing.  They  con- 
tented themselves  then  with  shel-fish,  as  of  Oysters,  Skalops, 
Periwincles,  whereof  there  was  enough.  The  Savages  on  the 
other  hand  did  bring  fish,  and  Grapes  within  baskets  made  of 
rushes,  for  exchange  with  some  of  our  wares. 

[Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  admiring  the  splendid  grapes, 
commanded  his  servant  to  load  into  his  boat  a  bundle  of  the 
vines  that  produced  them.  Master  Louis  Hebert,  our  apothe- 
cary, wishing  to  live  in  that  country,  had  also  uprooted  a  great 
quantity  of  them  intending  to  plant  them  at  Port  Royal,  where 
no  grapes  are  found  although  the  soil  there  is  well  adapted 
to  vine  growing.  Nevertheless  (by  a  stupid  oversight)  these 
orders  were  not  performed,  to  the  great  displeasure  of  the  Sieur 
and  of  us  all.] 

After  certaine  dayes,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
seeing  there  great  assembly  of  Savages,  came  ashoare,  and  to 
give  them  some  terrour,  made  to  march  before  him  one  of  his 

269 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEIV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

men,  flourishing  with  two  naked  swords  and  making  a  great 
sword-play.  Whereat  they  much  wondred,  but  yet  much 
more  when  they  saw  that  our  Muskets  did  pierce  thicke  peeces 
of  wood,  where  their  Arrows  could  not  so  much  as  scratch. 
And  therefore  they  never  assailed  our  men,  as  long  as  they 
kept  watch.  And  it'  had  been  good  to  sound  the  Trumpet  at 
every  houres  end,  as  Captaine  James  Quartier  did.  For  (as 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  doth  often  sav)  one  must  never  lay 
bait  for  theeves ;  meaning,  that  one  must  never  give  cause  to 
any  enemy  to  thinke  that  he  may  surprise  you  :  But  one  must 
alwayes  shew  that  he  is  mistrusted,  and  that  you  are  not 
asleepe,  chiefly  when  one  hath  to  doe  with  Savages,  which  will 
never  set  upon  him  that  resolutely  expects  them. 

[Those  who  did  not  heed  these  instructions  paid  dearly  for 
their  rashness,  as  we  shall  recount. 

At  the  end  of  fifteen  days  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  having 
completed  the  repairing  of  his  boat  and  seeing  that  there 
remained  but  one  ovenful  of  bread  to  finish,  started  out  to 
reconnoiter  the  country  for  a  distance  of  about  three  leagues  to 
see  whether  he  could  discover  anything  unusual.  Upon  his 
return  he  and  his  companions  observed  natives  fleeing  among 
the  trees  in  groups  of  twenty,  thirty  or  more  —  some  crouch- 
ing as  they  ran  like  people  who  wish  to  be  concealed ;  others 
squatting  in  the  bushes,  so  as  not  to  be  seen ;  some  bearing 
their  belongings  and  their  canoes  full  of  wheat,  as  if  about  to 
emigrate,  the  women  carrying  their  children  and  as  much  of 
their  possessions  as  they  could.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
knew  at  once  that  some  deviltry  was  on  foot.  As  soon  as  he 
reached  the  landing-place,  he  commanded  the  men  engaged  in 
baking  the  bread  to  withdraw  to  the  boat.  But  as  young  folks 
are  often  heedless  of  their  duty,  so  these  preferred  providing 
for  their  appetites  rather  than  to  obey  commands.  They  let 
themselves  be  tempted  by  the  prospect  of  their  cakes  and  tarts, 
and  when  night  fell  they  had  not  come  on  the  boat. 

270 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOT 

At  midnight  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  thinking  of  what 
had  happened  during  the  day,  called  out  to  know  if  they  were 
all  aboard.  Hearing  that  they  were  not,  he  sent  out  the 
shallop  to  bring  them.  But  they  were  unwilling  to  hearken, 
save  only  his  valet,  who  was  afraid  of  being  beaten.  They 
were  five  men  and  were  armed  with  swords  and  muskets  which 
they  had  been  warned  to  keep  always  ready.  Nevertheless,  so 
devoted  to  their  own  pleasure  were  they  that  they  kept  no 
watch  whatever.  It  was  said  that  some  time  before  they  had 
twice  shot  at  the  natives  because  one  of  them  had  stolen  an 
axe.  At  all  events  the  savages,  whether  angered  by  that  deed 
or  simply  out  of  pure  deviltry,  at  dawn  stole  up  silently  (which 
is  an  easy  matter  for  them,  having  no  horses,  vehicles,  or 
sabots)  to  the  place  where  our  men  lay  sleeping  and,  seeing  the 
opportunity  was  good  for  an  attack,  fell  upon  them  with  arrows 
and  clubs.  Two  of  our  men  were  killed,  and  the  rest,  wounded, 
fled  to  the  shore  shouting  for  help.  The  sentinel  in  the  boat 
cried  out  in  terror,  "To  arms!  They  kill  our  men!"  At  this 
call  every  one  jumped  out  of  bed  and  flew  to  the  shallop  with- 
out waiting  to  dress  or  light  tinder.  Ten  men  jumped  into  the 
shallop,  among  whom  I  now  recall  Monsieur  Champlain,  Robert 
Grave,  son  of  Monsieur  du  Pont,  Daniel  Hay,  the  ship's  sur- 
geon, the  apothecary,  and  the  trumpeter.  All  of  these  followed 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who  had  with  him  his  son,  and  all, 
naked  as  they  were,  leaped  on  land.  But  the  natives  fled  at 
full  speed,  more  than  three  hundred  of  them,  not  including 
those  hidden  In  the  bushes  (as  Is  their  manner  of  warfare),  who 
did  not  show  themselves  at  all.  It  was  an  Instance  of  the  terror 
God's  people  can  Inspire  In  the  breasts  of  Infidels  according  to 
his  word  to  his  chosen  people :  "  There  shall  no  man  be  able 
to  stand  before  you;  for  the  Lord  your  God  shall  lay  the  fear 
of  you  and  the  dread  of  you  upon  all  the  land  that  ye  shall 
tread  upon,  as  he  hath  said  unto  you." '    And  we  know  that  a 

^   Deut.,  chap,  xi,  25. 

271 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLANB  COASTS 

hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  Midianites  fell  upon  each 
other  and  then  fled  before  Gideon  and  his  three  hundred  men.' 

It  was  useless  to  think  of  pursuing  these  light  footed  natives. 
With  horses  they  would  be  an  easy  prey,  for  there  are  many 
by-paths  leading  from  one  place  to  another  (such  as  we  do  not 
have  at  Port  Royal)  and  there  are  open  woods  and  level 
stretches  of  country  where  they  have  their  cabins  in  the  midst 
of  their  fields. 

While  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  was  landing,  the  men  in 
the  boat  fired  with  the  small  cannon  on  some  savages  who 
showed  themselves  on  a  knoll,  and  several  were  seen  to  fall. 
But  they  are  so  skillful  in  carrying  off  their  dead  that  it  is 
only  possible  to  guess  about  it.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt, 
perceiving  that  pursuit  would  be  fruitless,  ordered  cofiins  to  be 
made  for  the  interment  of  those  who  were  killed,  who  were,  as 
I  said,  two  in  number;  but  a  third  died  on  the  shore  while 
attempting  to  save  himself,  and  a  fourth  later  at  Port  Royal 
died  from  his  arrow  wounds.  A  fifth  who  was  pierced  in  the 
breast  with  an  arrow  was  saved,  but  it  would  have  been  better 
for  all  concerned  had  he  died  also,  for  we  have  recently  heard 
that  he  has  been  hung  as  the  ringleader  of  a  conspiracy  against 
Champlain  at  the  settlement  which  the  Sieur  de  Monts  founded 
at  Quebec,  upon  the  great  river  of  Canada. 

This  disaster  was  due  to  the  folly  and  disobedience  of  one 
man  (whom  I  will  not  name,  since  he  died  on  account  of  it). 
This  fellow  played  the  braggart  [faisoit  le  coq)  among  the 
younger  people  of  the  company,  who  confided  in  him  too 
much.  Otherwise  he  was  a  fairly  good  fellow.  Because  an 
attempt  was  made  to  prevent  him  from  getting  tipsy  he  had 
sworn  (according  to  his  custom)  that  he  would  not  return  to 
the  boat  at  all ;  which  in  fact  he  did  not  do,  for  he  was  found 
dead,  face  downward  on  the  ground,  a  little  dog  on  his  back, 
both  stitched  together  and  pierced   by  the  same  arrow. 

'   Judges,  chap.  vii. 

272 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

By  this  prophecy  I  am  reminded  of  two  others  of  the  same 
sort  that  contributed  to  the  safety  of  France  on  Saint  Mark's 
Eve  in  the  year  1617.  They  concern  the  Marquis  d'Ancre 
and  seem  to  have  been  overlooked  by  those  who  have  written 
about  his  death. 

The  first  relates  to  Barbin,  who  was  made  Controller-General 
of  Finance  in  place  of  Monsieur  le  President  Jeannin,  who  was 
too  good  a  Frenchman  to  keep  the  place.  Monsieur  Barbin, 
who  saw  three  or  four  Princes  and  certain  Lords,  solitary  and 
feeble,  stand  out  against  the  tyranny  that  the  Marquis  d'Ancre' 
imposed  in  the  name  of  the  King,  prophesied  that  they  could 
not  hold  out  later  than  the  end  of  May,  and  that  then  these 
Princes  and  Lords  (who  were  sacrificing  themselves  for  their 
fatherland)  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  struggle.  His 
prediction  had  every  appearance  of  coming  true.  But  God  in 
His  justice  intervened,  and  beyond  all  expectation  strengthened 
the  courage  and  will  of  that  young  Royal  Prince  so  that  as  by 
a  whirlwind  this  haughty  power,  which  seemed  to  show  how 
high  Fortune  can  lift  a  man,  was  prostrated  in  the  dust  and 
completely  wrecked  by  the  death  of  that  ambitious  man  too 
drunk  with  the  favors  that  he  merited  not. 

The  other  prophecy  concerns  this  same  Marquis  d'Ancre. 
On  his  last  journey  to  Paris  he  stopped  at  Ecoui,  seven  leagues 
distant  from  Rouen.  There  a  woman  servant  of  "  L'Epee 
Royale,"  the  inn  where  he  was  lodged,  complained  to  him  that 
the  war  cost  them  dear  and  sent  them  no  lodgers.  As  he  left, 
he  said  to  her,  "  My  good  woman,  I  am  going  to  Paris.  If  I 
return  we  will  have  war,  if  I  do  not  we  will  have  peace " ; 
which  happened,  but  not  in  the  way  he  intended;  for  surely 
he   did   not  expect   to   die   so   soon.    His  greatly  desired   and 

^  Concini,  Marshal  d'Ancre,  a  Florentine  favorite  of  Mary  de  Medici,  wife 
of  Henry  IV,  and  supreme  in  France  for  seven  years  after  Henry's  murder.  He 
was  killed  in  1617  by  the  order  of  young  Louis  XIII,  who  in  so  doing  took  the 
control  of  the  State  into  his  own  hands  with  the  help  of  his  new  favorite,  the 
Due  de  Luynes. 

273 


VOYAGES  ro  rHE  NEH^  ENGLAND  COASTS 

most  necessary  death  brought  to  us  peace  at  once,  rescued  the 
good  and  patriotic  Princes  from  utter  ruin,  and  saved  the  King 
and  all  the  Royal  House,  whose  power  and  existence  were 
hanging  by  a  thread  which  seemed  destined  to  be  speedily  cut 
by  that  accursed  foreigner. 

Therefore  many  make  prophecies  ofttimes  against  their  own 
idea  and  intention.  A  notorious  instance  of  which,  in  sacred 
history,  is  the  story  of  Baalam. 

But  to  return  to  our  Armouchiquois. 

In  this  unfortunate  affair  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt's  son 
had  three  fingers  torn  off  by  a  musket  that  burst  from  having 
been  too  fully  charged.  This  added  another  grief  to  the  already 
afflicted  company.  Nevertheless  they  did  their  duty  by  their 
dead,  burying  them  at  the  foot  of  the  cross  that  I  have  before 
mentioned.  But  the  barbarians  showed  great  insolence  after  the 
murders  that  they  had  committed,  for  as  our  people  chanted 
above  their  dead  the  funeral  prayers  and  hymns  prescribed  by 
the  church,  those  rascals  danced  and  howled  in  the  distance 
exulting  over  their  treachery.  Though  they  were  in  great 
number,  they  dared  not  attack  our  men.  These  rites  ended, 
and  the  sea  being  at  low-tide,  our  men  went  again  aboard  the 
boat  where  Monsieur  Champ-dore  had  remained  on  guard. 
Now  these  evil  savages  waited  until  the  tide  was  too  low  for 
our  men  to  come  to  land  again  and  then  returned  to  the  scene 
of  their  murders.  They  tore  down  the  cross,  unearthed  one  of 
our  dead,  and  taking  off  his  shirt  dressed  one  of  their  number 
in  it  and  displayed  the  booty  which  they  had  carried  off. 
Meantime  some  turned  their  backs  upon  our  ship  and,  mock- 
ing, scooped  up  sand  and  threw  it  at  our  boat  from  between 
their  buttocks,  howling  all  the  while  like  wolves.  Our  men 
were  in  a  fine  fury  and  fired  upon  them  from  the  cannon  ;  but 
the  distance  was  great,  and,  too,  they  employ  always  their  ruse 
of  throwing  themselves  on  the  ground  when  we  fire  so  we 
never  know  whether  or  not  they  are  wounded. 

274 


FREJSCII  EXPLORERS:    LESCJRBOr 

There  was  nothing  to  do  but  drink  this  bitter  cup  and  await 
full  tide.  When  it  came  and  the  savages  saw  our  men  getting 
into  the  shallop  they  fled  like  hares,  relying  upon  their  nimble- 
ness.  A  Sagamos  named  Chkoudun,  of  whom  I  have  before 
spoken,  was  among  our  men  all  this  while.  He  was  greatly 
angered  and  wished  to  go  out  alone  and  fight  the  whole  multi- 
tude, but  of  course  was  not  permitted  to  do  so.  Our  men 
raised  up  the  cross  with  reverence,  and  buried  again  the  dead 
body  which  had  been  disinterred. 

And  this  was  the  port  named  "  Port  Fortune." 

The  next  day  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  hoisted  sail  intend- 
ing to  start  out  to  seek  new  lands ;  but  contrary  winds  forced 
him  to  put  back.  The  following  day  he  had  no  better  success, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  remain  quiet  until  the  wind  was  favor- 
able. 

During  this  delay  the  natives  (thinking,  I  suppose,  that 
what  had  happened  was  only  sport)  came  back  attempting  this 
time  to  be  friendly  and  offering  to  trade,  pretending  it  was  not 
they,  but  others,  who  had  attacked  our  men.  They  evidently 
knew  not  the  wise  fable  of  the  stork  who  found  herself  among 
the  cranes  caught  in  the  act  of  crime,  and  who  therefore  was 
punished  with  them  in  spite  of  all  her  arguments  to  prove  that 
instead  of  doing  evil  she  wrought  good  by  purging  the  earth 
of  the  serpents  she  ate. 

Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  allowed  the  savages  to  approach 
as  if  he  was  willing  to  trade.  They  brought  tobacco,  chains, 
collars  and  bracelets  made  of  periwinkle  shells  (called  "  Esurgni " 
in  the  narrative  of  Jacques  Qiiartier's  second  voyage)  highly 
esteemed  among  them ;  wheat,  beans,  bows,  arrows,  quivers 
and  trifling  trinkets.  And  as  the  acquaintance  was  renewed, 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  ordered  nine  or  ten  men  to  arrange 
the  laces  or  straps  of  their  muskets  in  the  form  of  a  lasso,  and 
when  he  should  give  the  signal  throw  each  man  his  cord  over 
the  head  of  the  savage  with  whom  he  was  speaking,  and  to  grip 

275 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

it  as  the  executioner  holds  his  victim.  He  ordered  half  the 
company  to  land,  the  others  to  engage  the  natives  in  trading 
about  the  shallop.  This  plan  was  carried  out,  but,  unfortun- 
ately, too  precipitately  and  with  no  great  success.  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt  hoped  to  take  them  prisoners  so  as  to  be  able  to 
employ  them  to  turn  the  hand  mills  and  to  cut  wood.  Never- 
theless six  or  seven  who  could  not  run  in  water  as  well  as  on 
land  were  cut  down  and  hacked  to  pieces,  escape  being  impos- 
sible because  of  those  of  the  company  waiting  for  them  on  land. 
The  forementioned  native,  Chkoudun,  was  bringing  one  of  the 
heads  of  these  people,  but  chanced  to  lose  it  in  the  water.  He 
grieved  so  sorely  over  this  that  he  wept  hot  tears. 

The  next  day  an  attempt  was  made  to  depart  notwithstand- 
ing a  contrary  wind.  Little  progress  was  made.  An  island  six 
or  seven  leagues  in  length  was  seen  and  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
made  to  reach  it.    They  called  it  "T  Isle  Douteuse." 

Considering  all  this,  and  also  the  fear  that  provisions  would 
fail,  that  approaching  winter  would  hinder  travel,  and,  besides, 
that  there  were  two  sick  men  whose  recovery  was  despaired  of,] 

Counsell  being  taken,  it  was  resolved  to  returne  into  Port 
Royall :  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  besides  all  this,  being  yet  in 
care  of  them  whom  he  had  left  there,  so  they  came  againe  for 
the  third  time  into  Port  Fortune,  where  no  Savage  was  seene. 
Upon  the  first  winde,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
weighed  anker  for  the  returne,  and  being  mindfull  of  the 
dangers  passed  he  sailed  in  open  Sea :  which  shortned  his  course, 
but  not  without  a  great  mischiefe  of  the  rudder,  which  was 
againe  broken ;  in  such  sort,  that  being  at  the  mercy  of  the 
weaves,  they  arrived  in  the  end,  as  well  as  they  could  amongst 
the  Hands  of  Norombega,  where  they  mended  it. 

[Leaving  this  place  they  came  to  Menane,  an  island  about 
six  leagues  long  between  Sainte  Croix  and  Port  Royal,  where 
they  again  waited  for  wind.  New  disasters  followed  their 
departure  from  this  point.     The  shallop,  which  was  attached  to 

276 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARtiirT 

the  boat,  was  dashed  by  a  wave  against  the  boat  with  such  force 
that  its  prow  smashed  into  the  rear  of  the  vessel  where  were 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  and  several  others.  Meantime, 
having  scarcely  made  the  entrance  of  the  passage  into  I^)rt 
Royal,  the  tide,  which  is  very  strong  in  that  place,  was  carrying 
them  towards  the  end  of  the  French  Bay  from  whence  it  would 
not  be  easy  to  emerge.  Thus  they  found  themselves  in  the 
greatest  danger  they  had  yet  known.  Attempting  to  turn 
about  in  their  course  they  were  carried  by  the  tide  and  the 
wind  toward  the  coast  which  here  has  high  rocks  and  precipices. 
In  doubling  one  menacing  point  they  thought  their  end  had 
come.  But  in  these  noble  enterprises  God  often  thus  proves 
the  courage  of  those  who  fight  for  his  name  to  see  if  their  faith 
cannot  be  shaken.  He  leads  them  ofttimes  to  the  very  gates 
of  hell,  i.e.,  to  the  very  doors  of  their  sepulchres,  yet  all  the 
while  holds  them  by  the  hand  that  they  fall  not  into  the  grave, 
as  is  written : 

"See  now  that  I,  even  I,  am  he,  and  there  is  no  God  besides 
me!  I  kill,  and  I  make  alive;  I  wound,  and  I  heal:  neither  is 
there  any  that  can  deliver  out  of  my  hand."  ' 

We  have  often  spoken  of  the  many  and  great  dangers 
encountered  on  this  voyage,  yet  never  was  a  single  man  lost  at 
sea,  as  so  often  happens  among  those  who  fish  for  cod  or  trade 
for  furs.  Just  as  we  were  on  the  point  of  returning  to  France 
four  fishermen  from  St.  Malo  were  engulfed  in  the  waters. 

God  wished  us  to  recognize  that  our  blessings  come  from 
Him,  so  he  manifested  His  glory  to  us  in  these  ways  to  the  end 
that  we  might  know  Him  as  Author  of  these  pious  expeditions 
that  are  not  undertaken  for  gain,  (nor  carried  on  by  the  unjust 
shedding  of  blood)  but  in  a  holy  zeal  to  establish  His  name 
and  His  greatness  among  the  peoples  who  know  Him  not. 
After  so  many  favors  from  heaven  those  who  received  them 
can   say   with   the    Psalmist-King   beloved  of  God:    "  Never- 

'  Deut.,  chap,  xxxii,  39. 

277 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

theless  I  am  continually  with  thee;  Thou  hast  holden  me  by 
my  right  hand.  Thou  shalt  guide  me  with  thy  counsel,  and 
afterward  receive  me  to  glory."  ' 

After  many  perils  (I  will  not  compare  them  to  those  of 
Ulysses  and  ^Eneas,  for  I  wish  not  to  stain  our  missionary 
voyages  with  such  pagan  associations)  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  arrived  at  Port  Royal  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  Novem- 
ber, where  we  received  him  joyfully  and  with  unusual  solemnity. 
For  because  we  had  awaited  him  with  exceeding  great  desire 
(the  more  because  if  any  evil  had  befallen  him  we  should  have 
found  ourselves  in  great  trouble),  I  ventured  to  express  the 
feeling  of  the  moment  in  a  bit  of  literary  mirthfulness.  And 
inasmuch  as  this  was  done  in  French  verse  made  in  a  hurry  I 
have  put  it  with  "  Les  Muses  de  la  Nouvelle  France,"  under 
the  title  "Theatre  de  Neptune,"  to  which  I  refer  my  reader. 

In  order  to  signalize  still  further  this  turning  point  in  our 
enterprise,  we  placed  over  the  door  of  the  fort  the  arms  of 
France  crowned  with  laurel  (which  grows  in  quantity  along  the 
edges  of  the  woods  here)  and  the  device  of  our  King,  Duo 
protegit  unus.  Beneath  them  we  put  the  arms  of  Monsieur  de 
Monts  with  this  inscription,  Dabit  Deus  his  quoque  jinem ;  and 
those  of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  with  Invia  virtuti  nulla  est 
via ;   both  of  these  also  wreathed  with  chaplets  of  laurel.] 


'  Ps.  Ixxiii,  23,  24. 

**Tu  m'as  tenu  la  dextre,  &  ton  sage  vouloir 
M'a  seurement  guide,  iusqu'a  me  faire  voir 
Mainte  honorable  grace 
En  cette  terre  basse." 

278 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

Chapter  XVL 

State  of  the  crops:  Institution  of  "i'Ordre  de  Bon-temps"  :  Behavior  of  the 
savages  among  the  Frenchmen  :  Kind  of  winter  :  Why  rain  and  fogs  are 
rare  in  this  season  :  Why  rains  are  frequent  in  Tropics  :  Snow  useful  for 
the  earth  :  Weather  in  January  :  Comparison  of  weather  in  Old  and  New 
France  :  Why  spring  is  late  here  :  Cultivation  of  gardens :  Results  from 
same  :  A  water-mill :  A  manna  of  fish  :  Preparation  for  the  return  :  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt's  invention  :  Admiration  of  the  savages  :  News  from 
France. 

The  publike  rejoicing  being  finished,  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  had  a  care  to  see  his  corne,  the  greatest  part  whereof  he 
had  sowed  two  leagues  off  from  our  Port,  by  the  River  L'Es- 
quelle ;  and  the  other  part  about  our  said  Port :  and  found  that 
which  was  first  sowen  very  forward,  but  not  the  last  that  had 
beene  sowed  the  sixth  and  tenth  days  of  November,  which  not- 
withstanding did  grow  under  the  Snow  during  Winter,  as  I 
have  noted  it  in  my  sowings.  It  would  be  a  tedious  thing  to 
particularise  all  that  was  done  amongst  us  during  Winter:  as  to 
tell  how  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  caused  many  times 
coales  to  be  made,  the  forge-coale  being  spent :  That  he  caused 
waies  to  be  made  thorow  the  woods  :  That  he  went  thorow  the 
Forrests  by  the  guide  of  the  Compasse,  and  other  things  of 
such  nature.  But  I  will  relate  that,  for  to  keepe  us  merry  and 
clenly  concerning  victuals,  there  was  an  order  established  at  the 
Table  of  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  which  was  named 
"  L'ordre  de  bon  temps,"  the  order  of  good  time  (or  the  order 
of  mirth)  at  first  invented  by  Monsieur  Champlein,  wherein 
they  (who  were  of  the  same  table)  were  every  one  at  his  turne 
and  day  (which  was  in  fifteene  dayes  once)  Steward  and  Caterer. 
Now  his  care  was  that  he  should  have  good  and  wirshipfull 
fare,  which  was  so  well  observed,  that  (although  the  Belly-gods 
of  these  parts  doe  often  reproach  unto  us  that  we  had  not  La 
Rue  aux  Ours  of  Paris  with  us)  we  have  ordinarily  had  there 
as  good  cheere  as  we  could  have  at  La  Rue  aux  Ours,  and  at 

279 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

farre  lesser  charges.  For  there  was  none,  but  (two  dayes  before 
his  turne  came)  was  careful!  to  goe  ahunting  or  fishing,  and 
brought  some  daintie  thing,  besides  that  which  was  of  our 
ordinary  allowance.  So  well,  that  at  breakfast  we  never  wanted 
some  modicum  or  other,  of  fish  or  flesh  :  and  at  the  repast  of 
dinners  or  suppers,  yet  lesse ;  for  it  was  the  great  banquet, 
where  the  Architriclin,  or  Governour  of  the  feast,  or  Steward 
(whom  the  Savages  doe  call  Atoctegis),  having  made  the 
Cooke  to  make  all  things  ready,  did  march  with  his  Napkin 
on  his  shoulder,  and  his  staffe  of  office  in  his  hand,  with  the 
colour  of  the  order  about  his  necke,  which  was  worth  above 
foure  crownes,  and  all  of  them  of  the  order  following  him, 
bearing  every  one  a  dish.  The  like  also  was  at  the  bringing  in 
of  the  Fruit,  but  not  with  so  great  a  traine.  And  at  night 
after  grace  was  said,  he  resigned  the  Collar  of  the  Order,  with 
a  cup  of  wine,  to  his  successor  in  that  charge,  and  they  dranke 
one  to  another.  I  have  heretofore  said  that  we  had  abundance 
of  Fowle,  as  Mallards,  Outards,  Geese  gray  and  white.  Par- 
tridges and  other  Birds:  Item,  of  Elans,  or  Stag-flesh,  of  Cari- 
bous or  Deere,  Bevers,  Otters,  Beares,  Rabbets,  Wilde-cats  or 
Leopards,  Nibaches,  and  such  like,  which  the  Savages  did  take, 
wherewith  we  made  as  good  dishes  of  meate,  as  in  the  Cookes 
shops  that  be  in  La  rue  aux  Ours,  Beare  Streete,  and  greater 
store:  for  of  all  meates  none  is  so  tender  as  Ellans  flesh  (where- 
of we  made  good  pasties)  nor  so  delicate  as  the  Beavers-taile. 
Yea,  we  have  had  sometimes  halfe  a  dosen  Sturgions  at  one 
clap,  which  the  Savages  did  bring  to  us,  part  whereof  we  did 
take,  paying  for  it,  and  the  rest  was  permitted  them  to  sell  pub- 
likely,  and  to  trucke  it  for  Bread,  whereof  our  people  had 
abundantly.  And  as  for  the  ordinary  meate  brought  out  of 
France,  that  was  distributed  equally,  as  much  to  the  least  as  to 
the  biggest.  And  the  like  with  Wine,  as  we  have  said.  In 
such  actions  we  had  alwayes  twenty  or  thirty  Savages,  men, 
women,  girls,  and  Boies  who  beheld  us  doing  our  offices.   Bread 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

was  given  them  gratis,  as  we  doe  here  to  the  poore.  But  as 
for  the  Sagamos  Membertou,  and  other  Sagamos  (when  they 
came  to  us)  they  sat  at  tabic  eating  and  drinking  as  we  did; 
and  wee  tooke  pleasure  in  seeing  them,  as  contrariwise  their 
absence  was  irksome  unto  us;  as  it  came  to  passe  three  or  foure 
times  that  all  went  away  to  the  places  where  they  knew  that 
game  and  Venison  was,  and  brought  one  of  our  men  with  them, 
who  lived  some  six  weekes  as  they  did  without  Salt,  without 
Bread,  and  without  Wine,  lying  on  the  ground  upon  skins,  and 
that  in  snowie  weather.  Moreover  they  had  greater  care  of 
him  (as  also  of  others  that  have  often  gone  with  them)  than  of 
themselves,  saying,  that  if  they  should  chance  to  dye,  it  would 
be  laid  to  their  charges  to  have  killed  them. 

[All  of  which  shows  that  we  were  not  imprisoned  on  an 
island  as,  for  example,  was  Monsieur  de  Villegagnon  in  Brazil. 
These  savage  people  love  the  Frenchmen  and  upon  necessity 
will  all  fly  to  arms  to  protect  them.] 

Such  government  as  we  have  spoken  of,  did  serve  us  for  pre- 
servatives against  the  Country  disease.  And  yet  foure  of  ours 
died  in  February  and  March,  of  them  who  were  of  a  fretfull 
condition  or  sluggish.  And  I  remember  I  observed  that  all  had 
their  lodgings  on  the  West  side,  and  looking  towards  the  wide 
open  Port,  which  is  almost  foure  leagues  long,  shaped  ovale- 
wise,  besides  they  had  all  of  them  ill  bedding.  [Because  of 
the  foregoing  sicknesses  and  of  the  departure  of  Monsieur  du 
Pont  as  was  described  above,  we  had  to  throw  away  the  rotten 
mattresses ;  and  those  who  left  with  Monsieur  du  Pont  took 
most  of  the  sheets  with  them,  claiming  them  as  their  own.  So 
several  of  our  number  fell  ill  with  sore  mouths  and  swollen 
legs,  like  those  afflicted  with  phthisic,  the  illness  God  sent 
upon  those  of  his  people  in  the  desert  who  fattened  themselves 
gluttonously  on  flesh,  not  being  content  with  that  food  which 
the  desert  furnished  them  by  the  command  of  the  Divine 
Benevolence.] 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

We  had  faire  weather  during  almost  all  the  Winter :  for 
neither  raines  nor  fogges  are  so  frequent  there  as  here,  whether 
it  be  at  Sea  or  on  the  land  :  The  reason  is,  because  the  Sun- 
beames,  by  the  long  distance,  have  not  the  force  to  raise  up 
vapours  from  the  ground  here  chiefly  in  a  Countrey  all  wooddy. 
But  in  Summer  it  doth,  both  from  the  Sea  and  the  Land,  when 
as  their  force  is  augmented,  and  those  vapors  are  dissolved 
suddenly  or  slowly,  according  as  one  approacheth  to  the 
Equinoctiall  line. 

[In  the  tropics  the  rain  is  always  abundant  both  on  land 
and  on  sea.  Especially  is  this  true  in  Peru  and  in  Mexico 
(more  so  than  in  Africa)  because  of  the  amount  of  moisture 
which  the  sun  draws  up  in  crossing  the  great  expanse  of  the 
ocean.  It  resolves  these  vapors  in  a  moment  by  the  great 
power  of  its  heat.  Near  Newfoundland  these  vapors  remain 
in  the  air  a  long  time  before  falling  as  rain  or  before  being 
scattered.  In  summer  there  is  more  rain  than  in  winter,  and 
on  the  sea  more  than  on  land.  On  land  the  morning  fogs 
disappear  at  about  eight  o'clock,  on  the  sea  they  last  two  and 
three  and  even  eight  days,  as  we  have  often  experienced.] 

While  we  are  talking  about  the  winter,  let  us  say  that  Raines 
are  in  that  season  rare.  The  Sunne  likewise  shineth  there  very 
faire  after  the  fall  of  Snowes,  which  we  have  had  seven  or  eight 
times,  but  it  is  easily  melted  in  open  places,  and  the  longest 
abiding  have  beene  in  February.  Howsoever  it  be,  the  Snow 
is  very  profitable  for  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  to  preserve  them 
against  the  frost,  and  to  serve  them  as  a  fur-gowne. 

[In  this  we  see  an  admirable  Providence  protecting  the  labor 
of  man  from  ruin.  As  the  Psalmist  says :  "  He  giveth  snow 
like  wool;  he  scattereth  the  hoar  frost  like  ashes.  He  casteth 
forth  his  ice  like  morsels;  who  can  stand  before  his  cold."]  ' 

'  Psalm  cxlvii,  i6.        "  II  donne  la  nege  chenue 

Comme  laine  a  tas  blanchissant, 
Et  comme  la  cendre  menue 
Repand  les  frimas  brouissans." 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

And  as  the  skie  is  seldome  covered  with  clouds  towards 
New-found-land  in  Winter  time,  so  are  there  morning  frosts, 
which  doe  increase  in  the  end  of  January,  February,  and  in  the 
beginning  of  March,  for  untill  the  very  time  of  January,  we 
kept  us  still  in  our  doublets:  And  I  remember  that  on  a  Sun- 
day, the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moneth,  in  the  afternoone,  wee 
sported  our  selves  singing  in  Musicke  upon  the  River  L'Ks- 
quelle,  and  in  the  same  moneth  wee  went  to  see  Corne  two 
leagues  off  from  our  Fort,  and  did  dine  merrily  in  the  Sun- 
shine: I  would  not  for  all  that  say  that  all  other  yeares 
were  like  unto  this.  For  as  that  Winter  was  as  milde  in  these 
parts,  these  last  Winters  of  the  yeares  1607,  1608,  have  beene 
the  hardest  that  ever  was  seene.  It  hath  also  beene  alike  in 
those  Countries,  in  such  sort  that  many  Savages  died  through  the 
rigour  of  the  weather,  as  in  these  our  parts  many  poore  people 
and  travellers  have  beene  killed  through  the  same  hardnesse 
of  Winter  weather.  But  I  will  say,  that  the  yeare  before  we 
were  in  New  France,  the  Winter  had  not  beene  so  hard,  as 
they  which  dwelt  there  before  us  have  testified  unto  me.  Let 
this  suffice  for  that  which  concerneth  the  Winter  season.  But 
I  am  not  yet  fully  satisfied  in  searching  the  cause,  why  in  one 
and  the  selfesame  parallel  the  season  is  in  those  parts  of  New 
France  more  slow  by  a  moneth  than  in  these  parts,  and  the 
leaves  appeare  not  upon  the  trees  but  towards  the  end  of  the 
moneth  of  May:  unlesse  wee  say  that  the  thicknesse  of  the 
wood  and  greatnesse  of  Forrests  doe  hinder  the  Sunne  from 
warming  of  the  ground:  Item,  that  the  Country  where  we  were 
is  joyning  to  the  Sea,  and  thereby  more  subject  to  cold.  [Peru 
for  the  same  reason  is  colder  than  parts  of  Africa.]  And  besides 
that,  the  land  having  never  beene  tilled  is  the  more  dampish, 
the  trees  and  plants  not  being  able  easily  to  draw  sap  from 
their  mother  the  earth.  In  recompence  whereof  the  Winter 
there  is  also  more  slow,  as  we  have  heretofore  spoken. 

The  cold  being  passed,  about  the  end  of  March  the  best 

283 


VOYAGES  ro  rHE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

disposed  amongst  us  strived  who  should  best  till  the  ground, 
and  make  Gardens,  to  sowe  in  them,  and  gather  fruits  thereof. 
Which  was  to  very  good  purpose,  for  wee  found  great  discom- 
modity in  the  Winter  for  want  of  Garden  hearbes.  When 
every  one  had  done  his  sowing,  it  was  a  marvellous  pleasure  in 
seeing  them  daily  grow  and  spring  up,  and  yet  greater  con- 
tentment to  use  thereof  so  abundantly  as  wee  did :  so  that  this 
beginning  of  good  hope  made  us  almost  forget  our  native 
Countrie,  and  especially  when  the  fish  began  to  haunt  fresh- 
water, and  came  abundantly  into  our  brookes,  in  such  innumer- 
able quantity  that  we  knew  not  what  to  doe  with  it.  [Seeing  this 
I  am  the  more  and  more  astonished  that  in  Florida,  where  they 
are  practically  without  winter,  the  colonists  ever  suffer  from  fam- 
ine, and  above  all  that  they  should  have  famine  in  April,  May 
and  June,  the  months  when  fish  cannot  be  lacking  there.] 

Whilest  some  laboured  on  the  ground.  Monsieur  de  Pou- 
trincourt  made  some  buildings  to  be  prepared,  for  to  lodge 
them  which  he  hoped  should  succeede  us.  And  considering 
how  troublesome  the  Hand-mill  was,  he  caused  a  Water-mill 
to  be  made,  which  caused  the  Savages  to  admire  much  at  it. 
For  indeede  it  is  an  invention  which  came  not  into  the  spirit 
of  men  from  the  first  ages.  After  that,  our  workmen  had 
much  rest,  for  the  most  part  of  them  did  almost  nothing.  But 
I  may  say  that  this  Mill,  by  the  diligence  of  our  Millers,  did 
furnish  us  with  three  times  more  Herrings  than  was  needefull 
unto  us  for  our  sustenance.  [At  high  tide  the  sea  came  up  to 
the  mill,  and  the  herrings  came  also,  to  sport  a  couple  of  hours 
in  fresh  water.  When  the  tide  went  out  they  went  with  it  and 
were  then  prey  for  our  men.]  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  made 
two  Hogsheads  full  of  them  to  be  salted,  and  one  hogshead  of 
Sardines,  or  Pilchers  to  bring  into  France  for  a  shew,  which 
were  left  in  our  returne  at  Saint   Maloes,  to  some  Merchants. 

Among  all  these  things  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
did  not  neglect  to  thinke  on  his  returne.    Which  was  the  part 

284 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LE^SCARHOr 

of  a  wise  man,  for  one  must  never  put  so  much  trust  in  mens 
promises,  but  one  must  consider  that  very  often  many  disasters 
doe  happen  to  them  in  a  small  moment  of  time.  And  there- 
fore, even  in  the  Moneth  of  Aprill,  he  made  two  Bark.es  to  be 
prepared,  a  great  one  and  a  small  one,  to  come  to  seeke  out 
French-ships  towards  Campseau,  or  New-found-land,  if  it  should 
happen  that  no  supply  should  come  unto  us.  But  the  Carpen- 
try-worke  being  finished,  one  onely  inconvenience  might  hinder 
us,  that  is,  we  had  no  Pitch  to  calke  our  Vessels.  This  (which 
was  the  chiefest  thing)  was  forgotten  at  our  departure  from 
Rochel.  In  this  important  necessitie,  the  said  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt  advised  himselfe  to  gather  in  the  woods  quantity 
of  the  gumme  issuing  from  Firre-trees.  Which  he  did  with 
much  labour,  going  thither  himselfe  most  often  with  a  boy  or 
two :  so  that  in  the  end  hee  got  some  hundred  pounds  weight 
of  it.  Now  after  these  labours,  it  was  not  yet  all,  for  it  was 
needefuU  to  melt  and  purifie  the  same,  which  was  a  necessary 
point  and  unknowne  to  our  ship-Master  Monsieur  de  Champ- 
dore,  and  to  his  Marriners,  for  as  much  as  that  the  Pitch  we 
have,  commeth  from  Norwege,  Suedland,  and  Danzick.  Never- 
thelesse  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  found  the  meanes 
to  draw  out  the  quintessence  of  these  Gummes  and  Firre-tree 
barkes :  and  caused  quantity  of  Brickes  to  be  made,  with  the 
which  he  made  an  open  furnace,  wherein  he  put  a  limbecke 
made  with  many  kettles,  joyned  one  in  the  other,  which  hee 
filled  with  those  gummes  and  barkes  :  Then  being  well  covered, 
fire  was  put  round  about  it,  by  whose  violence  the  gumme  en- 
closed within  the  lembecke  melted,  and  dropped  downe  into  a 
bason ;  but  it  was  needefull  to  be  verv  watchfull  at  it,  by  reason 
that  if  the  fire  had  taken  hold  of  the  Gumme,  all  had  beene 
lost.  That  was  admirable,  especially  in  a  man  that  never  saw 
any  made.  Whereof  the  Savages  being  astonied,  did  say  in 
words  borrowed  from  the  Basques,  Endia  chave  Normandia, 
that  is  to  say,  that  the  Normans  know  many  things.    Now  they 

285 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

call  all  Frenchmen  Normands,  except  the  Basques,  because  the 
most  part  of  fishermen  that  goe  afishing  there,  be  of  that 
Nation.  This  remedie  came  very  fitly  unto  us,  for  those  which 
came  to  seeke  us  were  fallen  into  the  same  want  that  we  were. 

[One  who  waits  and  expects  has  no  rest  nor  peace  until  the 
object  desired  arrives.  So  our  men  had  their  eyes  ever  fixed  on 
the  horizon  to  discover  an  approaching  vessel.  Many  times 
they  were  deceived,  thinking  that  they  heard  a  cannon-shot  or 
saw  the  sails  of  a  vessel.  Often  they  mistook  the  numerous 
native  boats  for  the  shallops  of  Frenchmen.  The  natives  passed 
in  great  numbers  these  days  on  their  way  to  the  Armouchiquois 
war,  about  which  we  shall  speak  in  the  following  book.  At 
last  our  hopes  were  fulfilled'  and  in  the  morning  of  Ascension 
Day  we  had  news  from  France.] 


Chapter  XVII. 

Arrival  of  the  French  :  Monsieur  de  Monts'  colony  disbanded  :  Reason  :  Greed 
of  those  who  rob  even  the  dead  :  Bonfires  in  celebration  of  the  birth  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  :  Departure  of  the  savages  for  war  :  The  chief  Membertou  : 
Voyages  along  the  coast  of  the  French  Bay  :  Sordid  trafficking  :  City  of 
Ouigoudi :  How  the  savages  go  on  long  journeys  :  Their  evil  intentions : 
Iron  mines :  Seals'  voices  :  Condition  of  the  Island  Sainte  Croix  :  Cham- 
plain's  error  :   Love  of  the  savages  for  their  children  :    Return  to  Port  Royal. 

The  Sunne  did  but  beginne  to  cheere  the  earth,  and  to  behold 
his  Mistris  with  an  amorous  aspect,  when  the  Sagamos  Mem- 
bertou (after  our  Prayers  solemnely  made  to  God,  and  the 
break-fast  distributed  to  the  people,  according  to  the  custome) 
came  to  give  us  advertisement  that  he  had  scene  a  sayle  upon 
the  Lake,  which  came  towards  our  Fort.  At  this  joyfull  newes 
every  one  went  out  to  see,  but  yet  none  was  found  that  had  so 
good  a  sight  as  he,  though  he  be  above  a  loo.  yeeres  old; 
neverthelesse  we  spied  very  soone  what  it  was.     [Monsieur  de 

'  (Enfin  on  cria  tant  Noe  qu'il  vint.) 

286 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESC/IRBOT 

Poutrincourt  in  all  haste  made  ready  the  small  boat  to  go  out 
to  meet  the  approaching  sail.  Monsieur  Champ-dore  and 
Daniel  Hay  set  forth  in  it.  I^rom  their  signals  wc  knew  it  was 
a  friendly  vessel  and  at  once  we  saluted  our  visitors  with  four 
cannon  and  a  dozen  small  guns.  They  also  failed  not  to  begin 
rejoicing;  they  discharged  their  artillery,  to  which  payment  was 
returned  with  interest.]  It  was  onely  a  small  Bark  under  the 
charge  of  a  young  man  of  Saint  Maloes,  named  Chevalier,  who 
beeing  arrived  at  the  Fort,  delivered  his  Letters  to  Monsieur 
de  Poutrincourt,  which  were  read  publikely.  They  did  write 
unto  him,  that  for  to  helpe  to  save  the  charges  of  the  Voy- 
age, the  ship  (being  yet  the  Jonas)  should  stay  at  Campseau 
Port,  there  to  fish  for  Cods,  by  reason  that  the  Merchants 
associate  with  Monsieur  de  Monts  knew  not  that  there  was  any 
fishing  farther  than  that  place :  Notwithstanding  if  it  were 
necessary  he  should  cause  the  ship  to  come  to  Port  Royall. 
Moreover,  that  the  grant  was  revoked,  because  that  contrary 
to  the  King  his  Edict,  the  Hollanders,  (who  owe  so  much 
to  France)  conducted  by  a  traiterous  Frenchman,  called  La 
Jeunesse,  had  the  yeere  before  taken  up  the  Bevers  and  other 
Furres,  of  the  great  River  of  Canada.  [This  dishonest  act 
had  turned  to  the  detriment  of  the  Society  and  they  feared  they 
would  be  unable  to  furnish  further  funds  for  the  expedition. 
The  privilege  to  trade  for  beaver  turs,  given  to  Monsieur  de 
Monts  for  ten  years,  was  now  withdrawn,  a  disaster  never 
dreampt  of.  For  this  reason  no  more  men  were  to  be  sent  out 
to  replace  us.  Our  joy  at  receiving  assurance  of  succor  was 
dampened  by  our  grief  at  the  thought  of  the  ruin  of  this 
beautiful  and  pious  enterprise.  So  many  hardships  endured,  so 
many  perils  met, —  for  nothing.  All  our  hopes  of  here  plant- 
ing the  name  of  God  and  the  Catholic  faith  vanished.]  Not- 
withstanding, after  that  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  had  a  long 
while  mused  hereupon,  he  said  that  although  he  should  have 
no  bodie  to  come  with  him  but  onely  his  family,  hee  would  not 

287 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

forsake  the  enterprize.  It  was  great  griefe  unto  us  to  abandon 
(without  hope  of  returne)  a  Land  that  had  produced  unto  us 
so  faire  Corne,  and  so  many  faire  adorned  Gardens.  All  that 
could  be  done  untill  that  time,  was  to  find  out  a  place  fit  to 
make  a  setled  dwelling,  and  a  Land  of  good  fertilitie.  And 
that  being  done,  it  was  great  want  of  courage  to  give  over  the 
enterprise,  for  another  yeare  being  passed,  the  necessitie  of 
maintayning  an  habitation  there  should  be  taken  away,  for  the 
Land  was  sufficient  to  yeeld  things  necessarie  for  life.  This 
was  the  cause  of  that  griefe  which  pierced  the  hearts  of  them 
which  were  desirous  to  see  the  Christian  Religion  established 
in  that  Countrey.  But  on  the  contrary,  Monsieur  de  Monts, 
and  his  associates,  reaping  no  benefit,  but  losse,  and  having  no 
helpe  from  the  King,  it  was  a  thing  which  they  could  not  doe 
but  with  much  difficultie  to  maintayne  an  habitation  in  those 
parts. 

Now  this  envie  for  the  Trade  of  Beavers  with  the  Savages, 
found  not  onely  place  in  the  Hollanders  hearts,  but  also  in 
French  Merchants,  in  such  sort  that  the  priviledge  which  had 
beene  given  to  the  said  Monsieur  de  Monts  for  ten  yeeres 
was  revoked.  The  unsatiable  avarice  of  men  is  a  strange  thing, 
which  have  no  regard  to  that  which  is  honest,  so  that  they  may 
rifle  and  catch  by  what  meanes  soever.  And  thereupon  I  will 
say  moreover,  that  there  have  beene  some  of  them  that  came 
to  that  Countrey  to  fetch  us  home,  that  wickedly  have  pre- 
sumed so  much  as  to  strip  the  dead,  and  steale  away  the 
Beavers,  which  those  poore  people  doe  put  for  their  last  bene- 
fit upon  them  whom  they  bury,  as  we  will  declare  more  at 
large  in  the  Booke  following.  A  thing  that  maketh  the  French 
name  to  be  odious,  and  worthy  disdaine  among  them  which 
have  no  such  sordid  qualitie  at  all,  [but  rather  hearts  noble 
and  generous.  It  is  their  custom  to  hold  all  in  common,  no 
man  having  any  thing  solely  his  own.  To  those  they  love  and 
honor  they  make  liberal  presents,  as  far  as  lies  in  their  means. 

288 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBO'T 

Besides  this  evil,  it  happened,  while  we  were  at  Campseau, 
that  the  savages  killed  him  who  had  made  known  to  our  men 
the  graves  of  their  dead.  I  am  reminded  here  of  Herodotus' 
account  of  King  Darius'  villainy  and  of  how  when  he  thought 
to  find  the  mother  on  the  nest  (as  the  saying  is),  that  is  to  say  : 
grand  treasure  in  the  tomb  of  Semiramis,  Queen  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, he  found  there  only  a  writing  which  rebuked  him 
sharply  for  his  greed  and  wickedness. 

To  return  to  our  sad  news  and  to  our  regrets  for  it.  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  asked  of  the  company  who  among  them 
would  be  willing  to  remain  there  one  year.  Eight  good  com- 
panions presented  themselves.  They  were  each  promised  a 
cask  of  wine  (of  that  which  remained  to  us)  and  wheat  in  suffi- 
cient quantity,  but  they  asked  besides  this  such  high  wages  that 
no  agreement  could  be  reached.  Nothing  remained  but  to  face 
the  return  to  France. 

Nevertheless  in  the  evening  we  built  bonfires  in  honor  of 
the  birth  of  Monseigneur  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  fired 
off  our  cannon  and  small  pieces  and  volleys  of  musketry, 
after  having  first  solemnly  chanted  the  Te  Deum.  The  mes- 
senger, Chevalier,  had  been  captain  of  the  vessel  now  at  Camp- 
seau, so  they  had  intrusted  him  with  a  great  stock  of  provisions 
for  us,  viz. :  six  sheep,  twenty-four  hens,  one  pound  pepper, 
twenty  pounds  rice,  the  same  number  pounds  raisins  and 
prunes,  one  thousand  pounds  of  almonds,  one  pound  nutmeg, 
a  quarter  pound  cinnamon,  a  half  pound  cloves,  two  pounds 
lemon  peel,  two  dozen  lemons  and  as  many  oranges,  a  ham 
from  Mayence,  six  other  hams,  a  cask  of  Gascon  wine,  one  of 
Spanish  wine,  a  barrel  of  salt  beef,  four  and  a  half  pots  olive 
oil,  one  jar  olives,  one  barrel  vinegar  and  two  loaves  of  sugar  — 
and  the  whole  lost  en  route  (down  the  throats  of  those  in- 
trusted to  bring  it).  I  mention  the  list  of  things  sent,  however, 
thinking  it  may  serve  as  a  guide  to  the  provisionment  of  some 
future  expedition. 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  chickens  and  sheep  died  during  the  voyage  (he  said), 
which  we  can  easily  believe.  We  wished,  however,  that  he  had 
brought  us  the  bones.  He  added  further  that  he  had  felt  sure 
in  any  event  we  were  all  dead.  Behold  the  foundation  of  the 
gluttonous  feasting !  Nevertheless  we  made  good  cheer  for 
Chevalier  and  his  men,  who  were  not  few  in  number,  and  not 
so  temperate  in  drinking  as  the  late  M.  le  Marquis  Pisani. 
They  were  well  pleased  to  stay  with  us.  On  their  boat  they  had 
had  for  some  time  only  well  watered  cider  to  drink. 

But  from  the  first  day  Chevalier  talked  of  departing  at  once. 
However  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  kept  him  in  hope  for  eight 
days,  then  seeing  he  was  quite  determined  upon  leaving.  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  helped  him  and  his  men  into  their  boat. 
He  had  detained  him  on  account  of  a  report  that  Chevalier 
had  declared  at  Campseau  that  he  would  hoist  sail  on  his  ship 
and  leave  us  in  the  lurch.] 

Fifteene  dayes  after,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  sent 
a  Barke  to  Campseau,  with  part  of  our  Workmen,  for  to 
beginne  to  pull  downe  the  house.  In  the  beginning  of  June  the 
Savages,  about  foure  hundred  in  number,  went  away  from  the 
dwelling  that  the  Sagamos  Membertou  had  newly  made,  in 
forme  of  a  Towne,  compassed  about  with  high  pales,  for  to  go 
to  warres  against  the  Armouchiquois,  which  was  at  Chouakoet 
some  eightie  leagues  distant  from  Port  Royall ;  from  whence 
they  returned  victorious,  [by  the  stratagems  that  I  have 
described  in  my  French  poem  about  this  war. 

The  savages  were  nearly  two  months  gathering  together. 
Membertou,  the  great  Sagamos,  had  sent  messengers  (his  two 
sons  Actandin  and  Actandinech)  to  them  during  and  before 
the  winter  giving  them   rendezvous   here. 

This  Sagamos  is  already  a  very  old  man.  He  saw  Jacques 
Quartier  in  this  country,  was  even  married  and  had  children 
at  that  time,  yet  now  he  looks  not  more  than  fifty  years  old. 
He  was  a  fierce  and  bloody  warrior  in  his  young  days  and  has 

290 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOr 

now  many  enemies.  They  say  it  is  for  that  reason  that  he  is 
very  pleased  to  be  friendly  with  the  French,  that  he  may  live 
in  more  security.  During  this  assembly  it  was  necessary  to 
make  him  many  presents  —  gifts  of  wheat  and  beans,  and  even 
a  barrel  of  wine  with  which  to  feast  his  friends.  For  he 
explained  to  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  "  I  am  the  Sagamos  of 
this  country.  It  is  known  that  I  am  friendly  to  you  and  to  all 
the  Normans  and  that  you  think  much  of  me,  and  it  would 
be  a  reproach  to  me  if  I  had  nothing  to  show  for  this  friend- 
ship." Meantime  another  chief  named  Chkoudun,  incited  by 
envy  or  some  other  feeling,  also  a  friend  of  the  French,  brought 
us  word  that  Membertou  was  secretly  plotting  against  us  and 
had  made  a  speech  to  that  effect.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
sent  at  once  for  Membertou,  thinking  to  frighten  him  and  to 
see  if  he  would  obey.  At  the  first  order,  he  came  immediately 
among  us  and  alone,  without  the  least  reluctance.  So  he  was 
given  some  of  the  wine  he  liked  so  much  (for  he  said  he  could 
sleep  so  well  after  drinking  it,  and  had  then  no  cares  or  fears), 
and  he  was  allowed  to  return  to  his  friends  in  peace. 

This  Membertou  told  us  that  he  wished  to  present  his  mine 
of  copper  to  our  King,  when  he  saw  that  we  prized  metals 
highly.  He  said  moreover  that  chiefs  must  always  be  honest 
and  liberal  with  one  another.  For  he  considered  himself  the 
equal  of  our  King  and  of  all  his  lieutenants,  and  often  styled 
himself  great  friend  and  brother  companion  of  Monsieur  de 
Poutrincourt.  This  equality  he  showed  by  joining  his  two 
index  fingers.  Although  his  offering  to  the  King  was  not  of 
great  value  yet  it  showed  his  good  feeling  and  it  must  be  prized 
as  if  it  were  most  precious.  The  King  of  Persia  once  accepted 
from  a  poor  peasant  a  handful  of  water  as  if  it  were  the  richest 
of  his  presents.  If  Membertou  had  had  more  he  would  have 
generously  offered  more.] 

Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  being  not  willing  to  depart  thence, 
untill  hee  had  scene  the  issue  of  his  expectation,  that  is  to  say, 

291 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

the  ripenesse  of  his  Corne,  hee  deliberated,  after  that  the 
Savages  were  gone  to  warres,  to  make  Voyages  along  the 
Coast.  And  because  Chevalier  was  desirous  to  gather  some 
Bevers,  he  sent  him  in  a  small  Barke  to  the  River  of  Saint 
John,  called  by  the  Savages,  Oiiigoudi,  and  to  the  He  Saint 
Croix:  And  he,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  went  in  a 
shallop  to  the  Copper  Myne.  I  was  of  the  said  Chevalier  his 
Voyage :  we  crossed  the  French  Bay  to  goe  to  the  said  River, 
where,  as  soone  as  wee  arrived,  halfe  a  doozen  Salmons  newly 
taken,  were  brought  to  us :  we  sojourned  there  foure  dayes, 
during  which  we  went  into  the  Cabins  of  Sagamos  Chkoudun, 
where  we  saw  some  eightie,  or  a  hundred  Savages,  all  naked 
except  their  privie  members,  which  were  a  making  Tabagy 
(that  is  to  say,  a  banquetting)  with  the  meale  that  the  said 
Chevalier  had  trucked  with  them  for  their  old  skinnes  full  of 
Lice,  [for  they  would  sell  only  the  skins  they  did  not  want 
themselves.  I  cannot  praise  this  sordid  trafficking.  But  the 
odor  of  gain  is  to  some  soft  and  sweet  no  matter  what  its 
source,  as  it  must  have  been  to  the  Emperor  Vespasian  when 
he  accepted  in  his  hand  the  tribute  from  the  public  urinals  of 
Rome. 

The  Sagamos  Chkoudun  wished  to  give  us,  while  we  were 
among  them,  the  pleasure  of  seeing  his  men  in  battle  array,  so 
he  made  them  to  pass  before  us  as  they  would  go  to  the  war, 
which  display  I  will  describe  in  another  book.] 

The  Towne  of  Oiiigoudi  (so  I  call  the  dwelling  of  the  said 
Chkoudun)  was  a  great  inclosure  upon  an  Hill,  compassed 
about  with  high  and  small  Trees,  tied  one  against  another,  and 
within  it  many  Cabins,  great  and  small,  one  of  which  was  as 
great  as  a  Market  Hall,  wherein  many  households  retired 
themselves :  And  as  for  the  same  where  they  made  their  Taba- 
gie  it  was  somewhat  lesse.  A  good  part  of  the  said  Savages 
were  of  Gachepe,'  which  is  the  beginning  of  the  great  River  of 

'  Gaspe. 

292 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LE.SCARBOT 

Canada;  and  they  told  us,  that  they  came  from  their  dwelHng 
thither  in  sixe  dayes,  which  made  me  much  to  marvell,  seeing 
the  distance  that  there  is  by  Sea,  but  they  shorten  very  much 
their  wayes,  and  make  great  Voyages  by  the  meanes  of  Lakes 
and  Rivers,  at  the  end  of  which  being  come,  in  carrying  their 
Canowes  three  or  foure  leagues,  they  get  to  other  Rivers  that 
have  a  contrary  course.  All  these  Savages  were  come  thither 
to  goe  to  the  warres  with  Membertou  against  the  Armouchi- 
quois.  [I  have  already  spoken  of  this  river  Ouigoudi  in  my 
account  of  Monsieur  de  Monts'  voyage.] 

When  we  returned  to  our  Barke,  which  was  at  the  comming 
in  of  the  Port,  halfe  a  league  off  from  thence,  sheltered  by  a 
causie  that  the  Sea  hath  made  there,  our  men  were  in  doubt, 
lest  some  mischance  should  happen  unto  us,  and  having  scene 
the  Savages  in  armes,  thought  it  had  beene  to  doe  us  some 
mischiefe,  which  had  beene  very  easie  for  we  were  but  two,  and 
therefore  they  were  very  glad  of  our  returne.  After  which,  the 
next  day  came  the  Wizard  or  Sooth-sayer  of  that  quarter,  cry- 
ing as  a  mad  man  towards  our  Barke.  Not  knowing  what  he 
meant,  hee  was  sent  for  in  a  Cock-boat  and  came  to  parley  with 
us,  telling  us  that  the  Armouchiquois  were  within  the  Woods, 
which  came  to  assaile  them,  and  that  they  had  killed  some  of 
their  folkes  that  were  a  hunting :  And  therefore  that  we  should 
come  a-land  to  assist  them.  Having  heard  this  discourse, 
which  according  to  our  judgement  tended  to  no  good,  we  told 
him  that  our  journies  were  limited,  and  our  victuals  also,  and 
that  it  was  behoovefull  for  us  to  be  gone.  Seeing  himselfe 
denied,  he  said  that  before  two  yeeres  were  come  about,  they 
would  either  kill  all  the  Normans,  or  that  the  Normans  should 
kill  them.  We  mocked  him  and  told  him  that  we  would  bring 
our  Barke  before  their  Fort  to  ransack  them  all :  but  we  did 
it  not,  for  we  went  away  that  day:  And  having  the  wind  con- 
trarie,  we  sheltred  ourselves  under  a  small  Hand,  where  we 
were  two  dayes  :   during  which,  some  went  a  shooting  at  Mal- 

293 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

lard  for  provision ;  others  attended  on  the  Cookerie :  And 
Captaine  Champdore  and  my  selfe,  went  along  the  Rockes  with 
Hammers  and  Chissels,  seeking  if  there  were  any  Mynes.  In 
doing  whereof  we  found  quantitie  of  Steele  among  the  Rockes, 
which  was  since  molten  by  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  who 
made  wedges  of  it,  and  it  was  found  very  fine  Steele,  whereof 
he  caused  a  Knife  to  be  made,  that  did  cut  as  a  Razor,  which  at 
our  returne  he  shewed  to  the  King. 

From  thence  we  went  in  three  dayes  to  the  He  Saint  Croix, 
being  often  contraried  with  the  winds.  And  because  we  had  a 
bad  conjecture  of  the  Savages,  which  we  did  see  in  great 
number  at  the  River  of  Saint  John,  and  that  the  troupe  that 
was  departed  from  Port  Royall  was  yet  at  Menane,  (an  He 
betweene  the  said  Port  Royall  and  Saint  Croix)  which  we 
would  not  trust,  we  kept  good  watch  in  the  night  time  :  At 
which  time  wee  did  often  heare  Scales  voyces,  which  were  very 
like  to  the  voice  of  Owles  :  A  thing  contrarie  to  the  opinion 
of  them  that  have  said  and  written  that  fishes  have  no  voice. 

Being  arrived  at  the  He  Saint  Croix,  we  found  there  the 
buildings  left  there  all  whole,  saving  that  the  Store-house  was 
uncovered  of  one  side.  Wee  found  there  yet  Sacke  in  the  bot- 
tome  of  a  Pipe,  whereof  we  dranke,  and  it  was  not  much  the 
worse.  As  for  Gardens,  wee  found  there  Coale-worts,'  Sorrell, 
Lettuces,  which  we  used  for  the  Kitchin.  Wee  made  there  also 
good  Pasties  of  Turtle  Doves,  which  are  very  plentifull  in  the 
Woods,  but  the  grasse  is  there  so  high  that  one  could  not  find 
them  when  they  were  killed  and  fallen  in  the  ground.  The 
Court  was  there,  full  of  whole  Caskes,  which  some  ill  disposed 
Mariners  did  burne  for  their  pleasures,  which  thing  when  I 
saw  I  did  abhorre,  and  I  did  judge  better  than  before  that  the 
Savages  were  (being  lesse  civilized)  more  humane  and  honester 
men  then  many  that  beare  the  Name  of  Christians,  having 
during  three   yeeres   spared   that   place,  wherein   they  had  not 

■  Cole-worts  =^  collards  ==:  cabbages. 

294 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

taken  so  much  as  a  piece  of  Wood,  nor  Salt,  which  was  there 
in  great  quantitie,  as  hard  as  a   Rocke. 

[1  do  not  know  tor  what  reason  Monsieur  Champlain,  in 
his  narrative  printed  in  1613,  says  that  I  went  no  farther  than 
Sainte  Croix,  inasmuch  as  I  have  never  said  the  contrary.  He 
seems  to  have  a  poor  memory  of  where  he  himself  went,  for  in 
one  place  (p.  151)  he  says  that  Sainte  Croix  is  distant  from 
Port  Royal  but  fourteen  leagues,  while  he  has  already  said 
(p.  95)  that  the  distance  is  twenty-five  leagues,  and  if  you  con- 
sult his  map  you  will  find  that  he  has  estimated  it  as  at  least 
forty.] 

Going  from  thence,  we  cast  Anchor  among  a  great  number 
of  confused  lies,  where  wee  heard  some  Savages,  and  wee  did 
call  to  make  them  come  to  us.  They  answered  us  with  the 
like  call.  Whereunto  one  of  ours  replied,  Ouen  Kirau  ?  that 
is  to  say.  What  are  yee?  they  would  not  discover  themselves. 
But  the  next  day  Oagimont,  the  Sagamos  of  this  River,  came 
to  us,  and  wee  knew  it  was  he  whom  we  heard.  Hee  did  pre- 
pare to  follow  Membertou  and  his  troupe  to  the  warres,  where 
he  was  grievously  wounded,  as  I  have  said  in  my  Verses  upon 
this  matter.  This  Oagimont  hath  a  Daughter  about  eleven 
yeeres  old,  who  is  very  comely,  which  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  desired  to  have,  and  hath  oftentimes  demanded  her  of 
him  to  give  her  to  the  Queene,  promising  him  that  he  should 
never  want  Corne,  nor  any  thing  else,  but  he  would  never  con- 
discend  thereto. 

Being  entred  into  our  Barke  he  accompanied  us,  untill  wee 
came  to  the  broad  Sea,  where  hee  put  himselfe  in  his  shallop 
to  returne  backe ;  and  for  us  we  bent  our  course  for  Port 
Royall  where  we  arrived  before  day,  but  we  were  before  our 
Fort  just  at  the  very  time  when  faire  Aurora  began  to  shew 
her  reddie  cheekes  upon  the  top  of  our  woodie  Hils ;  every 
bodie  was  yet  asleepe,  and  there  was  but  one  that  rose  up  by 
the  continuall  barking  of  Dogges;  but  wee  made  the  rest  soone 

295 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

to  awake,  by  Peaks  of  Musket-shots  and  Trumpets  sound. 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  was  but  the  day  before  arrived 
from  his  Voyage  to  the  Mynes,  whither  we  have  said  that  hee 
was  to  goe,  and  the  day  before  that,  was  the  Barke  arrived  that 
had  carried  part  of  our  Workmen  to  Campseau.  So  that  all 
being  assembled,  there  rested  nothing  more  then  to  prepare 
things  necessary  for  our  shipping.  And  in  this  businesse  our 
Water-Mill  did  us  very  good  service,  for  otherwise  there  had 
beene  no  meanes  to  prepare  Meale  enough  for  the  Voyage,  but 
in  the  end  wee  had  more  then  wee  had  need  of,  which  was  given 
to  the  Savages,  to  the  end  to  have  us  in  remembrance. 


Chapter  XVIII, 

Port  of  Campseau  :  Departure  from  Port  Royal  :  Fogs  lasting  eight  days  :  Rain- 
bow in  the  water  :  Port  Savalet  :  Tilhng  of  the  soil  honorable  occupation  : 
Regrets  of  the  savages  upon  the  departure  of  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt : 
Return  to  France  :  Voyage  to  Mont  Saint  Michel :  Fruits  from  New  France 
presented  to  the  King  :  Voyages  to  New  France  after  the  return  of  Mon- 
sieur de  Poutrincourt  :   Letter  to  the  Holy  Father  at  Rome. 

Upon  the  point  that  we  should  take  our  leave  of  Port 
Royall,  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  sent  his  men,  one  after 
another,  to  find  out  the  ship  at  Campseau,  which  is  a  Port 
being  betweene  seven  or  eight  Hands  where  ships  may  be 
sheltered  from  windes :  and  there  is  a  Bay  of  above  fifteene 
leagues  depth,  and  sixe  or  seven  leagues  broad,  the  said  place 
being  distant  from  Port  Royall  above  one  hundred  and  fiftie 
leagues. 

[We  had  one  large  boat,  two  small  ones  and  the  shallop. 
One  of  the  small  boats  went  ahead.  On  the  thirtieth  day  of 
July  the  two  others  followed.  I  was  in  the  large  boat  com- 
manded by  Champ-dore.  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  wished  so 
to  see  the  result  of  the  wheat  we  had  sown  that  he  would  wait 
for  its  maturity,  and  did  not  sail  until  eleven  days  later. 

296 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

The  first  day's  trip  took  us  as  far  as  the  strait  of  Port  Royal  ; 
the  second  day  out  a  dense  fog  overspread  the  sea  and  lasted 
for  eight  days.  In  that  time  we  had  ail  we  could  do  to  go  as 
far  as  Cape  Sable  which  we  did  not  see  at  all.  In  this  Cim- 
merian darkness  our  anchor  dragged  one  night  to  such  an  extent 
that  in  the  morning  we  found  ourselves  among  rocky  islands 
and  it  was  a  marvel  that  we  had  not  been  dashed  to  pieces.] 

For  victuals  wee  wanted  for  no  fish,  for  in  halfe  an  houres 
fishing  we  might  take  Cod  enough  for  to  feed  us  a  fortnight, 
and  of  the  fairest  and  fattest  that  ever  I  saw,  being  of  the 
colour  of  Carpes :  which  I  have  never  knowne  nor  noted, 
but  in  this  part  of  the  said  Cap  de  Sable ;  which  after  we 
had  passed,  the  tide  (which  is  swift  in  this  place)  brought  us 
in  short  time  as  farre  as  to  the  Port  De  La  Heve,  thinking 
that  wee  were  no  further  then  the  Port  de  Mouton.  There  we 
tarried  two  dayes,  and  in  the  very  same  Port  wee  saw  the  Cods 
bite  at  the  Hooke.  We  found  there  store  of  red  Gooseberries, 
and  a  Marcassite  of  Copper  Myne : '  we  also  made  there  some 
trucking  with  the  Savages  for  skinnes. 

From  thence  forward  we  had  wind  at  will,  and  during  that 
time  it  happened  once,  that  being  upon  the  hatches  I  cried  out 
to  our  Pilot  Monsieur  de  Champdore,  that  we  were  readie  to 
strike,  thinking  I  had  seene  the  bottome  of  the  Sea;  but  I  was 
deceived  by  the  Rain-bow  which  did  appeare  with  all  his 
colours  in  the  water,  procured  by  the  shadow  that  our  Boare- 
spright  sayle  did  make  over  the  same,  being  opposite  to  the 
Sunne  which,  assembling  his  beames  within  the  hollow^nesse  of 
the  same  sayle  (as  it  doth  within  the  Cloudes)  those  beames 
were  forced  to  make  a  reflection  in  the  water,  and  to  shew  forth 
this  wonder.  In  the  end  wee  arrived  within  foure  leagues  of 
Campseau,  at  a  Port  where  a  good  old  man  of  Saint  John  de 
Lus,  called  Captaine  Savalet,  received  us  with  all  the  kindnesse 
in  the  World.   And  for  as  much  as  this  Port  (which  is  little,  but 

'  Crystallized  iron  pyrites. 

297 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

very  faire)  hath  no  name,  I  have  qualified  it  in  my  Geographical 
Mappe,  with  the  name  of  Savalet.  This  good  honest  man  told 
us  that  the  same  Voyage  was  the  two  and  fortieth  Voyage  that 
he  had  made  into  these  parts,  and  neverthelesse  the  New- 
found-land-men doe  make  but  one  in  a  yeere.  He  was  marvel- 
lously pleased  with  his  fishing;  and  told  us  moreover  that  hee 
tooke  every  day  fiftie  Crownes  worth  of  fish,  and  that  his 
Voyage  would  bee  worth  one  thousand  pounds.  He  payed 
wages  to  sixteene  men,  and  his  vessell  was  of  eightie  tuns, 
which  could  carrie  looooo.  pounds  of  dry  fishes.  [He  said 
he  was  often  annoyed  by  the  natives  who  lived  thereabouts. 
They  would  come  very  familiarly  and  impudently  aboard  his 
boat  and  take  whatever  they  desired.  He  threatened  them 
often  with  our  coming,  saying  we  would  run  them  through  with 
our  swords  if  they  did  him  any  harm.  This  frightened  them 
somewhat  and  they  did  not  molest  him  as  much  as  they  other- 
wise would.  Nevertheless  every  time  that  fishermen  arrived 
with  their  shallops  full  of  fish  these  savages  boarded  their  boats 
and  chose  what  they  wished  from  among  the  fish,  and  they 
were  not  content  with  cod,  but  took  haddock,  bass  and  halibut, 
fish  worth  four  crowns  and  more  in  Paris.  These  fish  are  mar- 
velously  good  to  eat,  especially  when  like  these  they  are  large 
and  six  fingers  in  thickness.  To  have  prevented  this  insolence 
entirely  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  be  always  ready  armed, 
which  would  have  greatly  hindered  their  work.  Captain 
Savalet's  courtesy  was  extended  not  only  to  us  but  to  all  of 
our  men  who  passed  by  this  port,  which  was  on  the  way  in 
going  to  and  coming  from  Port  Royal.  There  were  some,  I 
regret  to  say,  who  accepted  his  hospitality  in  a  most  unbecoming 
manner,  who  conducted  themselves  (I  am  sorry  to  say),  as 
might  a  constable  towards  a  citizen.] 

Wee  were  foure  dayes  there  by  reason  of  the  contrary  wind. 
Then  came  we  to  Campseau,  where  we  tarried  for  the  other 
Barke  which  came  two  dayes  after  us.     And  as  for  Monsieur 

298 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBO'T 

dc  Poutrincourt,  as  soone  as  he  saw  that  the  Corne  might  be 
reaped,  he  pulled  up  some  Ric,  root  and  all,  for  to  shew  here 
the  beautie,  goodnesse  and  unmeasurable  height  of  the  same. 
Hee  also  made  gleanes  of  the  other  sorts  of  Seeds,  as  Wheat, 
Barley,  Oates,  Hempe,  and  others  for  the  same  purpose. 

[I  rejoice  in  the  thought  that  I  was  one  of  the  company  and 
one  of  the  first  to  cultivate  this  land.  And  it  pleases  me  the 
more  to  remember  that  our  ancient  father  Noah  —  great  king, 
great  priest  and  great  prophet — followed  the  trade  of  gardener 
and  vine-dresser.  Then  there  was  the  ancient  Roman  captain 
Serranus  who  was  found  sowing  his  field  when  he  was  sent  for 
to  lead  the  Roman  army;  and  Quintus  Cincinnatus  who, 
covered  with  dust,  with  head  and  belly  bare,  was  plowing  his 
four  acres  of  land  when  the  officer  of  the  Senate  brought  to 
him  his  official  appointment  as  Dictator.  Indeed  the  officer 
was  constrained  to  ask  Cincinnatus  to  cover  himself  before 
delivering  to   him  his  message.] 

Delighting  myselfe  in  this  exercise,  God  hath  blessed  my 
poore  labour,  and  I  have  had  in  my  Garden  as  faire  Wheate  as 
any  can  be  in  France,  whereof  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 
court  gave  unto  mee  a  gleane,  when  hee  came  to  the  said  Port 
of  Campseau,  [and  which  I  have  kept  (together  with  one  of 
rye)  these  ten  years.]  Hee  was  readie  to  depart  from  Port 
Royall,  when  Membertou  and  his  company  arrived,  victorious 
over  Armouchiquois.  [I  have  already  described  that  war  in 
French  verse,  and,  as  my  desire  is  to  abridge  rather  than 
lengthen  my  story,  I  will  not  here  repeat  the  account.]  At  the 
instant  request  of  the  said  Membertou  he  tarried  yet  one  day. 
But  it  was  pitious  to  see  at  his  departing  those  poore  people 
weepe,  who  had  beene  alwayes  kept  in  hope  that  some  of  ours 
should  alwayes  tarrie  with  them.  In  the  end  promise  was  made 
unto  them  that,  the  yeere  following,  households  and  families 
should  be  sent  thither,  wholly  to  inhabit  their  Land,  and  teach 
them  Trades  for  to  make  them  live  as  wee  doe,  which  promise 

299 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

did  somewhat  comfort  them.  There  was  left  remayning  ten 
Hogs-heads  of  Meale,  which  were  given  to  them,  with  the 
Corne  that  we  had  sowed,  and  the  possession  of  the  Manour  if 
they  would  use  it,  which  they  have  not  done.  For  they  cannot 
be  constant  in  one  place,  and  live  as  they  doe. 

The  eleventh  of  August  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt 
departed,  with  eight  in  his  companie,  from  the  said  Port  Royall, 
in  a  shallop  to  come  to  Campseau :  A  thing  marvellously 
dangerous  to  crosse  so  many  Bayes  and  Seas  in  so  small  a 
vessell,  laden  with  nine  persons,  with  victuals  necessarie  for  the 
Voyage,  and  reasonable  great  quantitie  of  other  stuffe.  Being 
arrived  at  the  Port  of  Captaine  Savalet,  he  received  them  all 
as  kindly  as  it  was  possible  for  him:  And  from  thence  they 
came  to  us,  to  the  said  Port  of  Campseau,  where  we  tarried 
yet  eight  dayes.  The  third  day  of  September,  we  weighed 
Anchors,  and  with  much  adoe  came  wee  from  among  the 
Rockes,  that  be  about  the  said  Campseau.  Which  our  Mari- 
ners did  with  two  shallops  that  did  carrie  their  Anchors  very 
farre  into  the  Sea,  for  to  uphold  our  ship,  to  the  end  she 
should  not  strike  against  the  Rockes.  Finally,  being  at  Sea, 
one  of  the  shallops  was  let  goe,  and  the  other  was  taken  into 
the  Jonas,  which  besides  our  lading,  did  carrie  looooo.  pounds 
of  fish,  as  well  drie  as  greene.  Wee  had  reasonable  good  wind 
untill  we  came  neere  to  the  Lands  of  Europe :  But  we  were 
not  over-cloyed  with  good  cheere,  because  (as  I  have  said)  they 
that  came  to  fetch  us,  presuming  we  were  dead,  did  cramme 
themselves  with  our  refreshing  commodities.  Our  Workemen 
dranke  no  more  Wine,  after  we  had  left  Port  Royall :  And  we 
had  but  small  portion  thereof,  because  that  which  did  over 
abound  with  us  was  drunke  merrily  in  the  company  of  them 
that  brought  us  newes  from  France.  The  sixe  and  twentieth  of 
September,  wee  had  sight  of  the  islands  of  Sorlingues,'  which 
bee  at  the  Lands  end  of  Cornewall  in  England ;  and,  the  eight 

'  The  Scilly  Isles. 

300 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARHOT 

and  twentieth,  thinking  to  come  to  Saint  Maloes,  [we  were 
constrained  to  stop  at  Roscoff  in  lower  Brittainy  where  we 
refreshed  ourselves  during  two  and  a  half  days.  We  had  with 
us  a  savage  whose  astonishment  was  great  upon  seeing  the 
buildings,  steeples,  and  windmills  of  France,  and  the  women 
too,  whom  he  had  never  seen  dressed  in  our  modes. 

From  Roscoff  a  good  wind  carried  us  to  Saint  Malo,  where 
we  rendered  thanks  to  God.  I  cannot  sufficiently  praise  our 
ship's  master,  Nicolas  Martin,  who  steered  us  so  dexterously 
and  with  such  watchful  prudence  among  the  hidden  treacherous 
rocks  that  lie  between  Cape  Onessant  and  Saint  Malo.  No 
less  praise  is  due  to  Captain  Foulques,  who  guided  us  against 
adverse  winds  to  an  unknown  land  where  we  have  attempted 
to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  New  France. 

We  remained  at  Saint  Malo  three  or  four  days  and  then 
Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  his  son  and  myself  went  on  to 
Mont  Saint  Michel  where  we  saw  the  sacred  relics,  including 
Saint  Michel's  shield.  We  were  told  that  the  Lord-Bishop  of 
Avranches  had  for  four  years  forbidden  its  exhibition. 

As  to  the  great  structure,  it  merits  to  be  called  the  eighth 
wonder  of  the  world,  so  grand  and  magnificent  it  is,  there  on 
that  rocky  point  in  the  midst  of  the  waves,  the  sea  being  at 
high  tide.  Some  say  that  the  sea  did  not  come  to  this  point 
when  the  stately  pile  was  built;  be  that  as  it  may,  I  maintain 
that  the  whole  structure  is  most  wonderful.  The  only  plaint  I 
will  admit  is  that  it  is  now  unused,  as  indeed  are  so  many 
superb  buildings,  even  the  abbeys  of  France.  I  would  that  by 
some  Archimedian  engine  they  could  be  transported  into  New 
France  to  be  there  better  employed  in  the  service  of  God  and 
our  King. 

Upon  our  return  from  Mont  Saint  Michel  we  went  to  see 
the  oyster  fisheries  at  Cancale;  from  there  to  Saint  Malo  where 
we  remained  eight  days  and  then  shipped  in  a  boat  for  Hon- 
fleur.     During  this  part  of  the  voyage   Monsieur  de  Poutrin- 

301 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

court's  experience  stood  us  in  good  stead.  Seeing  our  steersmen 
at  the  end  of  their  knowledge '  when  they  were  between  the 
islands  of  Jersey  and  Sark  (not  being  accustomed  to  this  route 
into  which  we  were  blown  by  east  and  southeast  winds  in 
dense  fogs  and  rain)  he  took  the  chart  and  the  helm  of  the 
boat  in  his  own  hands  and  steered  us  safely  past  the  Cape 
Raz-Blanchart,  a  dangerous  point  for  small  boats.  From  there 
we  easily  followed  the  coast  of  Normandy  to  Honfleur.  For 
which  eternal  praise  be  to  God.     Amen.] 

Being  at  Paris,  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  presented 
to  the  King  the  fruits  of  the  Land  from  whence  he  came,  and 
especially  the  Corne,  Wheate,  Rie,  Barley  and  Oates,  as  being 
the  most  precious  thing  that  may  be  brought  from  what 
Countrey  soever.  [It  would  have  been  seemly  to  consecrate 
these  first  fruits  to  God,  and  to  place  them  among  the  emblems 
of  victory  in  some  church.  Better  reason  had  we  for  doing  so 
than  had  the  early  Romans  to  present  the  first  fruits  of  their 
agriculture  to  their  rural  deities,  Terminus,  Seia  and  Segesta, 
by  the  hands  of  their  sacrificial  priests  of  the  fields,  a  priestly 
guild,  instituted  by  Romulus,  which  was  the  first  Order  of  New 
Rome  and  which  had  for  insignia  a  wreath  of  wheat-ears.] 

The  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  had  bred  tenne  Outards,'' 
taken  from  the  shell,  which  hee  thought  to  bring  all  into 
France,  but  five  of  them  were  lost,  and  the  other  five  he  gave 
to  the  King,  who  delighted  much  in  them ;  and  they  are  at 
Fontaine-bleau. 

[And  inasmuch  as  his  first  purpose  is  to  establish  the  Chris- 
tian religion  in  the  land  which  has  been  granted  to  him  by  His 
Majesty  and  to  convert  to  it  the  poor  savage  people,  who 
desire  nothing  else  than  to  imitate  us  in  every  good  work,  he 
has  determined  to  ask  for  the  blessing  of  the  Roman  Pope,  the 
first   Bishop  of  the   church,  in  a  letter  prepared   by  my  own 

"  Au  bout  de  leur  Latin. 
2  Wild  Geese. 

302 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

hand  at  the  time  when  I  began  this  history.  This  letter  was 
sent  to  His  Holiness  together  with  His  Majesty's  letters  in 
October,  1608.  As  it  relates  to  our  subject  it  seems  to  me  wise 
to  insert  it  here.] 

BEATISSIMO  DOMINO. 

Nostra  Papa  Pavlo  V^    Pontifici  Maximo. 

"OEATISSIME  Pater,  divinne  Veritatis,  et  verae  Divinitatis 
^^  oraculo  scimus  "  Kvangelium  regni  ccrlorum  pra^dicandum 
fore  in  universo  orbe  in  testimonium  omnibus  gentibus,  ante- 
quam  veniat  consummatio,"  Unde  (quoniam  in  suum  occasum 
ruit  mundus)  Deus  his  postremis  temporibus  recordatus  mise- 
ricordiie  sua^  suscitavit  homines  fidei  Christians  athletas  fortis- 
simos  utriusquc  militias  duces,  qui  zelo  propagandas  Religionis 
inflammati  per  multa  pericula  Christiani  nominis  gloriam  non 
solum  in  ultimas  terras,  sed  in  mundos  novos  (ut  ita  loquar) 
deportaverunt.    Res  ardua  quidem  :   Sed 

Invia  virtuti  nulla  est  via  .... 
inquit  Poeta  quidam  vetus.  Ego  Joannes  De  Biencour,  vulgo 
De  Poutrincour,  a  vitae  religionis  amator  &  assertor  perpetuus, 
vestras  Beatitudinis  servus  minimus,  pari  (ni  fallor)  animo 
ductus,  unus  ex  multis  devovi  me  pro  Christo  &  salute  popu- 
lorum  ac  silvestrium  (ut  vocant)  hominum  qui  Novs  Franciae 
novas  terras  incolunt :  eoque  nomine  jam  relinquo  populum 
meum,  &  domum  patris  mei,  uxoremque  &  liberos  periculorum 
meorum  consortes  facio,  memor  scilicet  quod  Abrahamus  pater 
credentium  idem  fecerit,  ignotamque  sibi  regionem  Deo  duce 
peragrarit,  quam  possessurus  esset  populus  de  femore  eius  veri 
Dei,  ver^eque  religionis  cultor.  Non  equidem  peto  terram  auro 
argentoque  beatam,  non  exteras  spoliare  gentes  mihi  est  in 
animo :  Sat  mihi  gratiae  Dei  (si  hanc  aliquo  modo  consequi 
possim)  terrccque  mihi  Regio  dono  concessae,  &  maris  annuus 
proventus,  dummodo   populos   lucrifaciam   Christo.     "  Messis 

303 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

quidem  multa,  operarii  pauci."  Qui  enim  splendide  vivunt 
aurumque  sibi  congerere  curant  hoc  opus  negligunt,  scilicet 
hoc  saeculum  plus  aequo  diligentes.  Quibus  vero  res  est  an- 
gusta  domi  tantae  rei  molem  suscipere  nequeunt  et  huic 
oneri  ferendo  certe  sunt  impares.  Quid  igitur?  An  deferen- 
dum  negotium  vere  Christianum  &  plane  divinum.  Ergo 
frustra  sex  jam  ab  annis  tot  sustinuimus  labores,  tot  evasimus 
pericula,  tot  vicimus  (dum  ista  meditamur)  animi  perturba- 
tiones?  Minime  vero.  Cum  enim  "  timenjtibus  Deum  omnia 
cooperentur  in  bonum,"  non  est  dubium  quin  Deus,  pro  cuius 
gloria  Herculeum  istud  opus  aggredimur,  adspiret  votis  nostris, 
qui  quondam  populum  suum  Israelem  "  portavit  super  alas 
aquilarum  "  &  perduxit  in  terram  melle  &  lacte  fluentem.  Hac 
spe  fretus,  quicquid  est  mihi  seu  facultatum,  seu  corporis  vel 
animi  virium  in  re  tam  nobili  libenter  &  alacri  animo  expen- 
dere  non  vereor,  hoc  praesertim  tempore  quo  silent  arma,  nee 
datur  virtuti  suo  fungi  munere,  nisi  si  in  Turcas  mucrones  nos- 
tros  converterimus.  Sed  est  quod  utilius  pro  re  Christiana 
faciamus,  si  populos  istos  latissime  patentes  in  Occidentali 
plaga  ad  Dei  cognitionem  adducere  conemur.  Non  enim 
armorum  vi  sunt  ad  religionem  cogendi.  Verbo  tantum  & 
doctrina  est  opus,  iuncta  bonorum  morum  disciplina;  quibus 
artibus  olim  Apostoli,  sequentibus  signis,  maximam  hominum 
partem  sibi  Deoque,  &  Christo  eius  conciliaverunt :  itaque 
verum  exitit  illud  quod  scriptum  est:  "  Populus  quern  non 
cognovi  servivit  mihi,  in  auditu  auris  obedivit  mihi,  &c.  Filii 
alieni  mentiti  funt  mihi,"  &c.  Filii  quidem  alieni  sunt  populi 
Orientales  jam  a  fide  Christiana  alieni,  in  quos  propterea  tor- 
queri  potest  illud  Evangelii  quod  jam  adimpletum  videmus : 
"  Auferetur  a  vobis  regnum  Dei  &  dabitur  genti  facienti  fructus 
eius."  Nunc  autem  ecce  tempus  acceptable,  ecce  nunc  dies 
salutis,  qua  Deus  visitabit  &  faciet  redemptionem  plebis  suae,  & 
populus  qui  eum  non  cognovit  serviet  ipsi,  sed  etiam  in  auditu 
auris   obediet,   si   me  indignum   servum    tanti   muneris   ducem 

304 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARBOT 

esse  patiatur.  Qiia  in  re  Beatitudinis  vestrx'  charitatem  per 
viscera  niisericordiii^  Dei  nostri  dcprecor,  auctoritatem  imploro, 
adiuro  sanctitatem,  ut  niihi  ad  illud  opus  jam — jam  properanti, 
uxori  charissimai,  ac  liberis,  necnon  domesticis,  sociisque  meis 
vestram  benedictionem  impertiri  dignemini,  quam  certa  fide 
credo  nobis  plurimum  ad  salutem  non  solum  corporis,  sed 
etiam  animje,  addo  et  ad  terrae  nostras  ubertatem  et  propositi 
nostri  felicitatem,  profuturum.  Faxit  Deus  Optimus  Maximus, 
Faxit  Dominus  noster  &  Salvator  Jesus  Christus,  Faxit  una  et 
Spiritus  Sanctus,  ut  in  altissima  Principii  Apostolorum  puppi 
sedentes  per  multa  sascula  Kcclesia^  sanctas  clavum  tenere  pos- 
sitis,  &  in  diebus  vestris  (quae  vestra  sane  maxima  gloria  est) 
illud  adimpletum  videre  quod  de  Christo  a  sancto  Propheta 
vaticinatum  est.  "  Adorabunt  eum  omnes  Reges  terrae :  omnes 
gentes  servient  ei." 

Vestrae  Beatitudinis  filius  humillimus  ac 
devotissimus  Joannes  De  Biencour. 

Note. —  Purchas  omits  all  of  the  paragraph  begin- 
ning "And  inasmuch  as  his  first  purpose  is,"  and  all 
that  follows.  The  purpose  of  the  letter  to  the  Pope  is 
plain.  Lescarbot  wrote  it  for  his  friend  Poutrincourt, 
vainly  hoping  to  avert  from  the  latter  the  religious  en- 
mities which  finally  wrecked  his  enterprise. 

In  place  of  these  passages,  Purchas  continued  his 
version  of  Lescarbot's  fourth  book  with  the  following 
paragraphs. 

Upon  the  faire  shew  of  the  fruites  of  the  said  Countrey,  the 
King  did  confirme  to  Monsieur  de  Monts  the  priviledge  for  the 
Trade  of  Bevers  with  the  Savages,  to  the  end  to  give  him 
meanes  to  establish  his  Colonies  in  New  France.  And  by  this 
occasion  he  sent  thither  in  March  last  Families  there  to  beginne 

305 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Christian  and  French  Commonwealths,  which  God  vouchsafe 
to  blesse  and  increase. 

The  said  ships  being  returned,  we  have  had  report  by  Mon- 
sieur de  Champdore  and  others,  of  the  state  of  the  Countrie 
which  we  had  left,  and  of  the  wonderfull  beautie  of  the  Corne 
that  the  said  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt  had  sowed  before  his 
departure,  together  of  the  graines  that  bee  fallen  in  the 
Gardens,  which  have  so  increased  that  it  is  an  incredible  thing. 
Membertou  did  gather  six  or  seven  barrels  of  the  Corne  that 
we  had  sowed :  and  had  yet  one  left,  which  he  reserved  for  the 
Frenchmen,  whom  he  looked  for  and  whom,  arriving,  hee 
saluted  with  three  Musket  shots  and  Bonfires.  When  it  was 
laid  to  his  charge  that  he  had  eaten  our  Pidgeons,  which  wee 
left  there,  he  fell  a  weeping,  and  embracing  him  that  told  it  him, 
said,  that  it  was  the  Macharoa,  that  is  to  say,  the  great  Birds 
which  are  Eagles,  which  did  eate  many  of  them,  while  wee  were 
there.  Moreover,  all  great  and  small  did  inquire  how  we  did, 
naming  every  one  by  his  owne  name,  which  is  a  witnesse  of 
great  love. 

From  Port  Royall  the  said  Champdore  went  as  farre  as  Choua- 
kouet,  the  beginning  of  the  Armouchiquois  Land,  where  hee 
pacified  that  Nation  with  the  Etechemins,  which  was  not  done 
without  solemnitie.  For  as  hee  had  begun  to  speake  of  it,  the 
Captaine,  who  is  now  insteed  of  Olmechin  named  Astikou,  a 
grave  man  and  of  a  goodly  presence,  how  savage  soever  hee 
be,  demanded  that  some  one  of  the  said  Etechemins  should  be 
sent  to  him,  and  that  he  would  treat  with  him.  Oagimont, 
Sagamos  of  the  River  Saint  Croix,  was  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  he  would  not  trust  them,  but  under  the  assurance  of 
the  Frenchmen,  he  went  thither.  Some  Presents  were  made  to 
Astikou,  who,  upon  the  speech  of  peace,  began  to  exhort  his 
people  and  to  shew  them  the  causes  that  ought  to  induce  them 
to  hearken  unto  it.  Whereunto  they  condiscended,  making  an 
exclamation    at   every    Article    that    he    propounded    to    them. 

306 


FRENCH  EXPLORERS:    LESCARROT 

Some  five  yeares  agoe  Monsieur  de  Monts  had  likewise  pacified 
those  Nations  and  had  declared  unto  them,  that  he  would  bee 
enemie  to  the  first  of  them  that  should  begin  the  Warre,  and 
would  pursue  him.  But  after  his  returne  into  France,  they 
could  not  containe  themselves  in  peace.  And  the  Armouchi- 
quois  did  kill  a  Souriquois  Savage  called  Panoniac,  who  went 
to  them  for  to  trucke  Merchandize,  which  he  tooke  at  the 
Store-house  of  the  said  Monsieur  de  Monts.  The  Warre 
above  mentioned  happened  by  reason  of  this  said  murther, 
under  the  conduct  of  Sagamos  Membertou  :  the  said  Warre 
was  made  in  the  very  same  place,  where  I  now  make  mention 
that  Monsieur  de  Champdore  did  treate  the  peace  this  yeere. 
Monsieur  Champlein  is  in  another  place,  to  wit,  in  the  great 
River  of  Canada,  neere  the  place  where  Captaine  James 
Quartier  did  winter,  where  hee  hath  fortified  himselfe,  having 
brought  thither  households,  with  Cattle  and  divers  sorts  of 
fruit-trees.  There  is  store  of  Vines,  and  excellent  Hempe,  in 
the  same  place  where  he  is,  which  the  earth  bringeth  forth  of 
itselfe.  He  is  not  a  man  to  be  idle,  and  we  expect  shortly 
newes  of  the  whole  Discoverie  of  this  great  and  uncomparable 
River,  and  of  the  Countries  which  it  washeth  on  both  sides,  by 
the  diligence  of  the  said  Champlein. 

As  for  Monsieur  de  Poutrincourt,  his  desire  is  immutable, 
in  this  resolution  to  inhabit  and  adorne  his  Province,  to  bring 
thither  his  family,  and  all  sorts  of  Trades  necessary  for  the  life 
of  man.  Which,  with  Gods  helpe  hee  will  continue  to  effect, 
all  this  present  yeere,  1609.  And  as  long  as  hee  hath  vigour 
and  strength  will  prosecute  the  same,  to  live  there  under  the 
Kings  obeysance. 


307 


V. 

THE  VOYAGE  OF  GEORGE  WAYMOUTH, 
1605.  NARRATIVE  BY  JAMES  ROSIER. 
CHARTERS  OF  THE  PLYMOUTH  AND 
LONDON    COMPANIES,    1606. 

JEORGE  WAYMOUTH,  a  native  of 
Cockington  in  Devonshire,  was  an  edu- 
cated man,  an  engineer,  and  also  an  ex- 
perienced mariner. 
In  1602  he  commanded  an  expedition  sent  in  search 
of  the  Northwest  passage.  Thirty-five  men  in  two  ships 
with  provisions  for  eighteen  months  sailed  in  May,  and 
in  July  a  mutiny  caused  the  expedition  to  return.  The 
voyage  was  ostensibly  authorized  by  the  Muscovy  and 
Turkey  Companies,  but  was  really  under  the  auspices 
of  the  East  India  Company. 

This  voyage  to  New  England  in  1605  in  a  ship 
called  the  Archangel^  was  sent  out  by  the  Earl  of 
Southampton  and  Thomas  Arundell,  the  first  Lord 
Arundell  of  Wardour.  It  is  certain  that  Waymouth 
was  expected  to  select  a  place  for  settlement,  and  the 
facts  that  Arundell  was  a  prominent  adherent  of  the 
Catholic  faith  and  that  a  Catholic  priest  was  one  of 
Waymouth's  fellow  voyagers,  have  suggested  the  possi- 
bility that  this  expedition  was  the  first  English  Catholic 
attempt  at  colonization  in  America. 

308 


WAYMOUrH'S  V  or  AGE:    ROSIER 

Of  James  Rosier  nothing  is  certainly  known.  In 
Baxter's  life  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Cjorges  it  is  suggested 
that  Rosier  may  have  been  the  Catholic  priest  alluded 
to  above.  In  Brown's  Genesis  of  the  United  States 
(I,  26)  it  is  shown  that  a  James  Rosier  was  in  Gos- 
nold's  expedition  in  1602.  Rosier's  **True  Relation," 
the  second  book  about  New  England,  was  published  at 
London  in  1605  by  George  Bishop,'  and  was  reprinted 
by  Purchas  with  many  changes  and  some  additions  ap- 
parently made  by  the  author.  The  text  here  used  is 
from  the  copy  of  the  original  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library. 

Waymouth's  voyage  and  Rosier's  account  of  it  are  of 
prime  importance  in  the  history  of  English  colonization 
in  America.  The  voyage  and  the  publication  both 
attracted  the  eager  attention  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  Sir  John  Popham,  chief-justice  of  England.  Of 
the  Kennebec  Indians  whom  Waymouth  had  kidnapped 
three  were  given  to  Gorges  and  the  other  two  to  Pop- 
ham.  These  gentlemen,  one  of  whom  at  any  rate  had 
been  disgracefully  prominent  among  Raleigh's  enemies, 
now  aspired  to  assume  his  leadership  in  commercial 
and  colonial  ventures.  Gorges  and  Popham  believed 
that  their  Indian  captives  could  be  made  friendly  guides 
to  settlement  among  their  kinsmen. 

The  Spanish  ambassador  at  the  court  of  King  James, 
Don  Pedro  de  Zuniga,  kept  his  master  well  informed 

I  It  was  reprinted  in  Vol.  VIII  of  the  third  series  of  Mass.  Hist.  See.  Coll., 
and  Dr.  Henry  S.  Burrage  edited  it  for  the  Gorges  Society  in  1887  from  an  origi- 
nal copy  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library  at  Providence.  It  was  also  reprinted 
in  the  "Early  English  Narratives,"  and  by  Mr.  George  Parker  Winship. 

309 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

about  English  plans  for  exploration  and  colonization  in 
America.  In  a  letter  dated  March  i6,  1606,  he  wrote 
an  account  of  Waymouth's  voyage  and  announced  that 
plans  were  being  formed  to  send  five  hundred  or  six 
hundred  men  '*  to  people  Virginia  in  the  Indies  close  to 
Florida."  To  the  Indian  captives  he  refers  as  follows: 
"They  brought  about  ten  [really Jive)  natives  that  they 
might  learn  English  and  they  have  kept  some  of  them 
here  {i?i  London) ^  and  others  in  the  country,  teaching 
and  training  them  to  say  how  good  that  country  is  for 
people  to  go  there  and  inhabit  it.  The  chief  leader  in 
this  business  is  the  Justiciario  [Sir  "John  Popham)^  who 
is  a  very  great  Puritan."' 

There  is  some  evidence  of  a  struggle  between  two 
contending  parties  to  reap  the  fruits  of  Waymouth's 
voyage.  The  line  of  cleavage  seems  to  have  followed 
differences  in  religious  belief.  If  this  supposition  is 
correct,  Gorges  and  Popham  represented  the  Protestant 
interest,  and  stole  a  march  upon  their  rivals  by  secur- 
ing possession  of  the  Indian  captives.  Brown  has 
printed  (Vol.  I,  pp.  32-35)  an  agreement  made  in  1605 
after  Waymouth's  return  between  the  latter  captain  and 
Sir  John  Zouche  of  Codnor  to  the  effect  that  Captain 
George  Waymouth  should  lead  a  colony  to  America 
for  Sir  John.  The  witnesses  to  the  agreement  are 
W,  Riggs,  James  Rosier,  Timothy  Sanger,  and  Robert 
Has . 

Sir  John  Zouche  was  a  member  of  a  Catholic  family 
inimical    to   Sir    John    Popham.     It    is    likely   that    the 

'  Brown,  "Genesis  of  the  United  States,"  I,  46. 

310 


WATMourirs  y  or  age-,  rosier 

controversies  between  them  were  aggravated  by  the 
fact  that  the  charter  of  the  Plymouth  Company,  which 
Gorges  and  Popham  and  others  obtained  in  1606,  pre- 
vented the  private  enterprise  upon  which  Zouche  in- 
tended to  embark  with  Waymouth.'  There  is  some 
evidence  that  Captain  Waymouth  shared  in  Zouche's 
feeling.  There  is  a  letter  from  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  to 
John  Chamberlain  under  date  of  August  18,  1607, 
which   contains   this  paragraph : 

"One  Capt.  Waiman  {Waymouth)^  a  special  favorite  of  Sir 
Walter  Copes  was  taken  the  last  weeke  in  a  port  in  Kent 
shipping  himself  for  Spain  with  intent  as  is  thought  to  have 
betraied  his  friends,  and  shewed  the  Spaniards  a  meanes  how 
to  defeat  this  Virginian  attempt."'' 

Waymouth  had  powerful  friends,  or  else  it  was 
thought  wise  to  purchase  his  silence,  for  there  is  a 
record  that  the  English  government  granted  to  him, 
October  27,  1 607,  a  pension  of  3s.  4d.  a  day,  "  until 
such  time  as  he  shall  receive  from  His  Majesty  some 
other  advancement."  With  that  pension  Captain  George 
Waymouth  disappears  from  history.^ 

In  pursuance  of  their  plans,  Gorges  and  Popham, 
with  Richard  Hakluyt  and  others,  obtained  from  King 
James  two  charters,  which  were  both  dated  April  10, 

'  For  the  quarrel  between  Edward,  Lord  Zouche,  Lord  President  of  Wales, 
and  Sir  John  Popham  in  1604  — 1605,  concerning  questions  of  precedence,  see 
Brown,  "Genesis  of  the  U.  S.,"  II,  969. 

2  Brown,  **  Genesis  of  the  U.  S.,"  I,  113. 

3  Cf.  references  in  Diet.  Nat'l  Biog. ,  vol.  60,  under  "Weymouth  or  Way- 
mouth." It  appears  that  no  payment  of  the  pension  was  recorded  after  161  2. 
See  Dr.  Jameson's  introductory  note  in  "Early  English  and  French  Voyages," 
P-  335- 

311 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

1606.  Gorges  and  Pophani  and  other  West  Country 
men'  were  chartered  as  the  Plymouth  Company  and 
authorized  to  settle  in  America  between  38°  and  45° 
north  latitude.  The  other  charter  created  the  London 
Company  to  settle  between  34°  north  and  41°  north. 
The  patentees  named  in  the  charter  included,  besides 
Hakluyt,  Edward  Maria  Wingiield,  Sir  Thomas  Gates, 
and  Sir  George  Somers. 

Sir  Thomas  Smith,  a  London  merchant,  who  had 
been  the  chief  of  the  assignees  of  Raleigh,  was  named 
as  treasurer  of  the  London  Company.  To  the  patentees 
was  granted  the  right  to  coin  money,  impose  taxes,  and 
maintain  a  general  government  for  twenty-one  years. 
Under  the  charter  of  1606  the  ventures  of  1607  were 
made. 

Waymouth's  voyage  was  therefore  the  seed  plot  of 
the  colony  at  Jamestown  and  of  the  long  series  of 
attempts  at  colonization   under   the   name   of  Gorges. 


^  Those  named  in  the  charter  were  Thomas  Hanham,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  Wil- 
liam Parker,  and  George  Popham.  See  Poor's  Charters  11,  1888,  and  Brown, 
"Genesis  of  the  U.  S.,"  I,  52-63. 

312 


pvATMourirs  v  or  age-,  rosier 


A  TRUE  RKLATION  OK  THK  MOST  PROSPER- 
OUS VOYAGE  MADE  I  HIS  PRESENT  YEERE 
1605,  BY  CAPTAINE  GEORGE  WAYMOUTH,  IN 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  LAND  OF  VIRGINIA: 

WHERE  HE  DISCOVERED  60  MILES  UP  A  MOST 
EXCELLENT  RIVER;  TOGETHER  WITH  A 
MOST  FERTILE  LAND. 

WRITTEN  BY  JAMES  ROSIER,  A  GENTLEMAN 
EMPLOYED  IN  THE  VOYAGE.  Londini,  Impensis 
GEOR.  BISHOP,  1605. 

To  the  Reader 

TOEING  employed  in  this  Voyage  by  the  right  honourable 
-*-^  Thomas  Arundell  Baron  of  Warder,'  to  take  due  notice, 
and  make  true  report  of  the  discovery  therein  performed  :  I 
became  very  diligent  to  observe  (as  much  as  I  could)  whatso- 
ever was  materiall  or  of  consequence  in  the  businesse  which  I 
collected  into  this  briefe  summe,  intending  upon  our  returne  to 
publish  the  same.  But  he  soone  changed  the  course  of  his 
intendments  ;  and  long  before  our  arrivall  in  England  had  so 
farre  engaged  himselfe  with  the  Archduke,-  that  he  was  con- 
strained to  relinquish  this  action.  But  the  commodities  and 
profits  of  the  countrey,  together  with  the  fitnesse  of  plantation, 
being  by  some  honourable  Gentlemen  of  good  woorth  and 
qualitie,  and  Merchants  of  good  sufficiency  and  judgment  duly 
considered,  they  have  at  their  owne  charge  (intending  both  their 

'  Wardour. 

2  Archduke  Albert,  who  with  the  Infanta  Isabella  his  wife  was  governing  the 
Spanish  Netherlands. 

313 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

private  and  the  common  benefit  of  their  own  countrey)  under- 
taken the  transporting  of  a  Colony  for  the  plantation  thereof; 
being  much  encouraged  thereunto  by  the  gracious  favour  of  the 
Kings  Majesty  himselfe,  and  divers  Lords  of  his  Highnesse 
most  Honourable  Privie  Councell.  After  these  purposed  designes 
were  concluded,  I  was  animated  to  publish  this  briefe  Relation, 
and  not  before :  because  some  forrein  Nation  (being  fully 
assured  of  the  fruitfulnesse  of  the  countrie)  have  hoped  hereby 
to  gaine  some  knowledge  of  the  place,  seeing  they  could  not 
allure  our  Captaine  or  any  speciall  man  of  our  Company  to 
combine  with  them  for  their  direction,  nor  obtaine  their  pur- 
pose, in  conveying  away  our  Salvages,  which  was  busily  in 
practise.  And  this  is  the  cause  that  I  have  neither  written  of 
the  latitude  or  variation  most  exactly  observed  by  our  Captaine 
with  sundrie  instruments,  which  together  with  his  perfect 
Geographicall  Map  of  the  countrey,  he  entendeth  hereafter  to 
set  forth.  I  have  likewise  purposedly  omitted  here  to  adde  a 
collection  of  many  words  in  their  language  to  the  number  of 
foure  or  five  hundred,  as  also  the  names  of  divers  of  their  gov- 
ernours,  as  well  their  friends  as  their  enemies :  being  reserved 
to  be  made  knowen  for  the  benefit  of  those  that  shal  goe  in 
the  next  Voyage.  But  our  particular  proceedings  in  the  whole 
Discoverie,  the  commodious  situation  of  the  River,  the  fertilitle 
of  the  land,  with  the  profits  there  to  be  had,  and  here  reported, 
I  refer  to  be  verified  by  the  whole  Company,  as  being  eye-wit- 
nesses of  my  words,  and  most  of  them  neere  inhabitants  upon 
the  Thames.  So  with  my  prayers  to  God  for  the  conversion  of 
so  ingenious  and  well-disposed  people,  and  for  the  prosperous 
successive  events  of  the  noble  intenders  the  prosecution  thereof, 
I  rest 

Your  friend  J.  R. 


3H 


WAYMourirs  v  or  age-,  rosier 


A  'True  Relation  of  Captaine  George  Waymouth  his  Voyage^ 

made  this  present  yeere  i6o^;    in  the  Discoverie 

of  the  North  part  of  Virginia. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  5  day  of  March,  about  ten  a  clocke  afore 
noone,  we  set  saile  from  Ratcliffe,^  and  came  to  an  anker  that 
tide  about  two  a  clocke  before  Gravesend. 

From  thence  the  10  of  March  being  Sunday  at  night  we 
ankered  in  the  Downes:  and  there  rode  till  the  next  day  about 
three  a  clocke  after  noone,  when  with  a  scant  winde  we  set  saile ; 
and  by  reason  the  winde  continued  Southwardly,  we  were  beaten 
up  and  downe:  but  on  Saturday  the  16  day  about  foure  a  clocke 
after  noon  we  put  into  Dartmouth  Haven,  where  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  winde  at  South  and  Southwest  constrained  us 
to  ride  till  the  last  of  this  moneth.  There  we  shipped  some  of 
our  men  and  supplied  necessaries  for  our  Ship  and  Voyage. 

Upon  Easter  day,  being  the  last  of  March,  the  winde  com- 
ming  at  North-North-East,  about  five  a  clocke  after  noone  we 
wayed  anker,  and  put  to  sea.  In  the  name  of  God,  being  well 
victualled  and  furnished  with  munition  and  all  necessaries  :  Our 
whole  Company  being  but  29  persons;  of  whom  I  may  boldly 
say,  few  voyages  have  beene  manned  forth  with  better  Sea-men 
generally  in  respect  of  our  small  number. 

Munday  the  next  day,  being  the  first  of  Aprill,  by  sixe  a 
clocke  in  the  morning  we  were  sixe  leagues  South-South-East 
from  the  Lizarde. 

At  two  a  clocke  in  the  afternoone  this  day,  the  weather  being 
very  faire,  our  Captaine  for  his  owne  experience  and  others 
with  him  sounded,  and  had  sixe  and  fiftie  fathoms  and  a  halfe. 

'  Purchas  says  that  the  name  of  Waymouth's  ship  was  the  Archangel. 
=  A  hamlet  on  the  Thames  below  London. 

315 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  sounding  was  some  small  blacke  perrie  sand/  some  reddish 
sand,  a  match  or  two,  with  small  shels  called  Saint  James  his 
Shels.^ 

The  foureteenth  of  Aprill  being  Sunday,  betweene  nine  and 
ten  of  the  clocke  in  the  morning  our  Captaine  descried  the 
Hand  Cuervo :  which  bare  South-west  and  by  West,  about 
seven  leagues  from  us :  by  eleven  of  the  clocke  we  descried 
Flores  to  the  Southward  of  Cuervo,  as  it  lieth :  by  foure  a 
clocke  in  the  afternoone  we  brought  Cuervo  due  South  from 
us  within  two  leagues  of  the  shore,  but  we  touched  not,  because 
the  winde  was  faire,  and  we  thought  our  selves  sufficiently 
watered   and  wooded. 

Heere  our  Captaine  observed  the  Sunne,  and  found  him- 
selfe  in  the  latitude  of  40  degrees  and  7  minutes  :  so  he  judged 
the  North  part  of  Cuervo  to  be  in  40  degrees.  After  we  had 
kept  our  course  about  a  hundred  leagues  from  the  Hands,  by 
continuall  Southerly  windes  we  were  forced  and  driven  from 
the  Southward,  whither  we  first  intended.  And  when  our  Cap- 
taine by  long  beating  saw  it  was  but  in  vaine  to  strive  with 
windes,  not  knowing  Gods  purposes  heerein  to  our  further 
blessing,  (which  after  by  his  especiall  direction  wee  found)  he 
thought  best  to  stand  as  nigh  as  he  could  by  the  winde  to 
recover  what  land  we  might  first  discover. 

Munday,  the  6  of  May,  being  in  the  latitude  of  39  and  a 
halfe  about  ten  a  clocke  afore  noone,  we  came  to  a  riplin,^  which 
we  discerned  a  head  our  ship,  which  is  a  breach  of  water  caused 
either  by  a  fall,  or  by  some  meeting  of  currents,  which  we 
judged  this  to  be ;  for  the  weather  being  very  faire,  and  a 
small  gale  of  winde,  we  sounded  and  found  no  ground  in  a 
hundred  fathoms. 

'  Sand  mingled  with  grains  of  magnetic  iron  ore. 

2  St.  James's  sliells  are  scallop-sliells,  which  every  pilgrim,  who  had  visited 
the  shrine  of  St.  James  of  Compostella  in  Spain,  wore  in  his  hat.  The  word 
"match"  seems  meaningless.     It  may  mean  pieces  of  tow-rope  used  for  fuse. 

3  Ripples,  tide-rips. 

316 


WAYMourirs  votage:  rosier 

Munday,  the  \\  of  May,  about  eleven  a  cloclce  afore  noone, 
our  Captalne,  judging  we  were  not  farre  from  land,  sounded, 
and  had  a  soft  oaze  in  a  hundred  and  sixty  fathomes.  At 
fowre  a  clocke  after  noone  we  sounded  againe,  and  had  the 
same  oaze  in  a   hundred   fathoms. 

From  ten  a  clocke  that  night  till  three  a  clocke  in  the  morn- 
ing, our  Captaine  tooke  in  all  sailes  and  lay  at  hull,"  being  de- 
sirous to  fall  with  the  land  in  the  day  time,  because  it  was  an 
unknowen  coast,  which  it  pleased  God  in  his  mercy  to  grant 
us,  otherwise  we  had  run  our  ship  upon  the  hidden  rockes  and 
perished  all.  For  when  we  set  saile  we  sounded  in  lOO  fath- 
oms :  and  by  eight  a  clock,  having  not  made  above  five  or  six 
leagues,  our  Captaine  upon  a  sudden  change  of  water  (suppos- 
ing verily  he  saw  the  sand)  presently  sounded,  and  had  but 
five  fathoms.  Much  marvelHng  because  we  saw  no  land,  he 
sent  one  to  the  top,  who  thence  descried  a  whitish  sandy  cliffe,^ 
which  bare  West-North- West  about  six  leagues  off  from  us: 
but  comming  neerer  within  three  or  fowre  leagues,  we  saw 
many  breaches  still  neerer  the  land :  at  last  we  espied  a  great 
breach  a  head  us  al  along  the  shore,  into  which  before  we 
should  enter,  our  Captaine  thought  best  to  hoist  out  his  ship 
boate  and  sound  it.  Which  if  he  had  not  done,  we  had  beene 
in  great  danger:  for  he  bare  up  the  ship,  as  neere  as  he  durst 
after  the  boate :  untill  Thomas  Cam,  his  mate,  being  in*  the 
boat,  called  to  him  to  tacke  about  and  stand  off,  for  in  this 
breach  he  had  very  showld  water,  two  fathoms  and  lesse  upon 
rockes,  and  sometime  they  supposed  they  saw  the  rocke  within 
three  or  fowre  foote,  whereon  the  sea  made  a  very  strong 
breach :  which  we  might  discerne  (from  the  top)  to  run  along 
as  we  sailed  by  it  6  or  7  leagues  to  the  Southward.  This  was 
in  the  latitude  of  41  degrees,  20  minutes:  wherefore  we  were 
constrained  to  put  backe  againe  from  the  land :  and  sounding, 

^  To  lay  at  hull  =  to  drift  to  the  wind  with  sails  furled. 
2  Sankaty  Head,  the  eastern  extremity  of  Nantucket. 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

(the  weather  being  very  faire  and  a  small  winde)  we  found  our 
selves  embaied  with  continuall  showldes  and  rockes  in  a  most 
uncertaine  ground,  from  five  or  sixe  fathoms,  at  the  next  cast 
of  the  lead  we  should  have  1 5  and  1 8  fathoms.  Over  many 
which  we  passed,  and  God  so  blessed  us,  that  we  had  wind  and 
weather  as  faire  as  poore  men  in  this  distresse  could  wish : 
whereby  we  both  perfectly  discerned  every  breach,  and  with 
the  winde  were  able  to  turne,  where  we  saw  most  hope  of 
safest  passage.  Thus  we  parted  from  the  land,  which  we  had 
not  so  much  before  desired,  and  at  the  first  sight  rejoiced,  as 
now  we  all  joifully  praised  God,  that  it  had  pleased  him  to 
deliver  us  from  so  imminent  danger, 

Heere  we  found  great  store  of  excellent  Cod  fish,  and  saw 
many  Whales,  as  we  had  done  two  or  three  dales  before. 

We  stood  off^  all  that  night,  and  the  next  day  being  Wednes- 
day ;  but  the  wind  still  continuing  between  the  points  of  South- 
South-West,  and  West-South-West :  so  as  we  could  not  make 
any  way  to  the  Southward,  in  regard  of  our  great  want  of 
water  and  wood  (which  was  now  spent)  we  much  desired  land, 
and  therefore  sought  for  it,  where  the  wind  would  best  suffer  us 
to  refresh  our  selves. 

Thursday,  the  16  of  May,  we  stood  in  directly  with  the 
land,  and  much  marvelled  we  descried  it  not,  wherein  we  found 
our  sea  charts  very  false,  putting  land  where  none  is. 

Friday  the  17  of  May,  about  sixe  a  clocke  at  night  we 
descried  the  land,  which  bare  from  us  North-North-East  ;  but 
because  it  blew  a  great  gale  of  winde,  the  sea  very  high  and 
neere  night,  not  fit  to  come  upon  an  unknowen  coast,  we  stood 
off  till  two  a  clocke  in  the  morning,  being  Saturday :  then 
standing  in  with  it  againe,  we  descried  it  by  eight  a  clocke  in 
the  morning,  bearing  North-East  from  us.  It  appeared  a 
meane  high  land,  as  we  after  found  it,  being  but  an  Hand  '  of 

I  Monhegan,  southeast  of  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec.  Close  in  with  the 
western  shore  is  an  island  called  Manana,  forming  a  small  harbor.  In  Purchas 
this  note  is  added,  "Our  Captain  named  this  S.  Georges  Hand." 

318 


WAYMOUTH'S  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

some  six  miles  in  compasse,  but  I  hope  the  most  fortunate  ever 
yet  discovered.  About  twelve  a  clocke  that  day,  we  came  to 
an  anker  on  the  North  side  of  this  Hand,  about  a  league  from 
the  shore.  About  two  a  clocke  our  Captaine  with  twelve  men 
rowed  in  his  ship  boat  to  the  shore,  where  we  made  no  long 
stay,  but  laded  our  boat  with  dry  wood  of  olde  trees  upon  the 
shore  side,  and  returned  to  our  ship,  where  we  rode  that  night. 

This  Hand  is  woody,  grouen  with  Firre,  Birch,  Oke  and 
Beech,  as  farre  as  we  saw  along  the  shore;  and  so  likely  to  be 
within.  On  the  verge  grow  Gooseberries,  Strawberries,  Wild 
pease,  and  Wild  rose  bushes.  The  water  issued  foorth  downe 
the  Rocky  clifFes  in  many  places :  and  much  fowle  of  divers 
kinds  breed  upon  the  shore  and  rocks. 

While  we  were  at  shore,  our  men  aboord  with  a  few  hooks 
got  above  thirty  great  Cods  and  Hadocks,  which  gave  us  a 
taste  of  the  great  plenty  of  fish  which  we  found  afterward 
wheresoever  we  went  upon  the  coast. 

From  hence  we  might  discerne  the  maine  land  from  the 
West-South-West  to  the  East-North-East,  and  a  great  way 
(as  it  then  seemed,  and  as  we  after  found  it)  up  into  the  maine 
we  might  discerne  very  high  mountaines,'  though  the  maine 
seemed  but  low  land ;  which  gave  us  a  hope  it  would  please 
God  to  direct  us  to  the  discoverie  of  some  good;  although  wee 
were  driven  by  winds  farre  from  that  place,  whither  (both  by 
our  direction  and  desire)  we  ever  intended  to  shape  the  course 
of  our  voyage. 

The  next  day  being  Whit-Sunday ;  because  we  rode  too 
much  open  to  the  sea  and  windes,  we  weyed  anker  about  twelve 
a  clocke,  and  came  along  to  the  other  Hands  more  adjoyning 
to  the  maine,^  and  in  the  rode  directly  with  the  mountaines, 
about  three  leagues  from  the  first  Hand  where  we  had  ankered. 

When  we  came  neere  unto  them   (sounding  all  along  in  a 

'  Union  and  Camden  mountains. 
2  The  St.  George's  Islands. 

319 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

good  depth)  our  Captaine  manned  his  ship-boat  and  sent  her 
before  with  Thomas  Cam  one  of  his  Mates,  whom  he  knew 
to  be  of  good  experience,  to  sound  and  search  betweene  the 
Hands  for  a  place  safe  for  our  shippe  to  ride  in  ;  in  the  meane 
while  we  kept  aloofe  at  sea,  having  given  them  in  the  boat  a 
token  to  weffe'  in  the  ship,  if  he  found  a  convenient  Harbour; 
which  it  pleased  God  to  send  us,  farre  beyond  our  expectation, 
in  a  most  safe  birth  defended  from  all  windes,  in  an  excellent 
depth  of  water  for  ships  of  any  burthen,  in  six,  seven,  eight, 
nine  and  ten  fathoms  upon  a  clay  oaze  very  tough. 

We  all  with  great  joy  praised  God  for  his  unspeakable  good- 
nesse,  who  had  from  so  apparent  danger  delivered  us,  & 
directed  us  upon  this  day  into  so  secure  an  Harbour:  in  re- 
membrance whereof  we  named  it  Pentecost  harbor,''  we  arriving 
there  that  day  out  of  our  last  Harbour  in  England,  from 
whence  we  set  saile  upon   Easterday. 

About  foure  a  clocke,  after  we  were  ankered  and  well  mored, 
our  Captaine  with  halfe  a  dozen  of  our  Company  went  on 
shore  to  seeke  fresh  watering,  and  a  convenient  place  to  set 
together  a  pinnesse,  which  we  brought  in  pieces  out  of  England ; 
both  which  we  found  very  fitting. 

Upon  this  Hand,  as  also  upon  the  former,  we  found  (at  our 
first  comming  to  shore)  where  fire  had  beene  made :  and  about 
the  place  were  very  great  egge  shelles  bigger  than  goose  egges, 
fish   bones,  and  as  we  judged,  the  bones  of  some  beast. 

Here  we  espied  Cranes  stalking  on  the  shore  of  a  little  Hand 
adjoyning;  where  we  after  saw  they  used  to  breed. 

Whitsun-munday,  the  20  day  of  May,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  our  Captaine  caused  the  pieces  of  the  pinnesse  to  be 
carried  a  shore,  where  while  some'  were  busied  about  her, 
others  digged  welles  to  receive  the  fresh  water,  which  we  found 
issuing  downe  out  of  the  land  in  many  places.     Heere  I  cannot 

'  WefFe  =  wave. 

=  St.  George's  Harbor,  according  to  some  ;   Booth's  Bay  according  to  others. 

320 


WAYMOUTH'S  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

omit  (for  foolish  fcare  of  imputation  of  flattery)  the  painfull 
industry  of  our  Captaine,  who  as  at  sea  he  is  alwayes  most 
carefull  and  vigilant,  so  at  land  he  refuseth  no  paines  ;  but  his 
labour  was  ever  as  much  or  rather  more  than  any  mans:  which 
not  only  encourageth  others  with  better  content,  but  also 
efFecteth   much   with  great  expedition. 

In  digging  we  found  excellent  clay  for  bricke  or  tile. 

The  next  day  we  finished  a  well  of  good  and  holesome  cleere 
water  in  a  great  empty  caske,  which  we  left  there.  We  cut 
yards,  waste  trees,  and  many  necessaries  for  our  ship,  while  our 
Carpenter  and  Cooper  laboured  to  fit  and  furnish  forth  the 
shallop. 

This  day  our  boat  went  out  about  a  mile  from  our  ship,  and 
in  small  time  with  two  or  three  hooks  was  fished  sufficiently 
for  our  whole  Company  three  dayes,  with  great  Cod,  Haddocke, 
and  Thornebacke. 

And  towards  night  we  drew  with  a  small  net  of  twenty 
fathoms  very  nigh  the  shore  :  we  got  about  thirty  very  good 
and  great  Lobsters,  many  Rockfish,  some  Plaise,  and  other 
small  fishes,  and  fishes  called  Lumpes,'  verie  pleasant  to  the 
taste  :  and  we  generally  observed,  that  all  the  fish,  of  what  kinde 
soever  we  tooke,  were  well  fed,  fat,  and  sweet  in  taste. 

Wednesday,  the  22  of  May,  we  felled  and  cut  wood  for  our 
ships  use,  cleansed  and  scoured  our  wels,  and  digged  a  plot  of 
ground,  wherein,  amongst  some  garden  seeds,^  we  sowed  peaze 
and  barley,  which  in  sixteen  dayes  grew  eight  inches  above 
ground ;  and  so  continued  growing  every  day  halfe  an  inch, 
although  this  was  but  the  crust  of  the  ground,  and  much  inferior 
to  the  m.ould  we  after  found  in  the  maine.^ 

'  Usually  called  Lump-sucker.  The  fish  has  on  its  belly  a  disk  with  which  it 
adheres  to  objects. 

2  The  Purchas  version  adds,  "which  most  the  birds  destroyed." 

3  The  Purchas  version  adds,  "All  the  next  day  we  labored  hard  to  make  up 
our  wood,  because  our  Captaine  intended  not  to  spare  or  spend  any  more  time  in 
that  of  our  Voyage.  This  day  our  Boat  fished  againe  as  before,  because  wee  still 
were  much  refreshed  with  the  fresh  fish." 

321 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 


Friday,  the  24  of  May,  after  we  had  made  an  end  of  cutting 
wood,  and  carying  water  aboord  our  shippe,  with  fourteene 
Shot  and  Pikes  we  marched  about  and  thorow  part  of  two  of 
the  Hands;  the  bigger  of  which  we  judged  to  be  foure  or  five 
miles  in  compasse,  and  a  mile  broad. 

The  profits  and  fruits  which  are  naturally  on  these  Hands 
are  these : 


All  along  the  shore  and  some 
space  within,  where  the  wood 
hindereth  not,  grow  plentifully 


Rasberries. 

Gooseberries. 

Strawberries. 

Roses. 

Currants. 

Wild-Vines. 

Angelica.' 


Within  the  Hands  growe 
wood  of  sundry  sorts,  some 
very  great,  and  all   tall : 


Birch. 

Beech. 

Ash. 

Maple. 

Spruce. 

Cherry-tree. 

Yew. 

Oke  very  great  and  good. 

Firre-tree,    out    of  which 


issueth  Turpentine  in  so  marvellous  plenty,  and  so  sweet,  as 
our  Chirurgeon  and  others  affirmed  they  never  saw  so  good 
in  England.  We  pulled  off  much  Gumme  congealed  on  the 
outside  of  the  barke,  which  smelled  like  Frankincense.  This 
would  be  a  great  benefit  for  making  Tarre  and  Pitch. 

We  stayed  the  longer  in  this  place,  not  only  because  of  our 
good  Harbour,  (which  is  an  excellent  comfort)  but  because 
every  day  we  did  more  and  more  discover  the  pleasant  fruit- 
fulnesse;    insomuch  as   many  of  our  Companie  wished  them- 

'  An  aromatic  plant,  herba  angelica,  so  called  because  it  was  regarded  as  an 
antidote  against  poison  and  pestilence. 


322 


wAYMourirs  votage:  rosier 

selves  setled  heere,  not  expecting  any  further  hopes,  or  better 
discovery  to  be  made. 

Heere  our  men  found  abundance  of  great  muscels  among 
the  rocks;  and  in  some  of  them  many  small  Pearls:  and  in 
one  muscell  (which  we  drew  up  in  our  net)  was  found  foure- 
teene  Pearles,  whereof  one  of  prety  bignesse  and  orient;'  in 
another  above  fiftie  small  Pearles;  and  if  we  had  had  a  Drag, 
no  doubt  we  had  found  some  of  great  valew,  seeing  these  did 
certainly  shew,  that  heere  they  were  bred ;  the  shels  all  glister- 
ing with  mother  of  Pearle. 

Wednesday,  the  29  day,  our  shallop  being  now  finished,  and 
our  Captaine  and  men  furnished  to  depart  with  hir  from  the 
ship:  we  set  up  a  crosse^  on  the  shore  side  upon  the  rockes. 

Thursday,  the  30  of  May,  about  ten  a  clock  afore  noon, 
our  Captaine  with  13  men  more,  in  the  name  of  God,  and 
with  all  our  praiers  for  their  prosperous  discoverie,  and  safe 
returne,  departed  in  the  shallop;  leaving  the  ship  in  a  good 
harbour,  which  before  I  mentioned,  well  mored,  and  manned 
with  14  men. 

This  day,  about  five  a  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  we  in  the 
shippe  espied  three  Canoas  comming  towards  us,  which  went 
to  the  iland  adjoining,  where  they  went  a  shore,  and  very 
quickly  had  made  a  fire,  about  which  they  stood  beholding  our 
ships  :  to  whom  we  made  signes  with  our  hands  and  hats,  wef- 
fing  unto  them  to  come  unto  us,  because  we  had  not  seene 
any  of  the  people  yet.  They  sent  one  Canoa  with  three  men, 
one  of  which,  when  they  came  neere  unto  us,  spake  in  his  lan- 
guage very  lowd  and  very  boldly :  seeming  as  though  he 
would  know  why  we  were  there,  and  by  pointing  with  his  oare 
towards  the  sea,  we  conjectured  he  ment  we  should  be  gone. 

^  Because  Oriental  or  Indian  pearls  were  so  highly  esteemed  the  word 
"orient"   was  used  to  signify  brilliance  or  preciousness  of  pearls. 

2  The  Popham  colony  two  years  later  found  a  cross  on  one  of  the  islands  in 
St.  George's  Harbor,  "which  we  suppose,"  writes  the  annalist  of  that  colony, 
"was  Sett  up  by  George  Wayman." 

323 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

But  when  we  shewed  them  knives  and  their  use,  by  cutting  of 
stickes  and  other  trifles,  as  combs  and  glasses,  they  came  close 
aboard  our  ship,  as  desirous  to  entertaine  our  friendship.  To 
these  we  gave  such  things  as  we  perceived  they  liked,  when 
wee  shewed  them  the  use :  bracelets,  rings,  peacocke  feathers, 
which  they  stucke  in  their  haire,  and  Tabacco  pipes.  After 
their  departure  to  their  company  on  the  shore,  presently  came 
foure  other  in  another  Canoa :  to  whom  we  gave  as  to  the 
former,  using  them  with  as  much  kindnes  as  we  could. 

The  shape  of  their  body  is  very  proportionable,  they  are 
wel  countenanced,  not  very  tal  nor  big,  but  in  stature  like  to 
us  :  they  paint  their  bodies  with  blacke,  their  faces,  some  with 
red,  some  with  blacke,  and  some  with  blew. 

Their  clothing  is  Beavers  skins,  or  Deares  skins,  cast  over 
them  like  a  mantle,  and  hanging  downe  to  their  knees,  made 
fast  together  upon  the  shoulder  with  leather;  some  of  them 
had  sleeves,  most  had  none ;  some  had  buskins  of  such  leather 
tewed :  they  have  besides  a  peece  of  Beavers  skin  betweene 
their  legs,  made  fast  about  their  waste,  to  cover  their  privities. 

They  suflFer  no  haire  to  grow  on  their  taces,  but  on  their 
head  very  long  and  very  blacke,  which  those  that  have  wives, 
binde  up  behinde  with  a  leather  string,  in  a  long  round  knot. 

They  seemed  all  very  civill  and  merrie :  shewing  tokens  of 
much  thankefulnesse,  for  those  things  we  gave  them.  We 
found  them  then  (as  after)  a  people  of  exceeding  good  inven- 
tion, quicke  understanding  and  readie  capacitie. 

Their  Canoas  are  made  without  any  iron,  of  the  bark  of  a 
birch  tree,  strengthened  within  with  ribs  and  hoops  of  wood, 
in  so  good  fashion,  with  such  excellent  ingenious  art,  as  they 
are  able  to  beare  seven  or  eight  persons,  far  exceeding  any  in 
the  Indies. 

One  of  their  Canoas  came  not  to  us,  wherein  we  imagined 
their  women  were :  of  whom  they  are  (as  all  Salvages)  very 
jealous. 

3H 


WAYMovrirs  votage:  rosier 

When  I  signed  unto  thcni  they  should  goe  sleepe,  because 
it  was  night,  they  understood  presently,  and  pointed  that  at  the 
shore,  right  against  our  ship,  they  would  stay  all  night:  as 
they   did. 

The  next  morning  very  early,  came  one  Canoa  ahord  us 
againe  with  three  Salvages,  whom  we  easily  then  enticed  into 
our  ship,  and  under  the  decke  :  where  we  gave  them  porke,  fish, 
bread  and  pease,  all  which  they  did  eat ;  and  this  I  noted,  they 
would  eat  nothing  raw,  either  fish  or  flesh.  They  marvelled 
much  and  much  looked  upon  the  making  of  our  canne  and 
kettle,  so  they  did  at  a  head-peece  and  at  our  guns,  of 
which  they  are  most  fearefull,  and  would  fall  flat  downe  at  the 
report  of  them.  At  their  departure  I  signed  unto  them,  that 
if  they  would  bring  me  such  skins  as  they  ware  I  would  give 
them  knives,  and  such  things  as  I  saw  they  most  liked,  which 
the  chiefe  of  them  promised  to  do  by  that  time  the  Sunne 
should  be  beyond  the  middest  of  the  firmament;  this  I  did 
to  bring  them  to  an  understanding  of  exchange,  and  that  they 
might  conceive  the  intent  of  our  comming  to  them  to  be  for  no 
other  end. 

About  lO  a  clocke  this  day  we  descried  our  Shallop  returning 
toward  us,  which  so  soone  as  we  espied,  we  certainly  conjectured 
our  Captaine  had  found  some  unexpected  harbour,  fiarther  up 
towards  the  maine  to  bring  the  ship  into,  or  some  river;  know- 
ing his  determination  and  resolution,  not  so  suddenly  else  to 
make  returne :  which  when  they  came  neerer  they  expressed  by 
shooting  volleies  of  shot;  and  when  they  were  come  within 
Musket  shot,  they  gave  us  a  volley  and  haled  us,  then  we  in 
the  shippe  gave  them  a  great  peece  and  haled  them. 

Thus  we  welcomed  them ;  who  gladded  us  exceedingly  with 
their  joifull  relation  of  their  happie  discoverie,  which  shall  ap- 
peare  in  the  sequele.  And  we  likewise  gave  them  cause  of  mu- 
tuall  joy  with  us,  in  discoursing  of  the  kinde  civility  we  found 
In  a  people,  where  we  little  expected  any  sparke  of  humanity. 

325 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Our  Captaine  had  in  this  small  time  discovered  up  a  great 
river,  trending  alongst  into  the  maine  about  forty  miles.'  The 
pleasantnesse  whereof,  with  the  safety  of  harbour  for  shipping, 
together  with  the  fertility  of  ground  and  other  fruits,  which 
were  generally  by  his  whole  company  related,  I  omit,  till  I 
report  of  the  whole  discovery  therein  after  performed.  For  by 
the  breadth,  depth  and  strong  flood  imagining  it  to  run  far  up 
into  the  land,  he  with  speed  returned,  intending  to  flanke  his 
light  horsman-  for  arrowes,  least  it  might  happen  that  the 
further  part  of  the  river  should  be  narrow,  and  by  that  meanes 
subject  to  the  volley  of  Salvages  on  either  side  out  of  the 
woods. 

Untill  his  returne,  our  Captaine  left  on  shore  where  he 
landed  in  a  path  (which  seemed  to  be  frequented)  a  pipe,  a 
brooch  and  a  knife,  thereby  to  know  if  the  Salvages  had 
recourse  that  way,  because  they  could  at  that  time  see  none  of 
them,  but  they  were  taken  away  before  our  returne  thither. 

I  returne  now  to  our  Salvages,  who  according  to  their 
appointment  about  one  a  clocke,  came  with  4  Canoas  to  the 
shoare  of  the  iland  right  over  against  us,  where  they  had 
lodged  the  last  night,  and  sent  one  Canoa  to  us  with  two  of 
those  Salvages,  who  had  beene  a  bord,  and  another,  who  then 
seemed  to  have  command  of  them  ;  for  though  we  perceived 
their  willingnesse,  yet  he  would  not  permit  them  to  come 
abord ;  but  he  having  viewed  us  and  our  ship,  signed  that  he 
would  go  to  the  rest  of  the  company  and  returne  againe.   Pres- 

'  Some  have  identified  this  river  which  Waymouth  explored  with  the  Penob- 
scot. Winsor  is  confident  that  it  was  the  Kennebec,  and  regards  the  question 
as  settled  by  the  testimony  of  Strackey  that  Waymouth  discovered  two  rivers, 
"the  little  one  of  Pemaquid  "  and  "the  most  excellent  and  beneficiall  river  of 
Sachadehoc."  Champlain  also  came  along  the  coast  soon  after  Waymouth  and 
was  told  by  the  natives  of  Kennebec  that  an  English  ship  had  been  there  and  that 
the  captain  had  killed  five  of  their  people.  On  the  other  Dr.  H.  S.  Barrage  and 
others  who  are  thoroughly  acquainted  with  this  part  of  the  Maine  coast  regard  the 
identification  of  St.  George's  Harbor  and  St.  George's  River  as  complete,  relying 
on  the  descriptions  of  the  locality  contained  in  this  narrative. 

2  I.e.,  to  make  the  sides  of  the  boat  higher. 

326 


WATMourirs  votagr:  rosier 

ently  after  their  departure  it  began  to  raine,  and  continued  all 
that  afternoone,  so  as  they  could  not  come  to  us  with  their 
skins  and  furs,  nor  we  go  to  them.  But  after  an  houre  or  there 
about,  the  three  which  had  beene  with  us  before  came  againe, 
whom  we  had  to  our  fire  and  covered  them  with  our  gownes. 
Our  Captaine  bestowed  a  shirt  upon  him,  whom  we  thought  to 
be  their  chiefe,  who  seemed  never  to  have  seene  any  before ; 
we  gave  him  a  brooch  to  hang  about  his  necke,  a  great  knife, 
and  lesser  knives  to  the  two  other,  and  to  every  one  of  them  a 
combe  and  glasse,  the  use  whereof  we  shewed  them :  whereat 
they  laughed  and  tooke  gladly;  we  victualled  them,  and  gave 
them  aqua  vita?,  which  they  tasted,  but  would  by  no  meanes 
drinke ;  our  beveridge  they  liked  well,  we  gave  them  Sugar 
Candy,  which  after  they  had  tasted  they  liked  and  desired 
more,  and  raisons  which  were  given  them  ;  and  some  of  every 
thing  they  would  reserve  to  carry  to  their  company.  Where- 
fore we  pittying  their  being  in  the  raine,  and  therefore  not 
able  to  get  themselves  victuall  (as  we  thought)  we  gave  them 
bread  and  fish. 

Thus  because  we  found  the  land  a  place  answereable  to  the 
intent  of  our  discovery,  viz.  fit  for  any  nation  to  inhabit,  we 
used  the  people  with  as  great  kindnes  as  we  could  devise,  or 
found  them  capable  of. 

The  next  day,  being  Saturday  and  the  first  of  June,  I  traded 
with  the  Salvages  all  the  fore  noone  upon  the  shore,  where  were 
eight  and  twenty  of  them :  and  because  our  ship  rode  nigh,  we 
were  but  five  or  sixe  :  where  for  knives,  glasses,  combes  and  other 
trifles  to  the  valew  of  foure  or  five  shillings,  we  had  40  good 
Beavers  skins.  Otters  skins.  Sables,  and  other  small  skins,  which 
we  knewe  not  how  to  call.  Our  trade  being  ended,  many  of 
them  came  abord  us,  and  did  eat  by  our  fire,  and  would  be 
verie  merrie  and  bold,  in  regard  of  our  kinde  usage  of  them. 
Towards  night  our  Captaine  went  on  shore,  to  have  a  draught 
with  the  Sein  or  Net.      And  we  carried  two  of  them  with  us, 

327 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

who  marvelled  to  see  us  catch  fish  with  a  net.  Most  of  that 
we  caught  we  gave  them  and  their  company.  Then  on  the 
shore  I  learned  the  names  of  divers  things  of  them :  and  when 
they  perceived  me  to  note  them  downe,  they  would  of  them- 
selves, fetch  fishes,  and  fruit  bushes,  and  stand  by  me  to  see 
me  write  their  names. 

Our  Captaine  shewed  them  a  strange  thing  which  they 
woondred  at.  His  sword  and  mine  having  beene  touched 
with  the  Loadstone,  tooke  up  a  knife  and  held  it  fast  when 
they  plucked  it  away,  made  the  knife  turne,  being  laid  on  a 
blocke,  and  touching  it  with  his  sword,  made  that  take  up  a 
needle,  whereat  they  much  marvelled.  This  we  did  to  cause 
them  to  imagine  some  great  power  in  us :  and  for  that  to  love 
and  feare  us. 

When  we  went  on  shore  to  trade  with  them,  in  one  of  their 
Canoas  I  saw  their  bowes  and  arrowes,  which  I  tooke  up  and 
drew  an  arrow  in  one  of  them,  which  I  found  to  be  of  strength 
able  to  carry  an  arrow  five  or  sixe  score  stronglie ;  and  one  of 
them  tooke  it  and  drew  as  we  draw  our  bowes,  not  like  the 
Indians.  Their  bow  is  made  of  Wich  Hazell,  and  some  of 
Beech  in  fashion  much  like  our  bowes,  but  they  want  nocks,' 
onely  a  string  of  leather  put  through  a  hole  at  one  end,  and 
made  fast  with  a  knot  at  the  other.  Their  arrowes  are  made  of 
the  same  wood,  some  of  Ash,  big  and  long,  with  three  feathers 
tied  on,  and  nocked  very  artificiallie :  headed  with  the  long 
shanke  bone  of  a  Deere,  made  very  sharpe  with  two  fangs  in 
manner  of  a  harping  iron.  They  have  likewise  Darts,  headed 
with  like  bone,  one  of  which  I  darted  among  the  rockes,  and 
it  brake  not.  These  they  use  very  cunningly,  to  kill  fish,  fowle 
and  beasts. 

Our  Captaine  had  two  of  them  at  supper  with  us  in  his 
cabbin   to  see  their  demeanure,  and  had   them  in   presence  at 

*  Nocks  =  notches.  Also  the  horn  tips  of  English  bows,  which  carried 
notches  for  the  bow-strings,   were  called  nocks. 

328 


WAYMOUriTS  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

service:  who  behaved  themselves  very  civilly,  neither  laughing 
nor  talking  all  the  time,  and  at  supper  fed  not  like  men  of 
rude  education,  neither  would  they  eat  or  drinke  more  than 
seemed  to  content  nature ;  they  desired  pease  to  carry  a  shore 
to  their  women,  which  we  gave  them,  with  fish  and  bread,  and 
lent  them  pewter  dishes,  which  they  carefully  brought  againe. 

In  the  evening  another  boat  came  to  them  on  the  shore,  and 
because  they  had  some  Tabacco,  which  they  brought  for  their 
owne  use,  the  other  came  for  us,  making  signe  what  they  had, 
and  offered  to  carry  some  of  us  in  their  boat,  but  foure  or  five 
of  us  went  with  them  in  our  owne  boat:  when  we  came  on 
shore  they  gave  us  the  best  welcome  they  could,  spreading 
fallow  Deeres  skins  for  us  to  sit  on  the  ground  by  their  fire, 
and  gave  us  of  their  Tabacco  in  our  pipes,  which  was  excellent, 
and  so  generally  commended  of  us  all  to  be  as  good  as  any  we 
ever  tooke,  being  the  simple  leafe  without  any  composition, 
strong,  and  of  sweet  taste ;  they  gave  us  some  to  carry  to  our 
Captaine,  whom  they  called  our  Bashabes  ; '  neither  did  they 
require  any  thing  for  it,  but  we  would  not  receive  any  thing 
from  them  without  remuneration. 

Heere  we  saw  foure  of  their  women,  who  stood  behind 
them,  as  desirous  to  see  us,  but  not  willing  to  be  seene ;  for 
before,  whensoever  we  came  on  shore,  they  retired  into  the 
woods,  whether  it  were  in  regard  of  their  owne  naturall 
modestie,  being  covered  only  as  the  men  with  the  foresaid 
Beavers  skins,  or  by  the  commanding  jealousy  of  their  hus- 
bands, which  we  rather  suspected,  because  it  is  an  inclination 
much  noted  to  be  in  Salvages ;  wherefore  we  would  by  no 
meanes  seeme  to  take  any  speciall  notice  of  them.  They  were 
very  well  favoured  in  proportion  of  countenance,  though 
coloured  blacke,  low  of  stature,  and  fat,  bare  headed  as  the 
men,  wearing  their  haire  long :  they  had  two  little  male  children 
of  a  yeere  and  half  old,  as  we  judged,  very  fat  and  of  good 

'  The  name  of  the  chief  of  the  Indians  at  Penobscot  Bay. 

329 


VOYAGES  TO  ^HE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

countenances,  which  they  love  tenderly,  all  naked,  except  their 
legs,  which  were  covered  with  thin  leather  buskins  tewed, 
fastened  with  strops  to  a  girdle  about  their  waste,  which  they 
girde  very  streight,  and  is  decked  round  about  with  little  round 
peeces  of  red  Copper ;  to  these  I  gave  chaines  and  bracelets, 
glasses,  and  other  trifles,  which  the  Salvages  seemed  to  accept 
in  great  kindnesse. 

At  our  comming  away,  we  would  have  had  those  two  that 
supped  with  us,  to  go  abord  and  sleepe,  as  they  had  promised  ; 
but  it  appeared  their  company  would  not  suffer  them.  Whereat 
we  might  easily  perceive  they  were  much  greeved ;  but  not 
long  after  our  departure,  they  came  with  three  more  to  our 
ship,  signing  to  us,  that  if  one  of  our  company  would  go  lie 
on  shore  with  them,  they  would  stay  with  us.  Then  Owen 
Griffin  (one  of  the  two  we  were  to  leave  in  the  Country,'  if 
we  had  thought  it  needfull  or  convenient)  went  with  them  in 
their  Canoa,  and  3  of  them  staied  aborde  us,  whom  our  whole 
company  very  kindly  used.  Our  Captaine  saw  their  lodging 
provided,  and  them  lodged  in  an  old  saile  upon  the  Orlop ;  ^ 
and  because  they  much  feared  our  dogs,  they  were  tied  up 
whensoever  any  of  them  came  abord  us. 

Owen  Griffin,  which  lay  on  the  shore,  reported  unto  me  their 
maner,  and  (as  I  may  terme  them)  the  ceremonies  of  their 
idolatry ;  which  they  performe  thus.  One  among  them  (the 
eldest  of  the  Company,  as  he  judged)  riseth  right  up,  the  other 
sitting  still,  and  looking  about,  suddenly  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  Baugh,  Waugh :  ^  then  the  women  fall  downe,  and  lie 
upon  the  ground,  and  the  men  all  together  answering  the  same, 
fall  a  stamping  round  about  the  fire  with  both  feet,  as  hard  as 
they  can,  making  the  ground  shake,  with  sundry  out-cries,  and 
change   of  voice  and   sound.     Many  take   the   fire-sticks   and 

'  The  Purchas  version  adds:    "by  their  agreement  with  my  Lord  the  Right 
Honorable  Count  Arundell." 

'■^  Orlop  (overloop),  the  lowest  deck  of  a  ship,  or  merely  the  deck. 
3  These  words  look  more  familiar  in  the  form  "  Pow-wow." 

330 


jVAYMourirs  votage:  rosier 

thrust  them  into  the  earth,  and  then  rest  awhile:  of  a  sudden 
beginning  as  before,  they  continue  so  stamping,  till  the  yonger 
sort  fetched  from  the  shore  many  stones,  of  which  every  man 
tooke  one,  and  first  beat  upon  them  with  their  fire  sticks,  then 
with  the  stones  beat  the  earth  with  all  their  strength.  And  in 
this  maner  (as  he  reported)  they  continued  above  two  houres," 

After  this  ended,  they  which  have  wives  take  them  apart, 
and  withdraw  themselves  severally  into  the  wood  all  night. 

The  next  morning,  assoone  as  they  saw  the  Sunne  rise,  they 
pointed  to  him  to  come  with  them  to  our  shipper  and  having 
received  their  men  from  us,  they  came  with  five  or  sixe  of  their 
Canoas  and  Company  hovering  about  our  ship;  to  whom 
(because  it  was  the  Sabbath  day)  I  signed  they  should  depart, 
and  at  the  next  Sun  rising  we  would  goe  along  with  them  to 
their  houses ;  which  they  understood  (as  we  thought)  and  de- 
parted, some  of  their  Canoas  coursing  about  the  Hand,  and  the 
other  directly  towards  the  maine. 

This  day,  about  five  a  clocke  after  noone,  came  three  other 
Canoas  from  the  maine,  of  which  some  had  beene  with  us  be- 
fore ;  and  they  came  aboord  us,  and  brought  us  Tabacco,  which 
we  tooke  with  them  in  their  pipes,  which  were  made  of  earth, 
very  strong,  blacke,  and  short,  containing  a  great  quantity  : 
some  Tabacco  they  gave  unto  our  Captaine,  and  some  to  me, 
in  very  civill  kind  maner.  We  requited  them  with  bread  and 
peaze,  which  they  caried  to  their  Company  on  shore,  seeming 
very  thankefull.  After  supper  they  returned  with  their  Canoa 
to  fetch  us  a  shore  to  take  Tabacco  with  them  there :  with 
whom  six  or  seven  of  us  went,  and  caried  some  trifles,  if  per- 
adventure  they  had  any  trucke,  among  which   I   caried  some 

'  The  Purchas  version  adds :  "In  the  time  of  their  Pavose,  our  watch  aboord 
were  singing,  and  they  signed  to  him  (/.^.,  Griffin')  to  doe  so  (/.f.,  to  sing), 
which  he  did,  looking  and  lifting  up  his  hands  to  Heaven  :  then  they  pointed  to 
the  Moone,  as  if  they  imagined  hee  worshipped  that,  which  when  he  with  signes 
denied,  they  pointed  to  the  Sunne  rising,  which  he  likewise  disliked,  lifting  up  his 
hands  againe ;  then  they  looked  about  as  though  they  would  see  what  Starre  it 
might  be,  laughing  to  one  another." 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

few  biskets,  to  try  if  they  would  exchange  for  them,  seeing 
they  so  well  liked  to  eat  them.  When  we  came  at  shore,  they 
most  kindly  entertained  us,  taking  us  by  the  hands,  as  they 
had  observed  we  did  to  them  aboord,  in  token  of  welcome, 
and  brought  us  to  sit  downe  by  their  fire,  where  sat  together 
thirteene  of  them.  They  filled  their  Tabacco  pipe,  which  was 
then  the  short  claw  of  a  Lobster,  which  will  hold  ten  of  our 
pipes  full,  and  we  dranke  of  their  excellent  Tabacco  as  much 
as  we  would  with  them;  but  we  saw  not  any  great  quantity 
to  trucke  for;  and  it  seemed  they  had  not  much  left  of  old, 
for  they  spend  a  great  quantity  yeerely  by  their  continuall 
drinking  :  and  they  would  signe  unto  us  that  it  was  growen 
yet  but  a  foot  above  ground,  and  would  be  above  a  yard  high, 
with  a  leafe  as  broad  as  both  their  hands.  They  often  would 
(by  pointing  to  one  part  of  the  maine  Eastward)  signe  unto  us, 
that  their  Bashabes  (that  is,  their  King)  had  great  plenty  of 
Furres,  and  much  Tabacco.  When  we  had  sufficiently  taken 
Tabacco  with  them,  I  shewed  some  of  our  trifles  for  trade ; 
but  they  made  signe  that  they  had  there  nothing  to  exchange ; 
for  (as  I  after  conceived)  they  had  beene  fishing  and  fowling, 
and  so  came  thither  to  lodge  that  night  by  us :  for  when  we 
were  ready  to  come  away,  they  shewed  us  great  cups  made 
very  wittily  of  barke,  in  forme  almost  square,  full  of  a  red 
berry  about  the  bignesse  of  a  bullis,'  which  they  did  eat, 
and  gave  us  by  handfuls ;  of  which  (though  I  liked  not  the 
taste)  yet  I  kept  some,  because  I  would  by  no  meanes  but 
accept  their  kindnesse.  They  shewed  me  likewise  a  great  piece 
of  fish,  whereof  I  tasted,  and  it  was  fat  like  Porpoise ;  and 
another  kinde  of  great  scaly  fish,  broiled  on  the  coales,  much 
like  white  Salmon,  which  the  French-men  call  Aloza,^  for  these 
they  would  have  had  bread ;  which  I  refused,  because  in  maner 
of  exchange,    I    would    alwayes    make    the   greatest   esteeme    I 

'  Bullis  — -  bullace,  the  wild  plum  ;   the  berries  were  either  checkerberries  or 
partridge-berries. 

=  Alose  =  the  shad. 


wAYMourirs  votage:  rosier 

could  of  our  commodities  whatsoever;  although  they  saw 
aboord  our  Captaine  was  liberall  to  give  them,  to  the  end  we 
might  allure  them  still  to  frequent  us.  Then  they  shewed  me 
foure  yoong  Goslings,  for  which  they  required  foure  biskets, 
but  I  offered  them  two ;  which  they  tooke  and  were  well 
content. 

At  our  departure  they  made  signe,  that  if  any  of  us  would 
stay  there  on  shore,  some  of  them  would  go  lie  aboord  us  :  at 
which  motion  two'  of  our  Company  stayed  with  them,  and 
three  of  the  Salvages  lodged  with  us  in  maner  as  the  night 
before. 

Early  the  next  morning,  being  Munday  the  third  of  June, 
when  they  had  brought  our  men  aboord,  they  came  about  our 
ship,  earnestly  by  signes  desiring  that  we  would  go  with  them 
along  to  the  maine,  for  that  there  they  had  Furres  and  Tabacco 
to  traffique  with  us.  Wherefore  our  Captaine  manned  the 
light-horseman  with  as  many  men  as  he  could  well,  which  were 
about  fifteene  with  rowers  and  all;  and  we  went  along  with  them. 
Two  of  their  Canoas  they  sent  away  before,  and  they  which  lay 
aboord  us  all  night  kept  company  with  us  to  direct  us. 

This  we  noted  as  we  went  along,  they  in  their  Canoa  with 
three  oares,  would  at  their  will  go  ahead  of  us  and  about 
us,  when  we  rowed  with  eight  oares  strong;  such  was  their 
swiftnesse,  by  reason  of  the  lightnesse  and  artificiall  ^  compo- 
sition of  their  Canoa  and  oares. 

When  we  came  neere  the  point  where  we  saw  their  fires, 
where  they  intended  to  land,  and  where  they  imagined  some  few 
of  us  would  come  on  shore  with  our  merchandize,  as  we  had 
accustomed  before ;  when  they  had  often  numbered  our  men 
very  diligently,  they  scoured  away  to  their  Company,  not 
doubting  we  would  have  followed  them.  But  when  we  per- 
ceived this,  and   knew  not  either  their  intents,  or  number  of 

'  The   Purchas  version  gives  their  names  as  **  Master  Books,  servant  to  the 
Right  Honorable  Count  Arundell,"  and  Owen  Griffin  as  before. 
2  Purchas  here  has  the  word  "exquisite." 

333 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Salvages  on  the  shore,  our  Captaine,  after  consultation,  stood 
off,  and  wefted  them  to  us,  determining  that  I  should  go  on 
shore  first  to  take  a  view  of  them  and  what  they  had  to  traf- 
fique:  if  he,  whom  at  our  first  sight  of  them  seemed  to  be  of 
most  respect  among  them,  and  being  then  in  the  Canoa,  would 
stay  as  a  pawne  for  me.  When  they  came  to  us  (notwithstand- 
ing all  our  former  courtesies)  he  utterly  refused ;  but  would 
leave  a  yoong  Salvage:  and  for  him  our  Captaine  sent  GrifSn 
in  their  Canoa,  while  we  lay  hulling  a  little  off.  Grifiin  at  his 
returne  reported,  thay  had  there  assembled  together,  as  he 
numbred  them,  two  hundred  eighty  three  Salvages,  every  one 
his  bowe  and  arrowes,  with  their  dogges,  and  wolves  which  they 
keepe  tame  at  command,  and  not  anything  to  exchange  at  all ; 
but  would  have  drawen  us  further  up  into  a  little  narrow  nooke 
of  a  river,  for  their  Furres,  as  they  pretended. 

These  things  considered,  we  began  to  joyne  them  in  the 
ranke  of  other  Salvages,  who  have  beene  by  travellers  in  most 
discoveries  found  very  trecherous ;  never  attempting  mischiefe, 
untill  by  some  remisnesse,  fit  opportunity  affoordeth  them 
certaine  ability  to  execute  the  same.  Wherefore  after  good 
advice  taken,  we  determined  so  soone  as  we  could  to  take  some 
of  them,  least  (being  suspitious  we  had  discovered  their  plots) 
they  should  absent  themselves  from  us. 

Tuesday,  the  fourth  of  June,  our  men  tooke  Cod  and  Had- 
ocke  with  hooks  by  our  ship  side,  and  Lobsters  very  great ; 
which  before  we  had  not  tried. 

About  eight  a  clocke  this  day  we  went  on  shore  with  our 
boats,  to  fetch  aboord  water  and  wood,  our  Captaine  leaving 
word  with  the  Gunner  in  the  shippe,  by  discharging  a  musket, 
to  give  notice  if  they  espied  any  Canoa  comming ;  which  they 
did  about  ten  a  clocke.  He  therefore  being  carefull  they 
should  be  kindly  entreated,  requested  me  to  go  aboord,  in- 
tending with  dispatch  to  make  what  haste  after  he  possibly 
could.    When  I  came  to  the  ship,  there  were  two  Canoas,  and 

334 


PVATMOimrS  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

in  either  of  them  three  Salvages ;  of  whom  two  were  below  at 
the  fire,  the  other  staied  in  their  Canoas  about  the  ship;  and 
because  we  could  not  entice  them  abord,  we  gave  them  a 
Canne  of  pease  and  bread,  which  they  carried  to  the  shore  to 
eat.  But  one  of  them  brought  backe  our  Canne  presently  and 
staid  abord  with  the  other  two ;  for  he  being  yoong,  of  a  ready 
capacity,  and  one  we  most  desired  to  bring  with  us  into  Eng- 
land, had  received  exceeding  kinde  usage  at  our  hands,  and  was 
therefore  much  delighted  in  our  company.  When  our  Captaine 
was  come,  we  consulted  how  to  catch  the  other  three  at  shore 
which  we  performed  thus. 

We  manned  the  light  horseman  with  7  or  8  men,  one  stand- 
ing before  carried  our  box  of  Marchandise,  as  we  were  woont 
when  I  went  to  traffique  with  them,  and  a  platter  of  pease, 
which  meat  they  loved  :  but  before  we  were  landed,  one  of 
them  (being  too  suspitiously  feareful  of  his  owne  good)  with- 
drew himselfe  into  the  wood.  The  other  two  met  us  on  the 
shore  side,  to  receive  the  pease,  with  whom  we  went  up  the 
Cliffe  to  their  fire  and  sate  downe  with  them,  and  whiles  we 
were  discussing  how  to  catch  the  third  man  who  was  gone,  I 
opened  the  box,  and  shewed  them  trifles  to  exchange,  thinking 
thereby  to  have  banisht  feare  from  the  other,  and  drawen  him 
to  returne  :  but  when  we  could  not,  we  used  little  delay,  but 
suddenly  laid  hands  upon  them.  And  it  was  as  much  as  five 
or  sixe  of  us  could  doe  to  get  them  into  the  light  horseman. 
For  they  were  strong  and  so  naked  as  our  best  hold  was  by 
their  long  haire  on  their  heads ;  and  we  would  have  beene  very 
loath  to  have  done  them  any  hurt,  which  of  necessity  we  had 
beene  constrained  to  have  done  if  we  had  attempted  them  in  a 
multitude,  which  we  must  and  would,  rather  than  have  wanted 
them,  being  a  matter  of  great  importance  for  the  full  accomple- 
ment  of  our  voyage. 

Thus  we  shipped  five  Salvages,  two  Canoas,  with  all  their 
bowes  and  arrowes. 

335 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  next  day  we  made  an  end  of  getting  our  wood  aboord, 
and  filled  our  empty  caske  with  water. 

Thursday,  the  6  of  June,  we  spent  in  bestowing  the  Canoas 
upon  the  orlop  safe  from  hurt,  because  they  were  subject  to 
breaking,  which  our  Captaine  was  carefull  to  prevent. 

Saturday  the  eight  of  June  (our  Captaine  being  desirous  to 
finish  all  businesse  about  this  harbour)  very  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, with  the  light  horseman,  coasted  five  or  sixe  leagues  about 
the  Hands  adjoining,  and  sounded  all  along  wheresoever  we 
went.  He  likewise  diligently  searched  the  mouth  of  the  Har- 
bour, and  about  the  rocks  which  shew  themselves  at  all  times, 
and  are  an  excellent  breach  of  the  water,  so  as  no  Sea  can  come 
in  to  offend  the  Harbour.  This  he  did  to  instruct  himselfe, 
and  thereby  able  to  direct  others  that  shall  happen  to  come  to 
this  place.  For  every  where  both  neere  the  rocks,  and  in  all 
soundings  about  the  Hands,  we  never  found  lesse  water  than 
foure  and  five  fathoms,  which  was  seldome ;  but  seven,  eight, 
nine  and  ten  fathoms  is  the  continuall  sounding  by  the  shore. 
In  .some  places  much  deeper  upon  clay  oaze  or  soft  sand:  so 
that  if  any  bound  for  this  place,  should  be  either  driven  or 
scanted'  with  winds,  he  shall  be  able  (with  his  directions)  to 
recover  safely  his  harbour  most  securely  in  water  enough  by 
foure  severall  passages,^  more  than  which  I  thinke  no  man  of 
judgement  will  desire  as  necessarie. 

Upon  one  of  the  Hands  ^  (because  it  had  a  pleasant  sandy 
Cove  for  small  barks  to  ride  in)  we  landed,  and  found  hard  by 
the  shore  a  pond  of  fresh  water,  which  flowed  over  the  banks, 
somewhat  over  growen  with  little  shrub  trees,  and  searching  up 
in  the  Hand,  we  saw  it  fed  with  a  strong  run,  which  with  small 
labour,  and  little  time,  might  be  made  to  drive  a  mill.  In  this 
Hand,  as  in  the  other,  were  spruce  trees  of  excellent  timber 
and   height,  able  to   mast  ships  of  great  burthen. 

'  Scanted  :=  hindered. 

2  These  four  passages  exist  in  St.  George's  Harbor. 

3  Identified  by  Dr.  Burrage  as  Allen's  Island. 


WAYMOUTH'S  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

While  we  thus  sounded  from  one  place  to  another  in  so 
good  deepes,  our  Captaine  to  make  some  triall  of  the  fishing 
himselfe,  caused  a  hooke  or  two  to  be  cast  out  at  the  mouth  of 
the  harbour,  not  above  halfe  a  league  from  our  ship,  where  in 
small  time  only,  with  the  baits  which  they  cut  from  the  fish 
and  three  hooks,  we  got  fish  enough  for  our  whole  Company 
(though  now  augmented)  for  three  daies.  Which  I  omit  not  to 
report,  because  it  sheweth  how  great  a  profit  the  fishing  would 
be,  they  being  so  plentiful!,  so  great  and  so  good,  with  such 
cony^nient  drying  as  can  be  wished,  neere  at  hand  upon  the 
Rocks. 

This  day,  about  one  a  clocke  after  noone,  came  from  the 
Eastward,  two  Canoas  abord  us,  wherein  was  he  that  refused  to 
stay  with  us  for  a  pawne,  and  with  him  six  other  Salvages 
which  we  had  not  seene  before,  who  had  beautified  themselves 
after  their  manner  very  gallantly,  though  their  clothing  was 
not  differing  from  the  former,  yet  they  had  newly  painted  their 
faces  very  deep,  some  all  blacke,  some  red,  with  stripes  oi  ex- 
cellent blew  over  their  upper  lips,  nose  and  chin.  One  of  them 
ware  a  kinde  of  Coronet  about  his  head,  made  very  cunningly, 
of  a  substance  like  stifFe  haire  coloured  red,  broad,  and  more 
than  a  handfull  in  depth,  which  we  imagined  to  be  some  en- 
signe  of  superioritie;  for  he  so  much  esteemed  it  as  he  would 
not  for  anything  exchange  the  same.  Other  ware  the  white 
feathered  skins  of  some  fowle,  round  about  their  head,  jewels 
in  their  ears,  and  bracelets  of  little  white  round  bone,  fastened 
together  upon  a  leather  string.  These  made  not  any  shew  that 
they  had  notice  of  the  other  before  taken,  but  we  understood 
them  by  their  speech  and  signes,  that  they  came  sent  from  the 
Bashabes,  and  that  his  desire  was  that  we  would  bring  up  our 
ship  (which  they  call  as  their  owne  boats,  a  Quiden ' )  to  his 
house,  being,  as  they  pointed,  upon  the  main  towards  the  East, 
from  whence  they  came,  and  that  he  would  exchange  with  us 

^  Aquiden  =  canoe. 

337 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

for  Furres  and  Tabacco.  But  because  our  Company  was  but 
small,  and  now  our  desire  was  with  speed  to  discover  up  the 
river,  we  let  them  understand,  that  if  their  Bashabes  would 
come  to  us,  he  should  be  welcome,  but  we  would  not  remove 
to  him.  Which  when  they  understood  (receiving  of  us  bread 
and  fish,  and  every  one  of  them  a  knife)  they  departed ;  for  we 
had  then  no  will  to  stay  them  long  abord,  least  they  should 
discover  the  other  Salvages  which  we  had  stowed  below. 

Tuesday,  the  1 1  of  June,  we  passed  up  into  the  river  with 
our  ship,  about  six  and  twenty  miles.  Of  which  I  had  rgther 
not  write,  then  by  my  relation  to  detract  from  the  worthinesse 
thereof.  For  the  River,  besides  that  it  is  subject  by  shipping 
to  bring  in  all  traffiques  of  Marchandise,  a  benefit  alwaies  ac- 
counted the  richest  treasury  to  any  land :  for  which  cause  our 
Thames  hath  that  due  denomination,  and  France  by  her  navi- 
gable Rivers  receiveth  hir  greatest  wealth;  yet  this  place  of 
itselfe  from  God  and  nature  affoordeth  as  much  diversitie  of 
good  commodities,  as  any  reasonable  man  can  wish,  for  present 
habitation  and  planting. 

The  first  and  chiefest  thing  required,  is  a  bold  coast  and 
faire  land  to  fall  with;  the  next,  a  safe  harbour  for  ships  to 
ride  in. 

The  first  is  a  speciall  attribute  to  this  shore,  being  most  free 
from  sands  or  dangerous  rocks  in  a  continuall  good  depth, 
with  a  most  excellent  land-fall,  which  is  the  first  Hand  we  fell 
with,  named  by  us,  Saint  Georges  Island.  For  the  second,  by 
judgement  of  our  Captaine,  who  knoweth  most  of  the  coast  of 
England,  and  most  of  other  Countries,  (having  beene  experi- 
enced by  imployments  in  discoveries  and  travels  from  his 
childhood)  and  by  opinion  of  others  of  good  judgement  in  our 
shippe,  heere  are  more  good  harbours  for  ships  of  all  burthens, 
than  England  can  aflfoord,  and  far  more  secure  from  all  winds 
and  weathers  than  any  in  England,  Scotland,  France  or  Spaine. 
For   besides   without   the    River   in   the   channell,   and    sounds 

338 


WAYMourirs  v  or  age-,  rosier 

about  the  Hands  adjoining  to  the  mouth  thereof,  no  better 
riding  can  be  desired  for  an  infinite  number  of  ships.  The 
River  it  selfe  as  it  runneth  up  into  the  main  very  nigh  forty 
miles  toward  the  great  mountaines,  beareth  in  bredth  a  mile, 
sometime  three  quarters,  and  halfe  a  mile  is  the  narrowest, 
where  you  shall  never  have  under  4  and  5  fathoms  water  hard 
by  the  shore,  but  6,  7,  8,  9,  and  10  fathoms  all  along,  and  on 
both  sides  every  halfe  mile  very  gallant  Coves,  some  able  to 
conteine  almost  a  hundred  saile,  where  the  ground  is  excellent 
soft  oaze  with  a  tough  clay  under  for  anker  hold,  and  where 
ships  may  ly  without  either  Cable  or  Anker,  only  mored  to 
the  shore  with  a   Hauser. 

It  floweth  by  their  judgement  eighteen  or  twenty  foot  at 
high  water. 

Heere  are  made  by  nature  most  excellent  places,  as  Docks 
to  grave  or  Carine '  ships  of  all  burthens ;  secured  from  all 
windes,  which  is  such  a  necessary  incomparable  benefit,  that 
in  few  places  in  England,  or  in  any  parts  of  Christendome,  art, 
with  great  charges,  can  make  the  like.^ 

Besides,  the  bordering  land  is  a  most  rich  neighbour  trend- 
ing all  along  on  both  sides,  in  an  equall  plaine,  neither  moun- 
tainous nor  rocky,  but  verged  with  a  greene  bordure  of  grasse, 
doth  make  tender  unto  the  beholder  of  hir  pleasant  fertility, 
if  by  clensing  away  the  woods  she  were  converted  into  meddow. 

The  wood  she  beareth  is  not  shrubbish  fit  only  for  fewell, 
but  goodly  tall  Firre,  Spruce,  Birch,  Beech,  Oke,  which  in 
many  places  is  not  so  thicke,  but  may  with  small  labour  be 
made  feeding  ground,  being  plentifull  like  the  outward  Hands 
with  fresh  water,  which  streameth  downe  in  many  places. 

'  Grave  or  careen.  *' Grave"  means  to  clean  the  bottom  of  a  ship  by  burn- 
ing off  accretions,  and  covering  with  tar  or  other  substances. 

2  The  Purchas  version  adds :  "  It  yeeldeth  plenty  of  Salmons,  and  other  fishes 
of  great  bignesse,  and  assuredly  great  probabilitie  of  better  things  therein  to  be 
found,  seeing  about  the  Hands  v^'ee  had  such  certain  hope  of  Pearl  and  Oare. 
Besides  all  these  commodities  innative  to  this  River,"  etc. 

339 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASrs 

As  we  passed  with  a  gentle  winde  up  with  our  ship  in  this 
River,  any  man  may  conceive  with  what  admiration  we  all 
consented  in  joy.  Many  of  our  Company  who  had  beene 
travellers  in  sundry  countries,  and  in  the  most  famous  Rivers, 
yet  affirmed  them  not  comparable  to  this  they  now  beheld. 
Some  that  were  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  in  his  voyage  to 
Guiana,  in  the  discovery  of  the  River  Orenoque,  which  echoed 
fame  to  the  worlds  eares,  gave  reasons  why  it  was  not  to  be 
compared  with  this,  which  wanteth  the  dangers  of  many 
Shoules,  and  broken  ground,  wherewith  that  was  incombred. 
Others  before  that  notable  River  in  the  West  Indies  called 
Rio  Grande ;  some  before  the  River  of  Loyer,'  the  River 
Seine,  and  of  Burdeaux  in  France,  which,  although  they  be 
great  and  goodly  Rivers,  yet  it  is  no  detraction  from  them  to 
be  accounted  inferiour  to  this,  which  not  only  yeeldeth  all  the 
foresaid  pleasant  profits,  but  also  appeared  infallibly  to  us  free 
from  all  inconveniences. 

I  will  not  prefer  it  before  our  river  of  Thames,  because  it 
is  Englands  richest  treasure ;  but  we  all  did  wish  those  excel- 
lent Harbours,  good  deeps  in  a  continuall  convenient  breadth 
and  small  tide-gates,  to  be  as  well  therein  for  our  countries 
good,  as  we  found  them  here  (beyond  our  hopes)  in  certaine, 
for  those  to  whom  it  shall  please  God  to  grant  this  land  for 
habitation;  which  if  it  had,  with  the  other  inseparable  adherent 
commodities  here  to  be  found ;  then  I  would  boldly  affirme  it 
to  be  the  most  rich,  beautifull,  large  &  secure  harbouring  river 
that  the  world  affoordeth.^ 

Wednesday,  the  twelfth  of  June,  our  Captaine  manned  his 
light-horseman  with  17  men,  and  ranne  up  from  the  ship 
riding  in  the  river  up  to  the  codde^  thereof,  where  we  landed, 

'  Loire. 

2  The  Purchas  version  adds:  "for  if  man  should  wish,  or  Art  invent,  a 
River  subject  to  all  conveniences,  and  free  from  all  dangers,  here  they  may  take 
a  view  in  a  Plat-forme  formed  by  Nature,  who  in  her  perfection  farre  exceedeth 
all  Arts  invention." 

3  Codde  means  the  inmost  recess,  usually  of  a  bay. 

340 


fVATMow-rirs  voyagk:  rosier 

leaving  six  to  kecpe  the  light-horseman  till  our  returne.  Ten 
of  us  with  our  shot,  and  some  armed,  with  a  boy  to  carry  pow- 
der and  match,  marched  up  into  the  countrey  towards  the 
mountaines,  which  we  descried  at  our  first  falling  with  the 
land.  Unto  some  of  them  the  river  brought  us  so  neere,  as 
we  judged  our  selves  when  we  landed  to  have  been  within 
a  league  of  them;  but  we  marched  up  about  foure  miles  in  the 
maine,  and  passed  over  three  hilles :  and  because  the  weather 
was  parching  hot,  and  our  men  in  their  armour  not  able  to 
travel  farre  and  returne  that  night  to  our  ship,  we  resolved  not 
to  passe  any  further,  being  all  very  weary  of  so  tedious  and 
laboursom   a  travell. 

In  this  march  we  passed  over  very  good  ground,  pleasant 
and  fertile,  fit  for  pasture,  for  the  space  of  some  three  miles, 
having  but  little  wood,  and  that  Oke  like  stands  left  in  our 
pastures  in  England,  good  and  great,  fit  timber  for  any  use. 
Some  small  Birch,  Hazle  and  Brake,  which  might  in  small 
time  with  few  men  be  cleansed  and  made  good  arable  land : 
but  as  it  now  is  will  feed  cattell  of  all  kindes  with  fodder 
enough  for  Summer  and  Winter.  The  soile  is  blacke,  bearing 
sundry  hearbs,  grasse,  and  strawberries  bigger  than  ours  in 
England.  In  many  places  are  lowe  Thicks'  like  our  Copisses 
of  small  yoong  wood.  And  surely  it  did  all  resemble  a  stately 
Parke,  wherein  appeare  some  old  trees  with  high  withered 
tops,  and  other  flourishing  with  living  greene  boughs.  Upon 
the  hilles  grow  notable  high  timber  trees,  masts  for  ships  of 
400  tun  :  and  at  the  bottome  of  every  hill,  a  little  run  of  fresh 
water;  but  the  furthest  and  last  we  passed  ranne  with  a  great 
streame  able  to  drive  a  mill. 

We  might  see  in  some  places  where  fallow  Deere  and  Hares 
had  beene,  and  by  the  rooting  of  ground  we  supposed  wilde 
Hogs  had  ranged  there,  but  we  could  descrie  no  beast,  because 
our  noise  still  chased  them  from  us. 

'  Thickets. 

341 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

We  were  no  sooner  come  aboord  our  light-horseman,  re- 
turning towards  our  ship,  but  we  espied  a  Canoa  comming 
from  the  further  part  of  the  Cod  of  the  river  Eastward,  which 
hasted  to  us :  wherein,  with  two  others,  was  he  who  refused 
to  stay  for  a  pawne :  and  his  comming  was  very  earnestly 
importing  to  have  one  of  our  men  to  go  lie  on  shore  with 
their  Bashabes  (who  was  there  on  shore,  as  they  signed)  and 
then  the  next  morning  he  would  come  to  our  ship  with  many 
Furres  and  Tabacco.  This  we  perceived  to  be  only  a  meere 
device  to  get  possession  of  any  of  our  men,  to  ransome  all 
those  which  we  had  taken,  which  their  naturall  policy  could 
not  so  shadow,  but  we  did  easily  discover  and  prevent.  These 
meanes  were  by  this  Salvage  practised,  because  we  had  one 
of  his  kinsemen  prisoner,  as  we  judged  by  his  most  kinde 
usage  of  him  being  aboord  us  together. 

Thursday,  the  13  of  June,  by  two  a  clocke  in  the  morning 
(because  our  Captaine  would  take  the  helpe  and  advantage  of 
the  tide)  in  the  light-horseman  with  our  Company  well  pro- 
vided and  furnished  with  armour  and  shot  both  to  defend  and 
offend ;  we  went  from  our  ship  up  to  that  part  of  the  river 
which  trended  westward  into  the  maine,  to  search  that :  and  we 
carried  with  us  a  Crosse,  to  erect  at  that  point,  which  (because 
it  was  not  daylight)  we  left  on  the  shore  untill  our  returne 
backe ;  when  we  set  it  up  in  maner  as  the  former.  For  this 
(by  the  way)  we  diligently  observed,  that  in  no  place,  either 
about  the  Hands,  or  up  in  the  maine,  or  alongst  the  river,  we 
could  discerne  any  token  or  signe,  that  ever  any  Christian  had 
beene  before;  of  which  either  by  cutting  wood,  digging  for 
water,  or  setting  up  Crosses  (a  thing  never  omitted  by  any 
Christian  travellers)  we  should  have  perceived  some  mention 
left.' 

'  See  Champlain's  narrative,  Chapter  XVI,  wherein  he  says  that  Poutrincourt 
and  himself  found  at  a  harbor  in  the  Basin  of  Mines  "a  very  old  cross  all  covered 
with  moss  and  almost  rotten,  a  plain  indication  that  before  this  there  had  been 
Christians  there." 

342 


WATMourirs  votage:  rosier 

But  to  returne  to  our  river,  further  up  into  which  we  then 
rowed  by  estimation  twenty  miles,  the  beauty  and  goodnesse 
whereof  I  can  not  by  relation  sufficiently  demonstrate.  That 
which  I  can  say  in  generall  is  this:  What  profit  or  pleasure 
soever  is  described  and  truly  verified  in  the  former  part  of  the 
river,  is  wholly  doubled  in  this;  for  the  bredth  and  depth  is 
such,  that  any  ship  drawing  17  or  18  foot  water,  might  have 
passed  as  farre  as  we  went  with  our  light-horsman,  and  by  all 
our  mens  judgement  much  further,  because  we  left  it  in  so  good 
depth  and  bredth ;  which  is  so  much  the  more  to  be  esteemed 
of  greater  woorth,  by  how  much  it  trendeth  further  up  into 
the  maine:  for  from  the  place  of  our  ships  riding  in  the  Har- 
bour at  the  entrance  into  the  Sound,  to  the  furthest  part  we 
were  in  this  river,  by  our  estimation  was  not  much  lesse  than 
threescore  miles. 

From  ech  banke  of  this  river  are  divers  branching  streames 
into  the  maine,  whereby  is  affoorded  an  unspeakable  profit  by 
the  conveniency  of  transportation  from  place  to  place,  which 
in  some  countries  is  both  chargeable,  and  not  so  fit,  by  cariages 
on  waine,'  or  horse  backe. 

Heere  we  saw  great  store  of  fish,  some  great,  leaping  above 
water,  which  we  judged  to  be  Salmons.  All  along  is  an  ex- 
cellent mould  of  ground.  The  wood  in  most  places,  especially 
on  the  East  side,  very  thinne,  chiefly  oke  and  some  small 
young  birch,  bordering  low  upon  the  river;  all  fit  for  medow 
and  pasture  ground  :  and  in  that  space  we  went,  we  had  on 
both  sides  the  river  many  plaine  plots  of  medow,  some  of 
three  or  foure  acres,  some  of  eight  or  nine  :  so  as  we  judged  in 
the  whole  to  be  betweene  thirty  and  forty  acres  of  good  grasse, 
and  where  the  armes  run  out  into  the  Maine,  there  likewise 
went  a  space  on  both  sides  of  cleere  grasse,  how  far  we  know 
not,  in  many  places  we  might  see  paths  ^  made  to  come  downe 
to  the  watering. 

^  Wain  ^  wagon.        ^  Tp^g  Purchas  version  says,  "pathes  Beasts  had  made." 

343 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  excellencie  of  this  part  of  the  River,  for  his  good 
breadth,  depth,  and  fertile  bordering  ground,  did  so  ravish  us 
all  with  variety  of  pleasantnesse,  as  we  could  not  tell  what  to 
commend,  but  only  admired  ;  some  compared  it  to  the  River 
Severne,  (but  in  a  higher  degree)  and  we  all  concluded  (as  I 
verily  thinke  we  might  rightly)  that  we  should  never  see  the 
like  River  in  every  degree  equall,  untill  it  pleased  God  we  be- 
held the  same  againe.  For  the  farther  we  went,  the  more 
pleasing  it  was  to  every  man,  alluring  us  still  with  expectation 
of  better,  so  as  our  men,  although  they  had  with  great  labour 
rowed  long  and  eat  nothing  (for  we  carried  with  us  no  victuall, 
but  a  little  cheese  and  bread)  yet  they  were  so  refreshed  with 
the  pleasant  beholding  thereof,  and  so  loath  to  forsake  it,  as 
some  of  them  affirmed,  they  would  have  continued  willingly 
with  that  onely  fare  and  labour  i  dales ;  but  the  tide  not  suffer- 
ing us  to  make  anv  longer  stay  (because  we  were  to  come  backe 
with  the  tide)  and  our  Captaine  better  knowing  what  was  fit 
then  we,  and  better  what  they  in  labour  were  able  to  endure, 
being  verie  loath  to  make  any  desperate  hazard,  where  so  little 
necessitie  required,  thought  it  best  to  make  returne,  because 
whither  we  had  discovered  was  sufficient  to  conceive  that  the 
River  ran  very  far  into  the  land.  For  we  passed  six  or  seven 
miles,  altogether  fresh  water  (whereof  we  all  dranke)  forced  up 
by  the  flowing  of  the  Salt :  which  after  a  great  while  eb,  where 
we  left  it,  by  breadth  of  channell  and  depth  of  water  was  likely 
to  run  by  estimation  of  our  whole  company  an  unknowen  way 
farther:  the  search  whereof  our  Captaine  hath  left  till  his  re- 
turne," if  it  shall  so  please  God  to  dispose  of  him  and  us. 

For  we  having  now  by  the  direction  of  the  omnipotent 
disposer  of  all  good  intents  (far  beyond  the  period  of  our 
hopes)   fallen   with   so   bold  a  coast,   found   so   excellent   and 

'  The  Purchas  version  adds:  "And  as  our  Captain  verily  thought  (although 
hee  then  concealed  itj  might  possibly  make  a  passage  into  (or  very  nigh)  the 
South  Sea  :   which  hee  neither  had  commission  nor  time  now  to  search." 

344 


WAYMOUriTS  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

secure  harbour  for  as  many  ships  as  any  nation  professing 
Christ  is  able  to  set  forth  to  Sea,  discovered  a  River,  which  the 
All-creating  God,  with  his  most  liberall  hand  hath  made  above 
report  notable  with  his  foresaid  blessings,  bordered  with  a  land, 
whose  pleasant  fertility  bewraieth  it  selfe  to  be  the  garden  of 
nature,  wherein  she  only  intended  to  delight  hir  selfe,  having 
hitherto  obscured  it  to  any,  except  to  a  purblind  generation, 
whose  understanding  it  hath  pleased  God  so  to  darken,  as  they 
can  neither  discerne,  use,  or  rightly  esteeme  the  unvaluable 
riches  in  middest  whereof  they  live  sensually  content  with  the 
barke  and  outward  rinds,  as  neither  knowing  the  sweetnes  of 
the  inward  marrow,  nor  acknowledging  the  Deity  of  the  Al- 
mighty giver :  having  I  say  thus  far  proceeded,  and  having 
some  of  the  Inhabitant  nation  (of  best  understanding  we  saw 
among  them)  who  (learning  our  language)  may  be  able  to  give 
us  further  instruction,  concerning  all  the  premised  particulars, 
as  also  of  their  governours,  and  government,  situation  of 
townes,  and  what  else  shall  be  convenient,  which  by  no  meanes 
otherwise  we  could  by  any  observation  of  our  selves  learne  in 
a  long  time :  our  Captaine  now  wholy  intended  his  provision 
for  speedy  returne.  For  although  the  time  of  yeere  and  our 
victuall  were  not  so  spent,  but  we  could  have  made  a  longer 
voyage,  in  searching  farther  and  trading  for  very  good  commo- 
dities, yet  as  they  might  have  beene  much  profitable,  so  (our 
company  being  small)  much  more  prejudicial!  to  the  whole 
state  of  our  voyage,  which  we  were  most  regardfull  now  not 
to  hazard.  For  we  supposing  not  a  little  present  private  profit, 
but  a  publique  good,  and  true  zeale  of  promulgating  Gods 
holy  Church  by  planting  Christianity,  to  be  the  sole  intent  of 
the  Honourable  setters  foorth  of  this  discovery;  thought  it 
generally  most  expedient,  by  our  speedy  returne,  to  give  the 
longer  space  of  time  to  make  provision  for  so  weighty  an 
enterprize. 

Friday,  the  14  day  of  June,  early  by  foure  a  clocke  in  the 

345 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

morning,  with  the  tide,  our  two  boats,  and  a  Httle  helpe  of 
the  winde,  we  rowed  downe  to  the  rivers  mouth  and  there 
came  to  an  anker  about  eleven  a  clocke.  Afterward  our  Cap- 
taine  in  the  Hght  horseman  searched  the  sounding  all  about 
the  mouth  and  comming  to  the  River,  for  his  certaine  instruc- 
tion of  a  perfect  description. 

The  next  day,  being  Saturday,  we  wayed  anker,  and  with  a 
briese  from  the  land,  we  sailed  up  to  our  watering  place,  and 
there  stopped,  went  on  shore  and  filled  all  our  empty  caske 
with  fresh  water.' 

Our  Captaine  upon  the  Rocke  in  the  middest  of  the  har- 
bour observed  the  height,  latitude,  and  variation  exactly  upon 
his  instruments. 

I    Astrolabe.  4  Cross  Staffe. 

1   Semisphere.  5   And  an  excellent  compasse 

3    Ringe  instrument.  made  for  the  variation. 

The  certainty  whereof,  together  with  the  particularities  of 
every  depth  and  sounding,  as  well  at  our  tailing  with  the  land, 
as  in  _  the  discovery,  and  at  our  departure  from  the  coast ;  I 
refer  to  his  owne  relation  in  the  Map  of  his  Geographicall 
description,  which  for  the  benefit  of  others  he  intendeth  most 
exactly  to  publish.^ 

The  temperature  of  the  Climate  (albeit  a  very  important 
matter)  I  had  almost  passed  without  mentioning,  because  it 
affoorded  to  us  no  great  alteration  from  our  disposition  in 
England ;  somewhat  hotter  up  into  the  Maine,  because  it 
lieth  open  to  the  South  ;  the  aire  so  wholesome,  as  I  suppose 
not  any  of  us   found  our  selves  at  any  time   more  healthfull, 

'  Purchas  contains  this  note  :  "The  Hand  where  we  watered  is  named  Insula 
Sancts  Crucis  because  there  wee  set  our  first  Crosse." 

2  The  Purchas  version  adds:  "The  latitude  he  found  to  be  43  degrees  20 
minutes.  North.  The  variation,  11  degrees  15  minutes,  viz.,  one  point  of  the 
Compas  Westward.  And  it  is  so  much  in  England  at  Lime-house  by  London, 
Eastward." 

346 


WAYMOUriTS  VOYAGE:    ROSIER 

more  able  to  labour,  nor  with  better  stomacks  to  such  good 
fare,  as  we  partly   brought,  and   partly   found. 

Sunday,  the  i6  ot  June,  the  winde  being  faire,  and  because 
we  had  set  out  of  luigland  upon  a  Sunday,  made  the  Hands 
upon  a  Sunday,  and  as  we  doubt  not  (by  Gods  appointment) 
happily  fell  into  our  harbour  upon  a  Sunday;  so  now  (be- 
seeching him  still  with  like  prosperity  to  blesse  our  returne 
into  England  our  country,  and  from  thence  with  his  good 
will  and  pleasure  to  hasten  our  next  arrivall  there)  we  waied 
Anker  and  quit  the   Land  upon  a  Sunday. 

Tuesday,  the  i8  day,  being  not  run  above  30  leagues  from 
land,  and  our  Captaine  for  his  certaine  knowledge  how  to  fall 
with  the  coast,  having  sounded  every  watch,  and  from  40 
fathoms  had  come  into  good  deeping,  to  70,  and  so  to  an 
hundred :  this  day  the  weather  being  faire,  after  the  foure  a 
clocke  watch,  when  we  supposed  not  to  have  found  ground 
so  farre  from  land,  and  before  sounded  in  about  100  fathoms, 
we  had  ground  in  24  fathomes.  Wherefore  our  sailes  being 
downe,  Thomas  King  boatswaine  presently  cast  out  a  hooke, 
and  before  he  judged  it  at  ground,  was  fished  and  haled  up  an 
exceeding  great  and  well  fed  Cod :  then  there  were  cast  out 
3  or  4  more,  and  the  fish  was  so  plentifull  and  so  great,  as 
when  our  Captaine  would  have  set  saile,  we  all  desired  him  to 
suffer  them  to  take  fish  a  while,  because  we  were  so  delighted 
to  see  them  catch  so  great  fish,  so  fast  as  the  hooke  came 
down  :  some  with  playing  with  the  hooke  they  tooke  by  the 
backe,  and  one  of  the  Mates  with  two  hookes  at  a  lead  at 
five  draughts  together  haled  up  tenne  fishes ;  all  were  gener- 
ally very  great,  some  they  measured  to  be  five  foot  long,  and 
three  foot  about. 

This  caused  our  Captaine  not  to  marvell  at  the  shoulding 
for  he  perceived  it  was  a  fish  banke,  which  (for  our  farewell 
from  the  land)  it  pleased  God  in  continuance  of  his  blessings 
to  give  us  knowledge  of:   the  abundant  profit  whereof  should 

347 


VOYAGES  TO  r//£  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

be  alone  sufficient  cause  to  draw  men  againe,  if  there  were  no 
other  good  both  in  present  certaine,  and  in  hope  probable  to 
be  discovered.  To  amplifie  this  with  words,  were  to  adde 
light  to  the  Sunne:  for  every  one  in  the  shippe  could  easily 
account  this  present  commodity ;  much  more  those  of  judge- 
ment, which  knew  what  belonged  to  fishing,  would  warrant 
(by  the  helpe  of  God)  in  a  short  voyage  with  few  good  fishers 
to  make  a  more  profitable  returne  from  hence  than  from  New- 
found-land :  the  fish  being  so  much  greater,  better  fed,  and 
abundant  with  traine ; '  of  which  some  they  desired,  and  did 
bring  into  England  to  bestow  among  their  friends,  and  to 
testifie   the  true  report. 

After,  we  kept  our  course  directly  for  England  &  with  or- 
dinary winds,  and  sometimes  calmes,  upon  Sunday  the  14  of 
July  about  sixe  a  clocke  at  night,  we  were  come  into  sounding 
in  our  channell,  but^  with  darke  weather  and  contrary  winds, 
we  were  constrained  to  beat  up  and  downe  till  Tuesday  the  16 
of  July,  when  by  five  a  clocke  in  the  morning  we  made  Sylly  ;3 
from  whence,  hindered  with  calmes  and  small  winds,  upon 
Thursday  the  1 8  of  July  about  foure  a  clocke  after  noone,  we 
came  into  Dartmouth  :  which  Haven  happily  (with  Gods  gra- 
cious assistance)  we  made  our  last  and  first  harbour  in  England. 

Further,  I  have  thought  fit  here  to  adde  some  things  worthy 
to  be  regarded,  which  we  have  observed  from  the  Salvages 
since  we  tooke  them. 

First,  although  at  the  time  when  we  surprised  them,  they 
made  their  best  resistance,  not  knowing  our  purpose,  nor  what 
we  were,  nor  how  we  meant  to  use  them  ;  yet  after  perceiving 
by  their  kinde  usage  we  intended  them  no  harme,  they  have 
never  since  seemed  discontented  with  us,  but  very  tractable, 
loving,   &  willing   by  their  best  meanes  to  satisfie  us  in  any 

^  Train-oil. 

2  The  Purchas  version  adds:  "But  for  want  of  the  sight  of  the  Sunne  and 
Starres  to  make  a  true  observation." 

3  The  Scilly  Islands. 

348 


WAYMovrirs  votage:  rosier 

thing  we  demand  of  them,  by  words  or  signes  for  their  under- 
standing: neither  have  they  at  any  time  bcene  at  the  least  dis- 
cord among  themselves;  insomuch  as  we  have  not  scene  them 
angry  but  merry;  and  so  kinde,  as  if  you  give  any  thing  to 
one  of  them,  he  will  distribute  part  to  every  one  of  the  rest. 

We  have  brought  them  to  understand  some  English,  and 
we  understand  much  of  their  language ;  so  as  we  are  able  to 
aske  them  many  things.  And  this  we  have  observed,  that  if 
we  shew  them  anything,  and  aske  them  if  they  have  it  in  their 
countrey,  they  will  tell  you  if  they  have  it,  and  the  use  of  it, 
the  difference  from  ours  in  bignesse,  colour,  or  forme;  but  if 
they  have  it  not,  be  it  a  thing  never  so  precious,  they  wil  denie 
the  knowledge  of  it. 

They  have  names  for  many  starres,  which  they  will  shew  in 
the  firmament. 

They  shew  great  reverence  to  their  King,  and  are  in  great 
subjection  to  their  Governours :  and  they  will  shew  a  great 
respect  to  any  we  tell  them  are  our  Commanders. 

They  shew  the  maner  how  they  make  bread  of  their  Indian 
wheat,  and  how  they  make  butter  and  cheese  of  the  milke  they 
have  of  the  Rain-Deere  and  Fallo-Deere,  which  they  have 
tame  as  we  have   Cowes. 

They  have  excellent  colours.  And  having  scene  our  Indico, 
they  make  shew  of  it,  or  of  some  other  like  thing  which 
maketh  as  good  a  blew. 

One  especiall  thing  is  their  maner  of  killing  the  Whale, 
which  they  call  Powdawe ; '  and  will  describe  his  forme ;  how 
he  bloweth  up  the  water;  and  that  he  is  12  fathoms  long; 
and  that  they  go  in  company  of  their  King  with  a  multitude 
of  their  boats,  and  strike  him  with  a  bone  made  in  fashion  of 
a  harping  iron  fastened  to  a  rope,  which  they  make  great  and 
strong  of  the  barke  of  trees,  which  they  veare^  out  after  him; 

^  An  Indian  word  meaning,  "He  blows." 
2  Nautical  term  meaning  "to  pay  out." 

349 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

then  all  their  boats  come  about  him,  and  as  he  riseth  above 
water,  with  their  arrowes  they  shoot  him  to  death ;  when  they 
have  killed  him  and  dragged  him  to  shore,  they  call  all  their 
chiefe  lords  together,  &  sing  a  song  of  joy  :  and  those  chiefe 
lords,  whom  they  call  Sagamos,  divide  the  spoile,  and  give  to 
every  man  a  share,  which  pieces  so  distributed  they  hang  up 
about  their  houses  for  provision  :  and  when  they  boile  them, 
they  blow  off  the  fat,  and  put  to  their  peaze,  maiz,  and  other 
pulse,  which  they  eat. 


^  Briefe  Note  of  what  Profits  we  saw  the  Country  yeeld  in  the 
small  time  of  our  stay  there. 


Trees. 
Oke  of  an  exellent  graine,  strait,  and 

great  timber. 
Elme. 
Beech. 
Birch,  very  tall  and  great ;  of  whose 

barke  they  make  their  Canoas. 
Wich-Hazeil. 
Hazell. 
Alder. 
Cherry-tree. 
Ash. 
Maple. 
Yew. 
Spruce. 
Aspe. 
Firre. 
Many  fruit  trees,  which  we  knew  not. 


Fowles. 


Eagles. 
Hernshawes. 
Cranes. 
Ducks  great. 
Geese. 


Swannes. 

Penguins. 

Crowes. 

Sharks. 

Ravens. 

Mewes. 

Turtle-doves. 

Many  birds  of  sundrie  colours. 

Many  other  fowls  in  flocks,  unknown. 

Beasts. 
Reine-Deere. 

Stagges. 
Fallow-Deere. 
Beares. 
Wolves. 
Beaver. 
Otter. 
Hare. 
Cony. 

Hedge-Hoggs. 
Polcats. 

Wilde  great  Cats. 

Dogges ;   some  like  Wolves,  some  like 
Spaniels. 


350 


WATMOVrirs  VOTAGE:    ROSIFAi 


Fishes. 
Whales. 
Scales. 

Cod  very  great. 
Haddocke  great. 
Herring  great. 
Plaise. 

Thornebacke. 
Rockefish. 
Lobstar  great. 
Crabs. 

Muscles  great,  with  pearlcs  in  them. 
Cockles. 
Wilks. 
Cunner-fish. 
Lumps. 
Whiting. 
Scales. 
Tortoises. 
Oisters. 


Fruits,  Plants  and  Herhs. 
Tobacco,  excellent  sweet  and  strong. 
Wild-Vines. 
Strawberries 
Raspberries 

Gooseberries       \    abundance. 
Hurtleberries 
Currant  trees 
Rose-bushes. 
Peaze. 

Ground-nuts. 

Angelica,  a  most  soveraigne  herbe. 
An   hearbe    that    spreadeth    the    ground 

and   smelleth    like   Sweet    Marjoram, 

great  plenty. 
Very    good    Dies,    which    appeare    by 

their    painting ;     which    they    carrie 

with  them  in  bladders. 


'The  names  of  the  five  Salvages  which  we  brought  home 
into    England,  which  are  all   yet  alive,  are  these. 

I,  Tahanedo,  a  Sagamo  or  Commander. 

1.  Amoret  \ 

3.  Skicowaros      .■      Gentlemen. 

4.  Maneddo       j 

5.  SafFacomoit,  a  servant. 


•  The  narrative  as  given  in  Purchas   inserts  here  a  long  list  of  Indian  words 
with  English  meanings  and   the  names  of  twelve  Indian  sachems. 


351 


VI. 

VOYAGES  UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE 
PLYMOUTH  COMPANY,  SIR  FERDINANDO 
GORGES,  AND  SIR  JOHN  POPHAM. 

I.  — 1606.   Henry  Challons,  Thomas  Hanham^ 
and  Martin  Prhig. 

IR  FERDINAND  GORGES  (1566  [?]- 
1647)  was  the  son  of  an  old  Somerset- 
shire family  seated  at  Wraxall.  As  a 
young  man  he  saw  some  military  and 
naval  service  and  was  known  as  a  friend  of  the  Earl 
of  Essex.  He  turned  against  Essex  in  the  hour  of  peril 
in  1 60 1,  and  became  Governor  of  Plymouth.  From 
the  time  of  the  return  of  Waymouth's  expedition  to 
Dartmouth  in  1605,  Gorges  was  devoted  to  the  project 
of  colonization  in  America,  altho  his  schemes  were 
never  successful. 

Sir  John  Popham,  who  was  at  the  outset  Gorges' 
principal  backer,  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  men 
in  the  kingdom,  having  served  as  Lord  Chief  Justice 
since  1592.  He  was  about  thirty-live  years  older  than 
Gorges,  and  in  1606  was  probably  seventy-five  years 
old.  He  had  been  interested  with  Raleigh  and  Spenser 
in  the  colonization  of  Ireland  in  1 584-1  586,  but  his 
attention  to  the  possibilities  of  American  exploration 
and    settlement    seems    to    have    begun    when    he    and 

352 


CHALLOm,  HAN II AM,  AND  PRING:    PURCIIAS 

Gorges  received  the  Indians  whom  VVaymouth  iMought 
home  in  1605.  As  chief  justice  he  had  been  instru- 
mental in  securing  legishition  naming  "banishment  be- 
yond the  seas"  as  a  penalty  for  vagrancy,  an  act  which 
contributed  to  the  disorderly  character  of  some  colonial 
migrations. 

Gorges  and  the  Chief  Justice  were  first  in  the  field 
after  the  charters  were  issued  in  1606.  Two  ships  were 
sent  out  by  them  in  the  ensuing  summer,  one  com- 
manded by  Captain  Henry  Challons  (sometimes  spelled 
Challoung),  with  John  Stoneman  as  pilot;  the  other 
commanded  by  Thomas  Hanham  (or  Hanam),  with 
Martin  Pring  as  navigator.  Stoneman  had  been  a 
member  of  Waymouth's  company  in  the  previous  year. 
Two  of  the  Indians  who  had  been  kidnapped  by  Way- 
mouth,  probably  those  whom  Sir  John  Popham  had 
taken  charge  of,  now  sailed  for  home  with  Challons. 
This  ship  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards,  and  Stoneman 
wrote  an  account  of  the  disaster  which  was  published 
by  Purchas  in  his  fourth  volume  (pp.  1832  — 1837).  ' 
One  of  the  Indians  was  finally  brought  back  to  Eng- 
land, and  possibly  the  other  one  also.  Another  of  the 
five  Indians,  Tahenedo  by  name,  was  on  the  ship  with 
Hanham  and  Pring,  and  was  returned  to  his  home. 
Of  this  expedition  we  now  know  only  that  Gorges 
was  much  encouraged  and  elated  by  the  report;  that 
the  expeditions  of  1607  were  promoted  by  its  assur- 
ances ;    and    that   Purchas  inserted    this  reference   to   it 

'  Cf.  also  Brown:  "Genesis  of  the  U.  S.,"  I,  127-139.  On  page  114  is 
a  letter  from  a  Captain  Barlee  to  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  about  the  possibility  of 
securing  a  release  for  the  two  Indians  who  are  prisoners  at  Seville. 

353 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

(Vol.  IV,  p.  1837)  between  Stoneman's  narrative  and  ex- 
tracts from  John  Smith's  "New  England's  Trials": 

"  Reader,  I  had  by  me  the  Voyage  of  Captaine  Thomas 
Hanham  (written  by  himselfe)  unto  Sagadahoc;  also  the 
written  Journals  of  Master  Raleigh  Gilbert  which  stayed  and 
fortified  there  in  that  unseasonable  Winter  (fit  to  freeze  the 
heart  of  a  Plantation),  of  James  Davies,  John  Eliot,  etc.,  but 
our  voluminousnesse  makes  me  afraid  of  offending  nicer  and 
queasier  stomaches !  for  which  cause  I  have  omitted  them, 
even  after  I  had  with  great  labour  fitted  them  to  the  Presse." 

But  for  the  misfortune  to  Challons'  vessel  his  com- 
pany and  Hanham's  might  have  effected  a  settlement 
upon  the  coast  in  the  summer  of  1606,  and  anticipated 
the  Virginian  settlement  at  Jamestown  by  nearly  a  year. 

At  the  dissolution  of  the  Plymouth  Company  in 
I  6 1 9,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  secured  from  King  James, 
with  whom  he  was  a  favored  suitor,  a  new  charter  for 
a  Council  at  Plymouth,  called  **  The  Council  for  New 
England."  This  charter,  dated  November '3,  1620, 
gave  title  to  the  coast  between  40°  and  48°,  and  also 
bestowed  upon  the  company  a  monopoly  of  fishing 
privileges  upon  the  coast  of  New  England.  The  Vir- 
ginia Company  and  the  popular  party  in  Parliament 
attacked  the  monopoly,  and  involved  Gorges  in  serious 
controversies,  especially  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
After  forming  several  magnificent  plans  of  colonization 
which  were  never  put  to  trial,  at  least  under  its  direc- 
tion, the  Council  resigned  its  charter  in  1635. 

Four  years  later  Gorges  obtained  a  new  charter 
making   him   the   Lord   Proprietor   of  the   province  of 

354 


THE  SECOND  VrRGINL^l  COT.ONT:    D/IVIES 

Maine.  His  authority  was  effectively  recognized  for  a 
few  years.  He  took  part  in  the  Civil  War  as  a  cavalier, 
and  died  in  May,  1647.  His  papers  and  his  claims  fell 
into  the  hands  of  his  grandson,  bearing  the  same  name, 
who,  in  1678,  after  a  long  wrangle  with  other  claim- 
ants and  with  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  sold  to 
the  latter  his  title  to  Maine  for  ^1250. 

The  younger  Gorges  published  a  compilation  of  little 
value,  called  "America  Painted  to  the  Life."  A  pam- 
phlet in  this  collection  was  at  least  partly  written  by 
the  elder  Gorges.  It  was  first  published  in  1658,  eleven 
years  after  the  author's  death.  It  is  entitled  "A  Briefe 
Narration  of  the  Originall  Undertakings  of  the  ad- 
vancement of  plantations  into  the  parts  of  America, 
especially  showing  the  beginning,  progress,  and  con- 
tinuance of  that  of  New  England."  ' 


2.  —  1 60  J.   The  Popha??i  Colony  at  Sagadahoc,  conducted 

by  Raleigh  Gilbert  and  George  Pop  ham. 

Narrative  by  James  Davies. 

The  expedition  sent  out  in  1607  by  the  Plymouth 
Company  to  settle  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec 
River  was  unfortunate  in  two  respects.  It  started  too 
late,  and  it  had  no  John  Smith.  Otherwise  it  had  as 
fair  a  promise  of  permanency  as  the  expedition  pre- 
pared by  the  London  Company.  The  Jamestown 
colony   started    December    19,    1606,    and    braved    the 

'  Cf.  Mass,  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  XVIII,  432;  XIX,  128.  Cf.  also  the  pub- 
lications of  the  Gorges  Society. 

355 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

inclemency  of  winter  in  order  to  be  early  upon  the 
ground  of  the  new  settlement,  but  it  was  paralyzed  by 
the  quarrels  of  its  unfriendly  leaders. 

The  Pemaquid  colony  started  from  Plymouth  harbor 
in  two  ships  on  the  thirty-first  of  May,  1607,  and  by 
the  end  of  July  they  were  among  the  islands  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Kennebec.  August  9,  1607,  they  landed 
on  an  island  which  they  called  St.  George,  and  listened 
to  a  sermon  by  their  chaplain.  Rev.  Richard  Seymour. 
Both  ships  were  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Sagadahoc, 
August  16.  Their  leaders,  Gilbert  and  Popham,  were 
at  any  rate  apparently  in  accord  with  one  another. 
They  had  with  them  one  of  Waymouth's  Indian  cap- 
tives, Skicowaros,  or,  as  the  narrative  calls  him,  Skid- 
warres,  and  he  was  of  great  service,  as  the  story  shows. 
Raleigh  Gilbert  was  a  son  of  the  famous  Sir  Hum- 
phrey, and  George  Popham  was  a  nephew  of  the  Chief 
Justice. 

But  the  enforced  return  of  Gilbert '  to  England  and 
the  death  of  Popham  a  few  months  later  ^  would  have 
ruined  this  colony  even  if  the  winter  of  1607  —  8  had 
been  less  cold  and  the  desire  for  precious  metals  less 
keen.  Moreover,  the  aged  Chief  Justice  died  ten  days 
after  the  expedition  started.^  The  Gilbert  and  Popham 
families  would  obviously  be  unlikely  to  continue  at 
once  their  active  support  of  the  colony,  and  Gorges 
was   doubtless  unequal   to   such   a   task. 

'  On  account  of  the  death  of  his  elder  brother. 

2  He  was  buried  within  the  fort  St.  George,  over  which  he  had  ruled. 

3  Don  Pedro  de  Zuiiiga  wrote  to  his  King,  August  22,  1607,  "As  the  chief 
justice  has  died,  I  think  that  this  business  will  stop."     Brown,  I,  i  10. 

356 


THE  SECOND  I'lRGINIA  COLONY:    DALIES 

The  narrative  ot  the  expedition  is  evidently  written 
by  some  one  who  sailed  in  Gilbert's  ship,  the  Mary 
iDid  John.  Presumably  the  author  was  one  James  Davies, 
for  that  name  is  quoted  as  such  by  Purchas,  who  printed 
extracts  from  this  narrative.'  The  ship  commanded  by 
Captain   Popham  was  named  The   Gift  of  God. 

The  manuscript  of  this  narrative  was  found  by  B.  F. 
De  Costa  in  1875  in  the  library  of  Lambeth  Palace  in 
London,  and  was  printed  in  1880  in  volume  eighteen 
of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society.  In  1892  it  was  reprinted  by  the  Gorges 
Society  of  Portland,  Maine,  under  the  editorial  super- 
vision of  Rev.  Henry  O.  Thayer,  and  by  the  kind 
permission  of  that  society,  through  Dr.  Henry  S.  Bur- 
rage,  it  is  reproduced  here. 

The  manuscript  lacks  the  last  few  pages.  These  few 
pages  are  supplied  from  the  *'Historie  of  Travaile  into 
Virginia  Britannia"  by  William  Strachey,  who  used 
this  narrative  in  its  original  form  in  the  compilation 
of  his  own  work.  Strachey's  "Historie"  remained  in 
manuscript  until  1849,  when  R.  H.  Major  edited  the 
copy  in  the  British  Museum  for  the  Hakluyt  Society. 
From  this  publication,  and  from  Davies'  "Relation" 
found  by  Dr.  De  Costa  twenty-six  years  later,  the 
history  of  the  Pemaquid  settlement  in  1607  was  for 
the  first   time  revealed. 

'  Mr.  Thayer  ("The  Sagadahoc  Colony  ")  shows  by  a  process  of  elimination 
that  Captain  James  Davies  must  have  been  the  chronicler.  Two  brothers,  Robert 
and  James  Davies,  both  navigators,  were  with  the  expedition,  and  in  1609  went 
together  for  Sir  George  Somers  in  command  of  a  vessel  called  Firgiriia,  which 
made  a  voyage  to  that  colony.  This  boat  was  the  pinnace  built  at  Sagadahoc,  as 
described  in  the  latter  part  of  the  narrative. 

357 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEtV  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Altho  the  fort  at  Sabino  was  abandoned  and  the 
colony  returned  to  England,  it  is  probable  that  after 
1607,  and  even  after  Waymouth's  voyage  in  1605, 
English  sailors,  fishers,  and  adventurers  frequented  the 
region  around  the  mouths  of  the  Kennebec  during 
most  if  not  all  of  the  years  down  to  the  coming  of 
the  Pilgrims.  There  seems  to  be  no  evidence  that  any 
of  them  actually  settled  there. 


358 


rHE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    DAFIES 


IN    rHK   NAM   OF  GOD,  AMEN. 

THE    RELATION    OF    A    VOYAGE,    UNTO    NEW 

ENGLAND.    BEGAN  FROM  THE  LIZARD,  THE 

FIRST  OF  JUNE   1607,   BY  CAPT^.  POFHAM    IN 

THE  SHIP  THE   GIFT,  AND  CAPT^  GILBERT 

IN  THE   MARY  AND  JOHN: 
WRITTEN   BY AND   FOUND   AMONGST 

THE    PAPERS    OF    THE    TRULY    WOR^'^ull    gR. 

FERDINANDO  GORGES,  K^^.  BY  ME  WILLIAM 

GRIFFITH.' 

invE PARTED  from  the  Lyzard'  the  firste  daye  of  June  Ano 
-■^  Domi  1607,  beinge  Mundaye  about  6  of  the  Cloke  in  the 
afternoon  and  ytt  bore  of  me  then  Northeste  and  by  North 
eyght   Leags  of. 

from  thence  Directed  our  Course  for  the  Illands  of  flowers 
&  Corve  3  in  the  w"^  we  wear  24  dayes  attainynge  of  ytt.  All 
w"*"  time  we  still  kept  the  Sea  and  never  Saw  but  on  Saill 
beinge  a  ship  of  Salcom^  bound  for  the  New  Foundland 
whearin  was  on-   tosser  of  Dartmoth   M'.  in   her. 

The  25'^  daye  of  June  we  fell  w'^  the  Illand  of  Gersea  on 
of  The  Illands  of  the  Assores  &  ytt  bore  of  us  then  South 
and  by  est  ten  Leags  of,  our  M^  &  his  matts  makinge  ytt  to 
be  flowers  but  my  Selff'e  w""  stood  them   &  reprooved  them 

'  Gorges  died  in  1647,  and  the  manuscript  of  the  Relation  did  not  come 
into  Mr.  Griffith's  hand  until  after  that  date  —  possibly  not  until  many  years 
after.     This   heading  was  doubtless  written  by  Mr.  Griffith. 

2  At  the  southwestern  extremity  of  England. 

3  Flores  and  Corvo,  islands  of  the  Azores.  Gersea,  mentioned  four  lines  be- 
low, is  Gratiosa. 

4  Sal  combe,  a  village  of  Devonshire. 

5  One  ;  it  will  be  seen  that  Captain  Davies  was  accustomed  to  write  on  for 
one,  of  for  off,  and  to  for  two. 

359 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEPF  ENGLAND  COASTS 

in  thear  errour  as  afterward  ytt  appeared  manyfestly  and  then 
stood  Roome '  for  flowers. 

The  26^^  of  June  we  had  Seight  of  flowers  &  Corvo  &  the 
2J^^  in  the  mornynge  early  we  wear  hard  abord  flowers  &  stod 
in  for  to  fynd  a  good  rod  for  to  anker  Whearby  to  take  in 
wood  and  watter  the  iS'*"  we  Descryed  to  Sailles,  standinge 
in  for  flowers  Whearby  we  presently  Wayed  Anker  &  stood 
towards  the  rod  of  Sainta  Cruse  ^  beinge  near  three  Leags  from 
the  place.  Whear  we  wattered.  thear  Cap'  popham  ankered 
to  take  in  wood  and  watt"'  but  ytt  was  So  calme  that  we  Could 
nott  recover  or  gett  unto  hem  befix)r  the  daye  cam  on. 

The  29'^  of  June  beinge  Mundaye  early  in  the  morning 
those  to  Sailles  we  had  seen  the  nyght  befibre  Wear  neare 
unto  us  &  beinge  Calme  they  Sent  thear  bots  beinge  full  of 
men  towards  us.  And  after  the  orders  of  the  Sea  they  hailled 
us  demandynge  us  of  whense  we  wear  the  w*"''  we  told  them  : 
&  found  them  to  be  flemens  &  the  stats  shipes.^  on  of  our 
Company  named  John  Goyett  of  plymoth  knew  the  Cap',  of 
on  of  the  shipes  for  that  he  had  ben  att  Sea  w'^  hem.  havinge 
aquainted  Cap'.  Gilbert  of  this  &  beinge  all  frinds  he  desyered 
the  Cap*,  of  the  Dutch  to  com  near  &  take  a  can  of  bear  the 
w"^  hee  thankfully  excepted  we  still  keepinge  our  Selves  in  a 
redynesse  both  of  our  small  shott  &  greatt;  the  Dutch  Cap', 
beinge  Com  to  our  ships  syde,  Cap'.  Gilbert  desyered  hem  to 
com  abord  hem  &  entertand  hem  in  the  beste  Sort  he  Could, 
this  don  they  to  requytt  his  kind  entertainment  desyered  hem 
that  he  wold  go  abord  w'^  them,  &  uppon  thear  earnest  in- 
treaty  he  went  w'*"  them  takinge  three  or  4  gentell  w'^  hem,  but 
when  they  had  hem  abord  of  them  they  thear  kept  hem  per 
Forse  charginge  him  that  he  was  a  pyratt  &  still  threatnynge 
hemselff^e  &  his  gentellmen  w'*"  hem  to  throw  them  all  overbord 

'  An  old  nautical  term,  meaning  to  tack  about  before  the  wind. 

2  Santa  Cruz,  a  town  on  Flores. 

"1  Flemings  and  the  Ships  of  the  States;   i.e.,  of  the  Netherlands. 

360 


THE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONT:    DAVIES 

&  to  take  our  ship  from  us.  in  this  Sort  they  kept  them  from 
ten  of  the  Clok  mornynge  until  1  eyght  of  the  Clok  nyght 
ussinge  Som  of  his  gent  in  most  wild  maner  as  Settinge  Som 
of  them  in  the  bibovves  '  &  buffettinge  of  others  &  other  most 
wyld  and  shamffuU  abusses  but  in  the  end  havinge  Scene  our 
Comission  the  w*"''  was  proffered  unto  them  att  the  firste  but 
they  reifused  to  See  yt  and  the  greatest  Cause  doutinge''  of  the 
Inglyshe  men  beinge  of  thear  owne  Company  who  had  promist 
Cap'.  Gilbert  that  yf  they  proffered  to  perfform  that  w"*"  they 
still  threatned  hem  that  then  they  all  woold  Rysse  w'*"  hem  & 
either  end  thear  Lyves  in  his  deffence  or  Suppresse  the  Shipe. 
the  w''^  the  Dutch  perseavinge  presently  Sett  them  att  Lyberty 
&  Sent  them  abord  unto  us  aggain  to  our  no  small  Joye. 
Cap',  popham  all  this  tyme  beinge  in  the  Wind  of  us  never 
woold  Com  roome  unto  us  notwithstandinge  we  makinge  all 
the  Seignes  that  possybell  we  myght  by  strykinge  on  topsaill 
&  hoissinge  ytt  aggain  three  tymes  &  makinge  towards  hem 
all  that  ever  we  possybell  could. ^  so  hear  we  lost  Company  of 
hem  beinge  the  29'*"  daye  of  June  about  8  of  the  Clok  att 
nyght  beinge  6  Leags  from  flowers  West  norwest  wee  stand- 
inge  our  Course  for  Vyrgenia  the  30'^  wee  laye  in  Seight  of 
the  Illand. 

The  firste  Daye  of  Jully  beinge  Wesdaye  wee  depted  from 
the  Illand  of  flowers  beinge  ten   Leags  South  weste  from  ytt. 

From  hence  we  allwayes  kept  our  Course  to  the  Westward 
as  much  as  wind  &  weather  woold  permytt  untill  the  27*  daye 
of  Jully  duringe  w'^''  time  wee  often  times  Sounded  but  could 
never  fynd  grounde.  this  27""  early  in  the  mornynge  we 
Sounded   &   had  ground'*  but    18    fetham   beinge  then  in   the 

'  Bilboes  or  stocks. 

2  That  is,  the  greatest  cause  of  the  final  decision  to  set  Gilbert  free  was  the 
doubt  or  fear  what  the  action  of  the  Englishmen  in  the  Dutch  crew  would  be. 

3  This  behavior  of  Captain  Popham  shows  that  the  expedition  was  scarcely 
fitted  to  found  a  successful  colony. 

4  Sable  Island  Bank,  about  twenty  miles  southwest  of  Sable  Island. 

361 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Lattitud  of  43  degrees  &  ^^  hear  w  .  .  .  fysht  three  howers 
&  tooke  near  to  hundred  of  Cods  very  great  &  large  fyshe 
bigger  and  larger  fyshe  then  that  w''''  corns  from  the  bancke  of 
the  New  Found  Land,  hear  wee  myght  have  lodden  our 
shipe  in   Lesse  time  then  a  moneth. 

From  hence  the  Wynd  beinge  att  South  west  wee  sett  our 
Saills  &  stood  by  the  wind  west  nor  west  towards  the  Land 
allwayes  Soundinge  for  our  better  knowledg  as  we  ran  towarde 
the  main  Land  from  this  bancke. 

From  this  bancke  we  kept  our  Course  west  nor  west  2^ 
Leags  w''*'  ys  from  the  ay'*"  of  July  untill  the  30'^  of  July  in 
w'^''  tyme  we  ran  1^6  L.  as  ys  beffore  sayed  &  then  we  Saw  the 
Land'  about  10  of  the  Clok  in  the  mornynge  bearinge  nor- 
weste  from  us  About  10  Leags  &  then  we  Sounded  &  had 
a  hundred  fethams  black  oze.  hear  as  we  Cam  in  towards  the 
Land  from  this  bancke  we  still  found  deepe  watt',  the  deepest 
within  the  bancke  ys  160  fethams  &  in  100  fetham  you  shall 
See  the  Land  yf  ytt  be  Clear  weather  after  you  passe  the 
bancke  the  ground  ys  still  black  oze  untill  yo  Com  near  the 
shore,  this  daye  wee  stood  in  for  the  Land  but  Could  nott  re- 
cover ytt  beffor  the  night  tooke  us  so  we  stood  a  Lyttell  from 
ytt  &  thear  strok  a  hull  ^  untill  the  next  daye  beinge  the 
Laste  of  July,  hear  Lyeinge  at  hull  we  tooke  great  stor  of 
cod  fyshes  the  bigeste  &  largest  that  I  ever  Saw  or  any  man 
in  our  ship,  this  daye  beinge  the  Last  of  July  about  3  of  the 
Clok  in  the  after  noon  we  recovered  the  shor  &  cam  to  an 
anker  under  an  Illand^  for  all  this  Cost  ys  full  of  Illands  & 
broken  Land  but  very  Sound  and  good  for  shipinge  to  go  by 
them  the  watf  deepe.     i  8  &  20  fetham  hard  abord  them. 

Tliis   Illand  standeth  in  the  lattitud  of  44  d  &   ]4   &  hear 

■  The  cliffs  of  Cape  La  Heve. 

2  Struck  a  hull,  i.e.,  lay  to  with  all  sails  furled. 

3  Thayer  ("The  Sagadahoc  Colony,"  p.  42,  note)  mentions  five  islands 
which  meet  these  requirements  of  latitude,  but  gives  the  preference  to  Ironbound 
Island  near  the  harbor  of  La  Heve. 

362 


THE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    DAVIES 

we  had  nott  ben  att  an  anker  past  to  howers  beft'ore  we  espyed 
a  bisken '  shallop  Cominge  towards  us  havinge  in  her  eyght 
Sallvages  &  a  Lyttell  salvage  boye  they  cam  near  unto  us 
&  spoke  unto  us  in  thear  Language.  &  we  niakinge  Seignes 
to  them  that  they  should  com  abord  of  us  showinge  unto  them 
knyves  glasses  beads  &  throwinge  into  thear  bott  Som  bisket 
but  for  all  this  they  wold  nott  com  abord  of  us  but  makinge 
show  to  go  from  us  we  suffered  them.  So  when  they  wear  a 
Lyttell  from  us  and  Seeinge  we  proffered  them  no  wronge  of 
thear  owne  accord  retorned  &  cam  abord  of  us  &  three  of 
them  stayed  all  that  nyght  w'*"  us  the  rest  depted  in  the  shal- 
lope  to  the  shore  makinge  Seignes  unto  us  that  they  wold 
retorn  unto  us  aggain   the   next  daye. 

The  next  daye  the  Sam  Salvages  w"'  three  Salvage  wemen 
beinge  the  fryst  daye  of  Auguste  retorned  unto  us  bringinge 
w**"  them  Som  feow  skines  of  bever  in  an  other  bisken  shallop 
and  propheringe  thear  skines  to  trook  w'^  us  but  they  de- 
manded over  muche  for  them  and  we  Seemed  to  make  Lyght 
of  them  So  then  the  other  three  w''^  had  stayed  w""  us  all  nyght 
went  into  the  shallop  &  So  they  depted  ytt  Seem""  that  the 
french  hath  trad  w'^  them  for  they  use  many  french  words, 
the  Cheeff  Comander  of  these  p'^  ys  called  Messamott  and  the 
ryver  or  harbor  ys  called  emannett."  we  take  these  peopell  to 
be  the  tarentyns^  and  these  peopell  as  we  have  Learned  sence 
do  make  wars  w""  Sasanoa  the  Cheeffe  Comander  to  the  west- 
ward whea  ...  we  have  planted  &  this  Somer  they  kild  his 
Sonne.'*  So  the  Salvages  depted  from  us  &  cam  no  mor  unto 
us.  After  they  wear  depted  from  us  we  hoyssed  out  our  bot 
whearin  my  Selffe  was  w'*"  12  others  &  rowed  to  the  shore  and 
landed  on  this  I  Hand  that  we  rod  under  the  w""^  we  found  to 

'  Biscayan. 

2  At  Cape  La  Heve.    Champlain  called  the  Indian  here  mentioned  "  Messa- 
mouet,"  and  Lescarbot  called  him  "Messamoet." 

3  Tarratines. 

4  This  sentence  seems  to  have  been  a  later  interpolation  by  the  author. 

363 


VOYAGES  rO  "THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

be  a  gallant  I  Hand  full  of  heigh  &  myghty  trees  of  Sundry 
Sorts,  hear  we  allso  found  aboundance  of  gusberyes,  straw- 
beryes,  rasberyes   &  whorts.     So  we  retorned   &   Cam   abord. 

Sondaye  beinge  the  second  of  Auguste  after  dyner  our  bott 
went  to  the  shore  again  to  fille  freshe  watf  whear  after  they 
had  filled  thear  watf"  thear  cam  fower  Salvages  unto  them 
havinge  thear  bowes  &  arrowes  in  thear  hands  makinge  show 
unto  them  to  have  them  Com  to  the  shore  but  our  Saillers 
havinge  filled  thear  watt"^  wold  nott  go  to  the  shore  unto  them 
but  retorned  &  cam  abord  beinge  about  5  of  the  Clock  in  the 
afternoon.  So  the  bott  went  presently  from  the  ship  unto  a 
point  of  an  Illand  &  thear  att  Lo  watf^  in  on  hower  kild  near 
,50.  great  Lopsters.  You  shall  See  them  Whear  they  Ly  in 
shold '  Watf  nott  past  a  yeard  deep  &  w'''  a  great  hooke  mad 
faste  to  a  staffe  you  shall  hitch  them  up.  thear  ar  great 
store  of  them  you  may  near  Lad  a  Ship  w'^  them.  &  they 
are  of  greatt  bignesse  I  have  nott  Seen  the  Lyke  in  Ingland. 
So  the  bott  retorned  a  bord  &  wee  toke  our  bott  in  &  about 
myd  nyght  the  wynd  cam  faier  att  northest  we  Sett  Saill  and 
depted  from  thence  keepinge  our  Course  South  west  for  So 
the   Cost   Lyeth. 

Mundaye  being  the  third  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  we 
wear  faier  by  the  shore  and  So  Sailled  alongste  the  Coste.  we 
Saw  many  I  Hands  all  alonge  the  Cost  &  great  Sounds,  goinge 
betwyxt  them,  but  We  could  make  proofTe  of  non  for  want 
of  a  penyshe.^  hear  we  found  fvshe  still  all  alonge  the  Cost 
as  we  Sailled. 

Tusdaye  being  the  4th  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  5  of  the 
Clok  we  wear  theawart  of  a  Cape  or  head  Land^  Lyeing  in 
the  Latitud  of  43  degrees  and  cam  very  near  unto  ytt.  ytt  ys 
very  Low  Land  showinge  Whytt  Lyke  sand  but  ytt  ys  Whytt 

'  Shoal. 

^  A  pinnace. 

3  Cape  Sable. 

364 


THE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    DAVIES 

Rocks  and  very  stronge  tides  goeth  hear  from  the  place  we 
stopt  att  beinge  in  44  de  &  y^.  untill  this  Cape  or  head  land 
ytt  ys  all  broken  Land  &  full  of  1  Hands  &  Large  Sounds 
betwixt  them  &  hear  we  found  fyshe  aboundance  so  large  & 
great  as  I  never  Saw  the  Lyke  Cods  beffor  nether  any  man 
in   our  shipe. 

After  we  paste  this  Cape  or  head  Land  the  Land  faileth 
awaye  and  Lyeth  in  norwest  and  by  north  into  a  greatt  deep 
baye/  We  kept  our  course  from  this  head  Land  West  and 
Weste  and  by  South  7  Leags  and  cam  to  thre  Illands^  whear 
cominge  near  unto  them  we  found  on  the  Southest  Syd  of 
them  a  great  Leadge  of  Rocks  '  Lyeinge  near  a  Leage  into  the 
Sea  the  w""''  we  perseavinge  tackt  our  ship  &  the  wynde  being 
Large  att  northest  Cleared  our  Selves  of  them  kepinge  still 
our  course  to  the  westward  west  and  by  South  and  west  South- 
west untill  mydnyght.    then  after  we  hald  in  more  northerly. 

Wensdaye  being  the  5th  of  Auguste  from  after  mydnyght 
we  hald  in  West  norwest  untill  3  of  the  Clok  afternoon  of  the 
Sam  and  then  we  Saw  the  Land  aggain  bearinge  from  us  north 
weste  &  by  north  and  ytt  Risseth  in  this  forme  hear  under/ 
ten  or  1 2  Leags  from  yo  they  ar  three  heigh  mountains  ^  that 
Lye  in  upon  the  main  Land  near  unto  the  ryver  of  penobskot 
in  w'^''  ryver  the  bashabe  makes  his  abod  the  cheeffe  Comander 
of  those  pts  and  streatcheth  unto  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock  ^ 
under  his  Comand.  yo  shall  see  theise  heigh  mountains  when 
yo  shall  not  perseave  the  main  Land  under  ytt  they  ar  of 
shutch  an  exceedinge  heygts  :  And  note,  that  from  the  Cape 
or  head  Land  beffor  spoken  of  untill  these  heigh  mountains 
we  never  Saw  any  Land  except  those  three  Illands  also  beffor 

1  Bay  of  Fundy  ;   this  is  one  of  the  earliest,  if  not  the  earliest   English  refer- 
ence to  this  bay. 

2  Seal  Island  and  Mud  Islands,  five  in  all,  but  not  clearly  seen  from  the  ship. 

3  Now  known  as  the  Horseshoe. 

4  The  reference  is  to  sketches  in  the  manuscript. 

5  The  Camden  Hills. 
^  Kennebec. 

365 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

mensyoned.    We  stood  in  Right  w'*"  these  mountains  untill  the 
next  daye. 

Thursdaye  beinge  the  6'^  of  Auguste  we  stood  in  w'^  this 
heigh  Land  untill  \i  of  the  Cloke  noon  &  then  I  found  the 
shipe  to  be  in  43  d  &  l^  by  my  observatio  '  from  thence  we 
Sett  our  Course  &  stood  awaye  dew  weste  &  Saw  three  other 
Illands^  Lvenge  together  beinge  Lo  &  flatt  by  the  watf^  show- 
inge  whytt  as  yff  ytt  wear  Sand  but  ytt  ys  whytt  Rocks 
makinge  show  a  far  of  allmoste  Lyke  unto  Dover  Cleeves  ^ 
&  these  three  Illands  Lye  dew  est  &  west  on  of  the  other, 
so  we  Cam  faier  by  them  and  as  we  Cam  to  the  Westward  the 
heygh  Land  beffor  spoken  of  shewed  ytt  selffe  in  this  form 
as  followith.'* 

From  hence  we  kept  still  our  Course  West  &  Weste  by 
North  towards  three  other  Illands  ^  that  we  Sawe  Lyenge  from 
these  Illands  beffor  spoken  of  8  Leags  and  about  ten  of  the 
Clok  att  nyght  we  recovered  them  &  havinge  Sent  in  our  bott 
beffor  nyght  to  vew  ytt  for  that  ytt  was  Calme  &  to  Sound  ytt 
&  See  whatt  good  ankoringe  was  under  ytt  we  bor  in  w'^  on  of 
them  the  w"*"  as  we  cam  in  by  we  still  sounded  &  founde  very 
deep  watf  40  fetham  hard  abord  of  yt.  So  we  stood  in  into 
a  Cove  In  ytt  &  had  11  fetham  watf  &  thear  we  ankored 
untill  the  mornynge.  And  when  the  daye  appeared  We  Saw 
we  weare  environed  Round  about  with  Illands  yo  myght  have 
told  neare  thirty  Illands  round  about  us  from  abord  our  shipe 
this  I  Hand  we  Call  S'.  Georges  I  Hand  for  that  we  hear  found  a 
Crosse  Sett  up  the  w'^''  we  Suposse  was  Sett  up  by  George 
Wayman.^ 

Frydaye   beinge  the   y**"  of  Auguste  we  wayed   our  Ankor 

'  This  shows  that  the  writer  was  the  pilot  of  the  vessel. 

2  The  Matinicus  group. 

3  Cliffs. 

4  Sketches  in  the  manuscript. 

5  The  St.  George's  Islands. 

6  Probably  Allen's  Island. 

366 


rHE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONT:    DEFIES 

whereby  to  bringe  our  shipe  in  inor  bett'  Safty  how  Soever  the 
wynd  should  happen  to  blow  and  about  ten  of  the  Cloke  in 
the  mornynge  as  we  weare  standinge  of  a  Lyttell  from  the 
Illand  we  descried  a  saill  standinge  in  towards  this  Illand  & 
we  presently  mad  towards  her  &  found  ytt  to  be  the  gyfte  our 
Consort  So  beinge  all  Joye  full  of  our  happy  meetinge  we 
both  stood  in  again  for  the  Illand  we  ryd  under  beffor  & 
theare  anckored   both   together. 

This  night  followinge  about  myd  nyght  Cap'.  Gilbert 
caussed  his  ships  bott  to  be  maned  &  took  to  hemselffe  13 
other  my  Selffe  beinge  on,  beinge  14  persons  in  all,  &  tooke 
the  Indyan  skidwarres  w'**  us'  the  weather  beinge  faier  &  the 
wynd  Calme  we  rowed  to  the  Weste  in  amongst  many  gallant 
1  Hands  and  found  the  ryver  of  pemaquyd  to  be  but  4  Leags 
weste  from  the  Illand  we  Call  S'.  Georges  whear  our  ships 
remained  still  att  anckor.  hear  we  Landed  in  a  Lyttell  Cove^ 
by  skyd  warres  Direction  &  marched  over  a  necke  of  the 
Land  near  three  mills.  So  the  Indyan  skidwarres  brought 
us  to  the  Salvages  housses  whear  they  did  inhabitt  although 
much  against  his  will  for  that  he  told  us  that  they  wear  all 
removed  &  gon  from  the  place  they  wear  wont  to  inhabitt. 
but  we  answered  hem  again  that  we  wold  nott  retorn  backe 
untill  shutch  time  as  we  had  spoken  with  Som  of  them.  At 
Length  he  brought  us  whear  they  did  inhabytt  whear  we  found 
near  a  hundreth  of  them  men  wemen  and  Children.  And  the 
CheefFe  Comander  df  them  ys  Nahanada.^  att  our  fryste 
Seight  of  them  uppon  a  howlinge  or  Cry  that  they  mad  they 
all  presently  I  sued  forth  towards  us  w""  thear  bowes  and 
arrows  &  we  presently  mad  a  stand  &  Suffered  them  to  Com 
near  unto  us.     then   our  Indyan  skidwarres  spoke  unto  them 

'  Skicowaros,  according  to  Rosier' s  spelling,  one  of  the  Indians  captured  by 
Waymouth. 

2  Probably  at  New  Harbor  ;    "three  mills,"  of  course  means  three  miles. 

3  Another  of  the  Indians  captured  by  Waymouth,   who  had  been  brought 
back  by  Capt.   Hanham  in   the  previous  year. 

367 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

in  thear  language  showinge  them  what  we  wear  w''^  when 
nahanada  thear  Comander  perseaved  what  we  wear  he  Caussed 
them  all  to  laye  assyd  thear  bowes  &  arrowes  and  cam  unto 
us  and  imbrassed  us  &  we  did  the  lyke  to  them  aggain.  So 
we  remained  w'*"  them  near  to  howers  &  wear  in  thear  housses. 
Then  we  tooke  our  Leave  of  them  &  retorned  w""  our  Indyan 
skidwarres  w*  us  towards  our  ships  the  8'^  Daye  of  August 
being  Satterdaye  in   the  after  noon. 

Sondaye  being  the  9'^  of  Auguste  in  the  morninge  the  most 
p'  of  our  holl  company  of  both  our  shipes  Landed  on  this 
Illand  the  w*"^  we  call  S'.  Georges  Illand  whear  the  Crosse 
standeth  and  thear  we  heard  a  Sermon  delyvred  unto  us  by 
our  preacher '  gyvinge  god  thanks  for  our  happy  metinge  & 
Saffe  aryvall   into  the   Contry  &   So  retorned  abord  aggain. 

Mundaye  beinge  the  X'*"  of  Auguste  early  in  the  morninge 
Cap*,  popham  in  his  shallope  w'^  thirty  others  &  Cap*.  Gil- 
bert in  his  ships  bott  w*^  twenty  others  Acompanede  Depted 
from  thear  shipes  &  sailled  towards  the  ryver  of  pemaquyd 
&  Caryed  w**"  us  the  Indyan  skidwarres  and  Cam  to  the  ryver 
ryght  beffore  thear  housses  whear  they  no  Sooner  espyed  us 
but  presently  Nahanada  w'*"  all  his  Indians  w'*"  thear  bowes 
and  arrows  in  thear  hands  Cam  forth  upon  the  Sands.  So  we 
Caussed  skidwarres  to  speak  unto  hem  &  we  our  Selves  spok 
unto  hem  in  Inglyshe  givinge  hem  to  understand  our  Cominge 
tended  to  no  yvell  towards  hem  Selffe  nor  any  of  his  peopell. 
he  told  us  again  he  wold  nott  thatt  all  our  peopell  should 
Land.  So  beccause  we  woold  in  no  sort  offend  them,  hearuppon 
Som  ten  or  twelffe  of  the  Cheeff  gent  Landed  &  had  Some 
parle  together  &  then  afterward  they  wear  well  contented  that 
all  should  Land.  So  all  landed  we  ussinge  them  with  all  the 
kindnesse  that  possibell  we  Could,  neverthelesse  after  an 
hower  or  to  they  all  Soddainly  withdrew  them  Selves  from 
us  into  the  woods  &  Lefte  us.     we  perseavinge  this  presently 

'  Rev.  Richard  Seymour. 

368 


rilE  SECOND  FIRGINIA  COLONY:    DAFIES 

inibarked  our  Selves  all  except  skidwarres  who  was  nott  Desy- 
erous  to  retorn  with  us.  We  Seeinge  this  woold  in  no  Sort 
proffer  any  Violence  unto  hem  by  drawing  hem  perfForce 
Suffered  hem  to  remain, —  and  staye  behinde  us,  he  promys- 
singe  to  retorn  unto  us  the  next  Daye  followinge  but  he  heald 
not  his  promysse.  So  we  imbarked  our  Selves  and  went  unto 
the  other  Syd  of  the  ryver'  &  thear  remained  uppon  the  shore 
the  nyght  followinge  — 

Tuesdaye  being  the  xi""  of  Auguste  we  retorned  and  cam 
to  our  ships  whear  they  still  remained  att  ankor  under  the 
Illand  we  call   S'.  Georges  — 

Wensdaye  being  the  xii""  of  Auguste  we  wayed  our  anckors 
and  Sett  our  saills  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock.  we  kept 
our  Course  from  thence  dew  Weste  until  \i  of  the  Clok  myd- 
nyght  of  the  Sam.  then  we  stroke  our  Saills  &  layed  a  hull 
untill   the  mornynge  Doutinge  for  to  overshoot  ytt  — 

Thursdaye  in  the  mornynge  breacke  of  the  daye  beinge  the 
xiii'^  of  Auguste  the  Illand  of  Sutquin  ^  bore  north  of  us  nott 
past  halff  a  leage  from  us  and  ytt  rysseth  in  this  form  hear 
under  followinge ^  the  w''*'  Illand  Lyeth  ryght  beffore  the  mouth 
of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  South  from  ytt  near  i  Leags  but 
we  did  not  make  ytt  to  be  Sutquin  so  we  Sett  our  saills  & 
stood  to  the  westward  for  to  Seeke  ytt  i  Leags  farther  & 
nott  fyndinge  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  we  knew  that  we  had 
overshott  the  place,  then  we  wold  have  retorned  but  Could 
nott  &  the  nyght  in  hand  the  gifte  Sent  in  her  shallop  &  mad 
ytt  and  went  into  the  ryver  this  nyght  but  we  wear  constrained 
to  remain  att  Sea  all  this  nyght  and  about  mydnight  thear 
arosse  a  great  storme  &  tempest  uppon  us  the  w''^  putt  us 
in  great  daunger  and  hassard  of  castinge  awaye  of  our  ship 
&  our  Lyves  by  reason  we  wear  so  near  the  shore,    the  wynd 

'  Fearing  treachery  ? 

2  Seguin. 

3  Sketches  in  the  manuscript. 

369 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

blew  very  hard  att  South  right  In  uppon  the  shore  so  that  by 
no  means  we  could  nott  gett  of.  hear  we  sought  all  means  & 
did  what  possybell  was  to  be  don  for  that  our  Lyves  depended 
on  ytt.  hear  we  plyed  ytt  w'^  our  ship  of  &  on  all  the  nyght 
often  times  espyeinge  many  soon  ken  rocks  and  breatches  hard 
by  us  enforsynge  us  to  put  our  ship  about  &  stand  from 
them  bearinge  saill  when  ytt  was  mor  fytter  to  have  taken  ytt 
in  but  that  ytt  stood  uppon  our  Lyves  to  do  ytt  &  our  bott 
Soonk  att  our  stern  yet  woold  we  nott  cut  her  from  us  in  hope 
of  the  appearinge  of  the  daye.  thus  we  Contynued  untill  the 
daye  cam.  then  we  perseaved  our  Selves  to  be  hard  abord 
the  Lee  shore  &  no  waye  to  escape  ytt  but  by  Seekinge  the 
Shore,  then  we  espyed  2  Lyttell  Illands'  Lyeinge  under  our 
lee.  So  we  bore  up  the  healme  &  steerd  in  our  shipe  in 
betwyxt  them  whear  the  Lord  be  praised  for  ytt  we  found 
good  and  sauffe  ankkoringe  &  thear  anckored  the  storme 
still  contynuinge  untill   the  next  daye  followynge. 

Frydaye  beinge  the  xiiii'^  of  August  that  we  anckored  under 
these  Illands  thear  we  repaired  our  bott  being  very  muche 
torren  &  spoilled.  then  after  we  Landed  on  this  Illand  & 
found  4  Salvages  &  an  old  woman,  this  Illand  ys  full  of  pyne 
trees  &  ocke  and  abundance  of  whorts  of  fower  Sorts  of  them  — 

Satterdaye  beinge  the  1 5'^  of  Auguste  the  storme  ended  and 
the  wind  Cam  faier  for  us  to  go  for  Sagadehock.  so  we  wayed 
our  anckors  &  Sett  Saill  &  stood  to  the  estward  &  cam  to  the 
Illand  of  Sutquin  w''^  was  1  Leags  from  those  Illands  we  rod 
att  anker  beffor,  &  hear  we  anckored  under  the  Illand  of  Sut- 
qin  in  the  estersyd  of  ytt  for  that  the  wynd  was  of  the  shore 
that  wee  could  no  gett  into  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock  &  hear 
Cap',  pophams  ships  bott  cam  abord  of  us  &  gave  us  xx  freshe 
Cods  that  they  had  taken  beinge  Sent  out  a  fyshinge  — 

Sondaye  beinge  the  16'''  of  Auguste  Cap',  popham  Sent  his 
Shallop  unto  us  for  to  healp  us  in.     So  we  wayed  our  anckors 

'  Cape  Small  Point  (which  seemed  to  them  to  be  an  island)  and  Seal  Island. 

370 


THE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONT:    DAVIES 

&  beinge  Calme  we  towed  in  our  ship  &  Cam  into  the  Ryver 
of  Sagadehocke  and  anckored  by  the  ^yfts  Syd  about  xi  of  the 
Cloke  the  Sam  daye, 

Mundaye  beinge  the  17'^  Auguste  Cap',  popham  in  his 
shallop  w"'  30  others  &  Cap'.  Gilbert  in  his  shipes  bott  ac- 
companed  w'''  18  other  persons  depted  early  in  the  morninge 
from  thear  ships  &  sail  led  up  the  Ryver  of  Sagadehock  for 
to  vew  the  Ryver  &  allso  to  See  whear  they  myght  fynd  the 
most  Convenyent  place  for  thear  plantation  my  Selffe  beinge 
w""  Cap'.  Gilbert.  So  we  Sailled  up  into  this  ryver  near  14 
Leags  and  found  ytt  to  be  a  most  gallant  ryver  very  brod  & 
of  a  good  depth,  we  never  had  Lesse  Watt""  then  3  fetham 
when  we  had  Least,  &  abundance  of  greatt  fyshe '  in  ytt  Leap- 
ing above  the  Watf  on  eatch  Syd  of  us  as  we  Sailled.  So  the 
nyght  aprochinge  after  a  whill  we  had  refreshed  our  Selves 
uppon  the  shore  about  9  of  the  Cloke  we  sett  backward  to  re- 
torn  &  Cam  abourd  our  shipes  the  next  day  followinge  about 
1  of  the  Clok  in  the  afternoon.  We  fynd  this  ryver  to  be  very 
pleasant  w'^  many  goodly  I  Hands  in  ytt  &  to  be  both  Large 
and  deepe  Watt""  havinge  many  branches  in  ytt.  that  w'^''  we 
tooke  bendeth  ytt  Selffe  towards  the  northest  —  ^ 

Tuesdaye  beinge  the  1 8'*"  after  our  retorn  we  all  went  to  the 
shore  &  thear  mad  Choies  of  a  place  for  our  plantation  ^  wh''''  ys 
at  the  very  mouth  or  entry  of  the  Ryver  of  Sagadehocke  on 
the  West  Syd  of  the  Ryver  beinge  almoste  an  Illand  of  a 
good  bygness.  w^hylst  we  wear  uppon  the  shore  thear  Cam  in 
three  Cannoos  by  us  but  they  wold  not  Com  n'ear  us  but 
rowed  up  the  Ryver  &  so  past  away  — 

Wensday  beinge  the  19'^  Auguste  we  all  went  to  the  shore 
whear  we  mad  Choise  for  our  plantation  and  thear  we  had  a 

'  Sturgeon. 

^  They  must  have  gone  up  the  Kennebec  nearly  to  where  Augusta  now 
stands. 

3  On  the  peninsula  known  as  Hunnewell's  point.  Strachey  gives  the  Indian 
name  of  the  place  as  Sabino. 

371 


VOYAGES  "TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Sermon  delyvred  unto  us  by  our  precher  and  after  the  Sermon 
our  pattent  was  red  w'^  the  orders  &  Lawes  thearin  prescrybed 
&  then  we  retorned  abord  our  ships  again  — ' 

Thursdaye  beinge  the  20*''  of  Auguste  all  our  Companyes 
Landed  &  thear  began  to  fortefye.  our  presedent  Cap\  pop- 
ham  Sett  the  fryst  spytt  of  ground  unto  ytt  and  after  hem  all 
the  rest  followed  &  Labored  hard  in  the  trenches  about  ytt. 

Fry  day  e  the  21^*  of  Auguste  all  hands  Labored  hard  about 
the  fort  Som  in  the  trentch  Som  for  fagetts  &  our  ship  Car- 
penters about  the  buildinge  of  a  small  penis'"  or  shallop. 

Satterdaye  the  21^  Auguste  Cap',  popham  early  in  the 
morninge  depted  in  his  shallop  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  paship- 
skoke.^  thear  they  had  parle  w'^  the  Salvages  again  who 
delyvred  unto  them  that  they  had  ben  att  wars  w'^  Sasanoa  & 
had  slain  his  Soone  in  fyght.  skidwares  and  Dehanada  wear 
in  this  fyght. 

Sondaye  the  23^^  our  presedent  Cap',  popham  retorned  unto 
us  from  the  ryver  of  pashipscoke. 

The  24'^  all  Labored  about  the  fort. 

Tuesdaye  the  25'*"  Cap'.  Gilbert  imbarked  hem  Selffe  w'^  15 
other  w'*"  hem  to  go  to  the  Westward  uppon  Som  Discovery 
but  the  Wynd  was  contrary  &  forsed  hem  backe  again  the 
Sam  daye. 

The  26""  &  27'^  all  Labored  hard  about  the  fort. 

Fry  daye  the  28'^  Cap'.  Gilbert  w'*"  14  others  my  Selffe  be- 
inge on  Imbarked  hem  to  go  to  the  westward  again.  So  the 
wynd  Servinge  we  Sailled  by  many  gallant  Illands^  &  towards 
nyght  the  winde  Cam  Contrary  against  us  So  that  we  wear 
Constrained  to  remain  that  nyght  under  the  head  Land  called 

'  Strachey  names  the  officers:  "George  Popham,  gent.,  was  nominated 
President  ;  Capt.  Raleigh  Gilbert,  James  Davies,  Richard  Seymer,  Preacher, 
Capt.  Richard  Davies,  Capt.  Harlow  were  all  sworne  Assistants."  (Historic 
of  Travaile,  p.  172.) 

2  Pinnace  ;   the  fagots  were  for  the  fortification. 

3  The  Pejepscot  or  Androscoggin. 

4  Islands  of  Casco  Bay. 

372 


THE  SECOND  r/RG/N/.I  COLONT:    DAVIES 

Semeamis'  whear  we  found  the  Land  to  be  most  fertill  the  trees 
growinge  thcar  doth  exceed  for  goodnesse  &  Length  being 
the  most  p'  ot  them  ocke  &  waUnutt  growinge  a  greatt  space 
assoonder  on  from  the  other  as  our  parks  in  Ingland  and  no 
thickett  growinge  under  them,  hear  wee  also  found  a  gallant 
place  to  fortefye  whom  Nattuer  ytt  Selffe  hath  already  framed 
w'"'  out  the  hand  of  man  w'*"  a  runynge  stream  of  watt""  hard 
adjoyninge  under  the  foott  of  ytt. 

Satterdaye  the  29'''  Auguste  early  in  the  mornynge  we 
depted  from  thence  &  rowed  to  the  westward  for  that  the 
wind  was  againste  us.  hut  the  wynd  blew  so  hard  that  forsed 
us  to  remain  under  an  Uland'  2  Leags  from  the  place  we 
remayned  the  night  beffore.  whilst  we  remayned  under  this 
I  Hand  thear  passed  to  Cannoos  by  us  but  they  wold  nott  Com 
neare  us.  after  mydnyght  we  put  from  this  I  Hand  in  hope  to 
have  gotten  the  place  we  dessyered^  but  the  wind  arose  and 
blew  so  hard  at  Southwest  Contrary  for  us  that  forsed  us  to 
retorn. 

Sondaye  beinge  the  30'^  Auguste  retornynge  beffore  the 
wynd  we  sailled  by  many  goo[d]ly  Illands  for  betwixt  this 
head  Land  called  Semeamis  &  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock  ys  a 
great  baye  in  the  w''*'  Lyeth  So  many  Illands  &  so  thicke  & 
neare  together  that  yo  Cannott  well  desern  to  Nomber  them 
yet  may  yo  go  in  betwixt  them  in  a  good  ship  for  yo  shall 
have  never  Lesse  Watt'  the[n]  8  fethams.  these  Illands  ar  all 
overgrowen  w*""  woods  very  thicke  as  ocks  wallnut  pyne  trees 
&  many  other  things  growinge  as  Sarsaperilla  hassell  nuts  and 
whorts  in  aboundance.  So  this  day  we  retorned  to  our  fort  att 
Sagadehock. 

Munday  being  the  Laste  of  Auguste  nothinge  hapened  but 
all  Labored  for  the  buildinge  of  the  fort  &  for  the  storhouse 
to  reseave  our  vyttuall. 

'  Some  part  of  Cape  Elizabeth. 

=  Richmond's  Island. 

3  Which  may  show  that  some  of  them  had  been  along  this  coast  before. 

373 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

Tuesday  the  first  of  September  thear  Cam  a  Canooa  unto 
us  in  the  w*'''  was  2  greatt  kettells  of  brasse.  Som  of  our  Com- 
pany did  parle  w^^  them  but  they  did  rest  very  doutfull  of  us 
and  wold  nott  Suffer  mor  then  on  att  a  tyme  to  Com  near 
unto  them.  So  he  depted.  The  Second  daye  third  and  4'^ 
nothinge  hapened  worth  the  wryttinge  but  that  eatch  man  did 
his  beste  endevour  for  the  buildinge  of  the  fort. 

Satterdaye  beinge  the  5'^  of  Septemb""  thear  Cam  into  the 
entraunce  of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehocke  nine  Canoos  in  the  w*^** 
was  Dehanada  and  skidwarres  w^^  many  others,  in  the  wholl 
near  fortye  persons  men  women  and  Children,  they  Cam  & 
parled  w*  us  &  we  aggain  ussed  them  in  all  frindly  maner 
We  Could  &  gave  them  vyttaills  for  to  eatt.  So  skidwarres 
&  on  more  of  them  stayed  w'*"  us  untill  nyght.  The  rest  of 
them  withdrew  them  in  thear  Canooas  to  the  farther  Syd  of 
the  ryver.  but  when  nyght  Cam  for  that  skidwares  woold 
needs  go  to  the  rest  of  his  Company  Cap'.  Gilbert  acompaned 
w'""  James  Davis  and  Cap',  ellis  best'  took  them  into  our  bott 
&  Caryed  them  to  thear  Company  on  the  farther  syd  the 
ryver  &  thear  remained  amongst  them  all  the  nyght  &  early 
in  the  mornynge  the  Sallvages  depted  in  thear  Canooas  for 
the  ryver  of  pemaquid  promyssinge  Cap'.  Gilbert  to  accom- 
pany hem  in  thear  Canooas  to  the  ryver  of  penobskot  whear 
the  bashabe  remayneth. 

The  6'^  nothinge  happened,  the  7'^  our  ship  the  Mary  ^ 
John  began  to  discharge  her  vyttualls. 

Tuesday  beinge  the  8""  Septemb''  Cap'.  Gilbert  acompaned 
w'*"  xxii  others  'my  Selffe  beinge  on  of  them  depted  from  the 
fort  to  go  for  the  ryver  of  penobskott  takinge  w'^  hem  divers 
Sorts  of  M'chandise  for  to  trad  w'*"  the  Bashabe  who  ys  the 
Cheeffe  Comander  of  those  p^  but  the  wind  was  Contrary 
againste  hem  so  that  he  could  nott  Com  to  dehanada  &  skid- 
wares  at  the  time  apointed  for  ytt  was  the  xi'*"  daye  beffor  he 

'  Capt.  Ellis  Best. 

374 


rilE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    DA  VIES 

Could  gett  to  the  ryver  of  pemaquid  Whcar  they  do  make 
thear  ahbod. 

Frydaye  beinge  the  xi'"'  in  the  niornynge  early  we  Cam  into 
the  ryver  of  pemaquyd  thear  to  Call  nahanada  &  skidwares  as 
we  had  promyste  them,  but  beinge  thear  aryved  we  found  no 
Lyvinge  Creatuer.  they  all  wear  gon  from  thence,  the  w''*'  we 
perseavnnge  presently  depted  towards  the  ryver  of  penobskott. 
Saillinge  all  this  daye  &  the  xii'''  &  xiii'^  the  -Lyke  yett  by  no 
means  Could  we  fynd  ytt.  So  our  vitall  beinge  spent  we 
hasted  to  retorn.  So  the  wynd  Cam  faier  for  us  &  we  Sailled 
all  the  14'^  &  15"^  dayes  in  retornynge  the  Wind  blowinge 
very  hard  att  north  &  this  mornynge  the  15'''  daye  we  pseaved 
a  blassing'  star  in  the  northest  of  us. 

The  16'''  17""  18""  19"^  20"'  iV'  22'^  nothinge  hapened  but 
all  Labored  hard  about  the  fort  &  the  store  house  for  to  Land 
our  wyttaills. 

The  23*^  beinge  Wensdaye  Cap'.  Gilbert  acompaned  w"'  19 
others  my  SelfFe  on  of  them  depted  from  the  fort  to  go  for 
the  head  of  the  ryver  of  Sagadehock.  we  Sailled  all  this  daye. 
So  did  we  the  Lyke  the  24'^  untill  the  evenynge.  then  we 
Landed  thear  to  remain  that  Nyght.  hear  we  found  a  gallant 
Champion  Land  &  exceeddinge  fertill.  So  hear  we  remayned 
all  nyght. 

The  25'^  beinge  frydaye  early  in  the  mornynge  we  depted 
from  hence  &  sailled  up  the  ryver  about  eyght  Leags  farther 
untill  we  Cam  unto  an  Illand''  beinge  Lo  Land  &  flatt.  att 
this  Illand  ys  a  great  down  Fall  of  watf  the  w"^  runeth  by  both 
Sydes  of  this  Illand  very  swyfte  &  shallow,  in  this  Illand  we 
tound  greatt  store  of  grapes  exceedinge  good  and  sweett  of  to 
Sorts  both  red  butt  the  on  of  them  ys  a  mervellous  deepe  red. 
by  both  the  syds  of  this  ryver  the  grapes  grow  in  aboundance 

'  Perceived  a  blazing  star,  i.e.,  a  meteor. 

2  At  Augusta.  There  was  formerly  an  Island,  near  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
river  just  below  the  falls,  known  as  Cushnoc  Island. 

375 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

&  allso  very  good  Hoppes  &  also  Chebolls '  &  garleck.  and 
for  the  goodnesse  of  the  Land  ytt  doth  so  far  abound  that  I 
Cannott  allmost  expresse  the  Sam.  hear  we  all  went  ashore 
&  w'^  a  stronge  Rope  made  fast  to  our  bott  &  on  man  in 
her  to  gyde  her  aggainst  the  Swyfte  stream  we  pluckt  her  up 
throwe  ytt  pforce.^  after  we  had  past  this  down-Fall  we  all 
went  into  our  bott  again  &  rowed  near  a  Leage  farther  up 
into  the  ryver  &  nyght  beinge  att  hand  we  hear  stayed  ail 
nyght,  &  in  the  fryst  of  the  night  about  ten  of  the  Cloke 
thear  Cam  on  the  farther  syd  of  the  ryver  sartain  Salvages 
Callinge  unto  us  in  broken  inglyshe.  we  answered  them 
aggain.     So  for  this  time  they  depted. 

The  26*  beinge  Satterdaye  thear  Cam  a  Canooa  unto  us 
&  in  hear  fower  salvages  those  that  had  spoken  unto  us  in 
the  nyght  beffore.  his  name  that  Came  unto  us  ys  Sabenoa. 
he  macks  hemselffe  unto  us  to  be  Lord  of  the  ryver  of  Sagade- 
hock, 

[Here  ends  the  ms.  in  the  Lambeth  palace  library.] 


The  remainder  of  the  narration  is  taken  from  Chapter  X  of 
the  '■''  Historie  of  Travaile  into  Virginia^''  by  William  Strachey^ 
who  surely  used  the  whole  of  this  narrative  as  his  source  of 
information, 

'T^HEY  entertayned  him  friendly,  and  tooke  him  into  their 

■^     boat  and  presented  him  with  some  triffling  things,  which 

he  accepted ;  howbeyt,  he  desired  some  one  of  our  men  to  be 

put  into  his  canoa  as  a  pawne  of  his  safety,  whereupon  Captain 


'  Onions,  Fr.  ciboule. 
^  Perforce, 


376 


rilE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    STRACllFr 

Gilbert  sent  in  ;i  man  of  his,  when  presently  the  canoa  rowed 
away  from  them  with  all  the  speed  they  could  make  up  the 
river.  They  followed  with  the  shallop,  having  great  care  that 
the  Sagamo  should  not  leape  overbourd.  1  he  canoa  quickly 
rowed  from  them  and  landed,  and  the  men  made  to  their 
howses,  being  neere  a  league  on  the  land  from  the  river's  side, 
and  carried  our  man  with  them.  The  shallop  making  good 
waye,  at  length  came  to  another  downefall,'  which  was  so 
shallowe  and  soe  swift,  that  by  noe  means  they  could  passe 
any  further,  for  which,  Captain  Gilbert,  with  nine  others, 
landed  and  tooke  their  fare,  the  salvadge  Sagamo,  with  them, 
and  went  in  search  after  those  other  salvages,  whose  howses, 
the  Sagamo  told  Captain  Gilbert,  were  not  farr  off;  and  after 
a  good  tedious  march,  they  came  indeed  at  length  unto  those 
salvages'  howses  wheere  found  neere  fifty  able  men  very  strong 
and  tall,  such  as  their  like  before  they  had  not  scene ;  all 
newly  painted  and  armed  with  their  bowes  and  arrowes.  How- 
beyt,  after  that  the  Sagamo  had  talked  with  them,  they  de- 
livered back  again  the  man,  and  used  all  the  rest  very  friendly, 
as  did  ours  the  like  by  them,  who  shewed  them  their  como- 
dities  of  beads,  knives,  and  some  copper,  of  which  they  seemed 
very  fond  ;  and  by  waye  of  trade,  made  shew  that  they  would 
come  downe  to  the  boat  and  there  bring  such  things  as 
they  had  to  exchange  them  for  ours.  Soe  Captain  Gilbert 
departed  from  them,  and  within  half  an  howre  after  he  had 
gotten  to  his  boat,  there  came  three  canoas  down  unto  them, 
and  in  them  some  sixteen  salvages,  and  brought  with  them 
some  tobacco  and  certayne  small  skynes,  which  were  of  no 
value ;  which  Captain  Gilbert  perceaving,  and  that  they  had 
nothing  ells  wherewith  to  trade,  he  caused  all  his  men  to 
come  abourd,  and  as  he  would  have  putt  from  the  shore ;  the 
salvadges  perceiving  so  much,  subtilely  devised  how  they  might 
put  out  the   fier  in  the  shallop,  bv  which  meanes   they  sawe 

'  Bacon's  Rips,  five  miles  above  Cushnoc. 

377 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

they  should  be  free  from  the  danger  of  our  men's  pieces/  and 
to  performe  the  same,  one  of  the  salvadges  came  into  the 
shallop  and  taking  the  fier  brand  which  one  of  our  company 
held  in  his  hand  thereby  to  light  the  matches,  as  if  he  would 
light  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  as  sone  as  he  had  gotten  yt  into  his 
hand  he  presently  threw  it  into  the  water  and  leapt  out  of  the 
shallop.  Captain  Gilbert  seeing  that,  suddenly  commanded 
his  men  to  betake  them  to  their  musketts  and  the  targettiers 
too,  from  the  head  of  the  boat,  and  bad  one  of  the  men  before, 
with  his  targett  on  his  arme,  to  stepp  on  the  shore  for  more 
fier;  the  salvages  resisted  him  and  would  not  suffer  him  to 
take  any,  and  some  others  holding  fast  the  boat  roap  that  the 
shallop  could  not  pott  off.  Captain  Gilbert  caused  the  mus- 
quettiers  to  present  their  peeces,  the  which,  the  salvages  seeing, 
presently  let  go  the  boatroap  and  betooke  them  to  their  bowes 
and  arrowes,  and  ran  into  the  bushes,  nocking  their  arrowes,"" 
but  did  not  shoot,  neither  did  ours  at  them.  So  the  shallop 
departed  from  them  to  the  further  side  of  the  river,  where 
one  of  the  canoas  came  unto  them,  and  would  have  excused 
the  fault  of  the  others.  Captain  Gilbert  made  shew  as  if  he 
were  still  friends,  and  entertayned  them  kindlye  and  soe  left 
them,  returning  to  the  place  where  he  had  lodged  the  night 
before,  and  there  came  to  an  anchor  for  that  night.  The  head 
of  the  river  standeth  in  45  degrees  and  odd  mynutts.  Upon 
the  continent  they  found  aboundance  of  spruse  trees  such  as 
are  able  to  maast  the  greatest  ship  his  majestie  hath,  and  many 
other  trees,  oake,  walnutt,  pineapple  ;3  fish,  aboundance;  great 
store  of  grapes,  hopps,  chiballs,  also  they  found  certaine  codds'* 
in  which  they  supposed  the  cotton  wooll  to  grow,  and  also 
upon   the  bancks   many  shells  of  pearle. 

'  The  Indians  evidently  knew  enough  about   Europeans  to  learn  how  they 
fired  their  guns. 

2  I.e.,  laying  the  arrow  to  the  bowstring. 

3  Probably  the  pitch-pine. 

4  Pods ;   perhaps  the  silk-weed. 

378 


rHE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    STR/ICJIET 

27.  Here  they  sett  up  a  crosse  and  then  returned  home- 
ward, in  the  way  seeking  the  by  river  of  some  note  called 
Sasanoa.'  This  daye  and  the  next  they  sought  yt,  when  the 
weather  turned  fowie  and  full  of  fog  and  raine,  they  made  all 
hast  to  the  fort  before  which,  the  29th,  they  arrived. 

30.  and  I  and  1  of  October,  all  busye  about  the  fort. 

3.  There  came  a  canoa  unto  some  of  the  people  of  the  fort 
as  they  were  fishing  on  the  sand,  in  which  was  Skidwares,  who 
badd  them  tell  their  president  that  Nahanada,  with  the  Basha- 
baes  brother,  and  others,  were  on  the  further  side  of  the  river, 
and  the  next  daie  would  come  and  visitt  him. 

4.  There  came  two  canoas  to  the  fort,  in  which  were 
Nahanada  and  his  wife,  and  Skidwares,  and  the  Basshabaes 
brother,  and  one  other  called  Amenquin,  a  Sagamo;  all  whome 
the  president  feasted  and  entertayned  with  all  kindnes,  both 
that  day  and  the  next,  which  being  Sondaye,  the-  president 
carried  them  with  him  to  the  place  of  publike  prayers,  which 
they  were  at  both  morning  and  evening,  attending  yt  with 
great  reverence  and  silence. 

6.^  The  salvadges  departed  all  except  Amenquin  the  Saga- 
mo, who  would  needes  staye  amongst  our  people  a  longer 
tyme.  Upon  the  departure  of  the  others,  the  president  gave 
unto  every  one  of  them  copper  beades,  or  knives,  which  con- 
tented them  not  a  little,  as  also  delivered  a  present  unto  the 
Basshabae's  brother,  and  another  for  his  wife,  giving  him  to 
understand  that  he  would  come  unto  his  court  in  the  river  of 
Penobscot,  and  see  him  very  shortly,  bringing  many  such  like 
of  his  country  commodityes  with  him. 

3  You  male  please  to  understand  how,  whilst  this  busines 
was   thus    followed   here,   soone   after  their   first   arrivall,    that 

^  The  tidal  river  connecting  the  waters  of  the  Kennebec  with  those  of  Sheep- 
scot  Bay. 

2  I.e.,  October  6th. 

3  From  the  change  in  style  in  the  remaining  paragraphs  we  may  suppose  that 
Strachey  departs  here  from  Davies'  narrative,  or  else  paraphrases  it  very  liberally. 

379 


VOYAGES  ro  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

had  dispatch't  away  Capt.  Robert  Davies,  in  the  Mary  and 
John^^  to  advertise  of  their  safe  arrival  and  forwardness  of 
their  plantacion  within  this  river  of  Sachadehoc,  with  letters 
to  the  Lord  Chief  Justice,  ymportuninge  a  supply  for  the 
most  necessary  wants  to  the  subsisting  of  a  colony,  to  be  sent 
unto  them  betymes  the  next  yeare. 

After  Capt.  Davies'  departure  they  fully  finished  the  fort, 
trencht  and  fortefied  yt  with  twelve  pieces  of  ordinaunce,  and 
built  fifty  howses,""  therein,  besides  a  church  and  a  storehowse ; 
and  the  carpenters  framed  a  pretty  Pynnace  of  about  some 
thirty  tonne,  which  they  called  the  Virginia;  the  chief  ship 
wright  beinge  one   Digby  of  London. 

Many  discoveries  likewise  had  been  made  both  to  the 
mayne  and  unto  the  neghbour  rivers,  and  the  frontier  nations 
fully  discovered  by  the  diligence  of  Capt.  Gilbert,  had  not  the 
wynter  proved  soe  extreame  unseasonable  and  frosty ;  for  yt 
being  in  the  yeare  1607,  when  the  extraordinary  frost  was  felt 
in  most  parts  of  Europe,  yt  was  here  likewise  as  vehement,  by 
which  noe  boat  could  stir  upon  any  busines.  Howbeyt,  as 
tyme  and  occasyon  gave  leave,  there  was  nothing  omitted 
which  could  add  unto  the  benefitt  or  knowledg  of  the  planters, 
for  which  when  Capt.  Davies  arrived  there  in  the  yeare  follow- 
ing (sett  out  from  Topsam,  the  port  towne  of  Exciter,^  with  a 
shipp  laden  full  of  vitualls,  armes,  instruments  and  tooles, 
etc.,)  albeyt  he  found  Mr.  George  Popham,  the  president,  and 
some  other  dead,  yet  he  found  all  things  in  good  forwardness, 
and  many  kinds  of  furrs  obteyned  from  the  Indians  by  way 
of  trade ;  good  store  of  sarsaparilla  gathered,  and  the  new 
pvnnace  all  finished.  But  by  reason  that  Capt.  Gilbert  re- 
ceived   letters    that    his    brother  was    newly   dead,    and   a   faire 

'  A  letter  written  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  records  the  sailing  of  one  of  the 
vessels  in  October.  This  would  indicate  that  the  first  vessel  to  return  was  the 
Mary  and  "John. 

2  Evidently  an  error. 

3  Exeter. 

380 


rUE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    POPllAM. 

portion  of  land  fallen  unto  his  share,  which  required  his  re- 
paier  home,  and  noe  mynes  discovered,  nor  hope  thereof, 
being  the  mayne  intended  benefit  expected  to  uphold  the 
charge  of  this  plantacion,  and  the  feare  that  all  other  wynters 
would  prove  like  the  first,  the  company  by  no  means  would 
stay  any  longer  in  the  country,  especyally  Capt.  Gilbert  being 
to  leave  them,  and  Mr.  Popham,  as  aforesaid,  dead  ;  where- 
fore they  all  ymbarqued  in  this  new  arrived  shipp,  and  in 
the  new  pynnace,  the  Virginia^  and  sett  saile  for  England. 
And  this  was  the  end  of  that  northerne  colony  uppon  the 
river  Sachadehoc. 


Text  of  Latin  Letter  of  George  Popham^  President  of  the  colony 
of  St.  George  at  SagadehoCy  to  King  James  /,  dated  at  St. 
George^  December  ij,  i6oj.^ 

A  D  pedes  serenissimi  regis  sui  humillime  se  projecit 
-*— *-  Georgius  Pophamus,  Praesidens  secundas  Coloniae  Vir- 
ginias. Si  divinas  Majestatis  Tuas  placuerit  patientiae,  a  servo 
observantissimo  ac  devotissimo,  quamvis  indigno,  pauca  reci- 
pere,  ab  Altitudinis  Tuae  claritate  vel  minimum  alienare  arbit- 
ror,  quoniam  in  Dei  gloriam,  Sublimitatis  Vestrae  amplitudinem, 
et  Britannorum  utilitatem  redundare  videantur.  Perasquum 
igitur  judicavi  Majestati  Tuas  notum  fieri,  quod  apud  Virginios 
et  Moassones,  nullus  in  orbe  terrarum  magis  admiratur,  quam 
Dominus  Jacobus  Britannorum  Imperator,  propter  admira- 
bilem  justitiam  ac  incredibilem  constantiam,  quae  istarum  pro- 
vinciarum  nativis  non  mediocrem  perfert  lastitiam ;  dicentibus 
insuper  nullum  esse  Deum  vere  adorandum  praeter  ilium 
Domini    Jacobi ;     sub    cujus    ditione    atque    imperio    libenter 

^  Cf.  Popham   Memorial  Volume,  published  by  Bailey  &  Noyes,  Portland, 
1863,  pp.  220-226;   also  Brown,   ''Genesisof  the  U.S.,"  I,  145,   146. 

381 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

militare  voluerint.     Tahanida,  unus  ex   nativis  que   Britannias 
adfuit,  Vestras   laudes  ac  virtutes   hie  Illis  illustravit. 

Quid  et  quantum,  in  his  negotiis  subeundis  et  illorum  animis 
confirmandis,  valerem,  eorum  sit  judicium,  qui  domi  volutarunt 
scienter;  agnoscens  omnes  conatus  meos  perire,  cum  in  com- 
paratione  officii  debiti  erga  Principem  habeantur.  Optima  me 
tenet  opinio  Dei  gloriam  facile  in  his  regionibus  elucescere, 
Vestras  Majestatis  imperium  amplificari,  et  Britannorum  rem- 
publicam  breviter  augmentari.  Quod  ad  mercimonium  attinet, 
omnes  indigenae  constanter  affirmant,  his  inesse  provinciis  nuces 
amisticas,'  maciam  et  cinnamomum  ;  praeterea  bitumen,  lignum 
Brasiliae,  cochinelam  et  ambergetie,^  cum  multis  aliis  magni 
momenti  et  valoris ;   eaque  maxima  quidem  in  abundantia. 

Insuper  affirmative  mecum  agunt,  esse  mare  aliquod,  in 
adversa  vel  occidentali  hujus  provinciae  parte,  non  plus  [quam] 
septem  dierum  itineris  spatium  a  prassidio  nostro  Sancti  Georgii 
in  Sagadahoc,  amplum,  latum  et  profundum ;  cujus  terminos 
prorsus  ignorant;  quod  aliud  esse  non  potest  nisi  Australe, 
tendens  ad  regiones  Chinas,  quae  longe  ab  his  partibus  procul 
dubio  esse  non  possunt. 

Si  igitur  placuerit  divinos  habere  oculos  Tuos  apertos  in 
subjecto  certificationis  meae,  non  dubito  quin  Celsitudo  Vestra 
absolvet  opus  Deo  gratissimum,  Magnificentiae  Vestras  honori- 
ficum,  et  reipublicas  Tuae  maxime  conducibile,  quod  ardentis- 
simis  precibus  vehementer  exopto;  et  a  Deo  Optimo,  Maximo, 
contendo  ut  regis  mei  Domini  Jacobi  Majestatem  quam  diutis- 
sime  servet  gloriosam. 

In  praesidio  Sancti  Georgii,  in  Sagadahoc  de  Virginia,  13° 
Decembris,   1607. 

Servus  Vestras  Majestatis  omnimodis  devotissimus, 

Georgius  Pophamus. 

'  Myristicas ;    myristica   moschata  =  nutmeg.     Cf.    Popham    Memorial   Vol- 
ume,   224. 

2  Ambergretim. 

382 


rUE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONY:    POPllAM 


'Translation  of  Letter  of  George  Popham  to  King  James  L 

Superscription:  To  the  most  heigh  and  mightie  my  gratious 
Sovereign  Lord  James  of  Great  Brittain,  France  and  Ireland, 
Virginia  and  Moasson,'  Kinge. 

A  T  the  feet  of  his  most  serene  King  humbly  prostrates 
-^^^  himself  George  Popham,  President  of  the  second  colony 
of  Virginia.  If  it  may  please  the  patience  of  your  divine 
Majesty  to  receive  a  few  words  from  your  most  observant 
and  devoted  tho  unworthy  servant,  I  trust  it  will  derogate 
nothing  from  the  luster  of  your  Highness,  since  they  seem 
to  redound  to  the  glory  of  God,  the  greatness  of  your  Majesty 
and  the  usefulness  of  the  Britons.  I  have  thought  it,  therefore, 
very  just  that  it  should  be  made  known  to  your  Majesty  that 
among  the  Virginians  and  Moassons  there  is  no  one  in  the 
world  more  admired  than  King  James,  Sovereign  Lord  of  the 
Britons,  on  account  of  his  admirable  justice  and  incredible 
constancy,  which  gives  no  small  pleasure  to  the  natives  of 
these  regions ;  who  say,  moreover,  that  there  is  no  God  to 
be  truly  worshipped  but  the  God  of  King  James  ;  under  whose 
rule  and  reign  they  would  gladly  fight.  Tahanida,  one  of  the 
natives  who  was  in  Britain,  has  here  proclaimed  to  them  your 
praises  and  virtues. 

What  and  how  much  I  may  avail  in  transacting  these  affairs 
and  in  confirming  their  minds,  let  those  judge  who  are  well 
versed  in  these  matters  at  home ;  while  I  wittingly  avow  that 
all  my  endeavors  are  as  nothing  when  considered  in  comparison 
with  my  duty  towards  my  Prince.  My  well  considered  opinion 
is  that  in  these  regions  the  glory  of  God  may  be  easily  evi- 
denced, the  empire  of  your  Majesty  enlarged,  and  the  public 
welfare  of  the  Britons  speedily  augmented. 

'  Moasson  —  Mavooshen,    names   of  land    between   the    Penobscot   and    the 
Kennebec. 

383 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

So  far  as  relates  to  commerce  all  the  natives  constantly  affirm 
that  in  these  parts  there  are  nutmegs/  mace  and  cinnamon/ 
besides  pitch,  Brazil  wood/  cochineal  and  ambergris/  with 
many  other  products  of  great  importance  and  value ;  and  these, 
too,  in  the  greatest  abundance. 

Besides  they  positively  assure  m.e  that  there  is  a  certain  sea 
in  the  opposite  or  western  part  of  this  province,  distant  not 
more  than  seven  days'  journey  from  our  fort  of  St.  George  in 
Sagadehoc ;  a  sea  large,  wide  and  deep,  of  the  boundaries  of 
which  they  are  wholly  ignorant ;  which  cannot  be  any  other 
than  the  southern  ocean,  reaching  to  the  regions  of  China, 
which  unquestionably  cannot  be  far  from   these  parts. 

If,  therefore,  it  may  please  you  to  keep  open  your  divine 
eyes  on  this  matter  of  my  report,  I  doubt  not  that  your  High- 
ness will  perform  a  work  most  pleasing  to  God,  honorable  to 
your  greatnesse,  and  most  conducive  to  the  weal  of  your  king- 
dom, which  with  most  ardent  prayers  I  vehemently  desire ;  and 
I  beg  of  God,  the  best  and  the  greatest,  that  He  will  preserve 
the  glorious  majesty  of  my  Sovereign  James  for  ages  to  come. 

At  the  Fort  of  St.  George  in  Sagadahoc  of  Virginia,  the 
thirteenth  of  December,  1607.  In  all  things  your  Majesty's 
most  devoted  servant, 

George  Popham. 


'  He  probably  referred  to  Indian  descriptions  of  hazel-nuts. 

2  Sassafras  probably  intended. 

3  Probably  red  cedar  intended. 

4  Whales  were  seen  off  the  coast. 

384 


rHE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONT:    PURCHAS 


THE    SAGADAHOC    COLONY    IN    PURCHAS'S 
-PILGRIMAGE." 

THE  following  paragraphs  about  the  Sagadahoc 
colony  which  were  written  by  Purchas  for  his 
first  work,  called  "Purchas  His  Pilgrimage,"  appeared 
in  the  second  edition,  published  in  1614.  This  story 
summarizes  what  the  author  knew  of  the  colony  at 
that  time  from  various  sources.  The  names  given  in 
the  footnotes  are  those  placed  by  Purchas  in  the 
margin  of  his  work  as  authorities  for  his  statements. 

A.D.  1607,  was  settled  a  plantation  in  the  River  Sagadahoc; 
the  ships  called  the  Gift  and  the  Mary  and  John^  being  sent 
thither  by  that  famous  English  Justicer,  Sir  John  Popham, 
and  others.  They  found  this  coast  of  Virginia  full  of  islands, 
but  safe.  They  chose  the  place  of  their  plantation  at  the  mouth 
of  Sagadahoc,  in  a  westerly  peninsula ;  there  heard  a  sermon, 
read  their  patent  and  laws,  and  built  a  fort.  They  sailed  up  to 
discover  the  river  and  country,  and  encountered  with  an  island 
where  was  a  great  fall  of  water,  over  which  they  hauled  their 
boat  with  a  rope,  and  came  to  another  fall,  shallow,  swift,  and 
unpassable.  They  found  the  country  stored  with  grapes,  white 
and  red,  good  hops,  onions,  garlic,  oaks,  walnuts,  the  soil 
good.  The  head  of  the  river  is  in  forty-five  and  odd  minutes. 
Cape  Sinieamis  in  43°  30',  a  good  place  to  fortify.  Their  fort 
bare  name  of  Saint  George.  Forty-five  remained  there,^  Cap- 
tain George  Popham  being  President,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  Admiral. 

^  James  Davies.  The  Mary  and  yohfi  commanded  by  Capt.  Gilbert  was  the 
principal  vessel.  The  full  name  of  the  smaller  boat,  commanded  by  Capt.  Popham, 
was  The  Gift  of  God. 

2  Jo.  Eliot. 

385 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COASTS 

The  people  seemed  affected  with  our  men's  devotions,  and 
would  say  "  King  James  is  a  good  king,  his  God  a  good  God, 
and  Tanto  naught."  So  they  call  an  evil  spirit  which  haunts 
them  every  moon,  and  makes  them  worship  him  for  fear.  He 
commanded  them  not  to  dwell  near  or  come  among  the  Eng- 
lish, threatening  to  kill  some  and  inflict  sickness  on  others, 
beginning  with  two  of  their  Sagamos  children,  saying  he  had 
power,  and  would  do  the  like  to  the  English  the  next  moon, 
to  wit,  in  December.' 

The  people^  told  our  men  of  cannibals,  near  Sagadahoc, 
with  teeth  three  inches  long,  but  they  saw  them  not.  In  the 
river  of  Tamescot  they  found  oysters  nine  inches  in  length ; 
and  were  told  that  on  the  other  side  they  were  twice  as  great. 
On  the  1 8th  of  January  they  had,  in  seven  hours'  space, 
thunder,  lightning,  rain,  frost,  snow,  all  in  abundance,  the  last 
continuing.  On  February  5  the  president  died.  The  savages 
remove  their  dwellings  in  winter  nearest  the  deer.  They  have 
a  kind  of  shoes  a  yard  long,  fourteen  inches  broad,  made  like 
a  racket,  with  strong  twine  or  sinews  of  a  deer ;  in  the  midst 
is  a  hole  wherein  they  put  their  foot,  buckling  it  fast.  When 
a  Sagamos  dieth  they  black  themselves,  and  at  the  same  time 
yearly  renew  their  mourning  with  great  howling ;  as  they  then 
did  for  Kashurakeny,  who  died  the  year  before.  They  report 
that  the  cannibals  have  a  sea  behind  them.  They  found  a  bath 
two  miles  about,  so  hot  that  they  could  not  drink  it.  Mr. 
Patteson  was  slain  by  the  savages  of  Nanhoc,  a  river  of  the 
Tarentines.  Their  short  commons  ^  caused  fear  of  mutiny. 
One  of  the  savages,  called  Aminquin,  for  a  straw  hat  and 
knife  given  him  stripped  himself  of  his  clothing  of  beaver's 
skins,  worth  in  England  fifty  shillings  or  three  pounds,  to 
present   them   to   the   president,   leaving  only  a   flap   to  cover 

'  Evidently  a  report  of  the  talk  of  some  unfriendly  chief  or  '* medicine  man." 

2  Ral.  Gilbert. 

3  Edward  Harley. 

386 


THE  SECOND  VIRGINIA  COLONT:    PURCHAS 

his  privities.  Fie  would  also  have  come  with  them  for  I'-ng- 
land.  In  winter  they  are  poor  and  weak,  and  do  not  then 
company  with  their  wives,  but  in  summer  when  they  are  fat 
and  lusty.  But  your  eyes,  wearied  with  this  Northern  view 
which  in  that  winter  communicated  with  us  in  extremity  of 
cold,  look  now  for  greater  hopes  in  the  Southern  Plantation, 
as  the  right  arm  of  this  Virginian  body,  with  greater  costs  and 
numbers  furnished  from  hence. 


END    OF    VOLUME    I 


387 


THE  MARION   PRESS 
JAMAICA    QUEENSBOROUGH    NEW  YORK 


1? 


THE  UNIVERSITY    O 


e  VliV9!»V9  VlNVS  c 


THE  LIBRARY 
I  NIVERSITY  OF  C  Al.IFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  Dl  E  ON  THE  EAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


■DTIS  APR 


y-) 


°    JO  Aovao 


:„  t\^i  w^ 


PR2?1 


\J  \J'  ^J     (L^ 


/ 


Cjf^ 


E: 


CP- 


0      VINHOdll 


\ 


o    THE  UBR- 


lOOM  n/86  Series  9482 


\ 


HE  IIBRARY  OF    o 


:p 


^i 


n 


«    VINSOjnVD  iO    o 


\ 


/ 


O    VINUOilWa  JO    o. 


o    THE  UNI 
O 


|UUII|llllli|llllll|lill|ll|ll|lllll|l 


o  V»W»»V9  VINVS 


^"{205  62128  7451 


B 


o   SANTA  BAkBARA   ° 


"L 


O    OF  CALIFORNIA    o 


W 


^ 


f&T 


.0  ABvaan  3hi  <» 


o    THE  UNIVERSITY     o 


as 


B 


SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  876  373    2 


e    OF  CALIFORNIA    o 


m 


kjn 


o  JO  ADvaan  3hi  o 


\ 


/ 


c    THE  UNiVfftSITV 


\ 


e   THE  IIBRARY  OF    o 


^ 


Cfer 


o  viNttOinv^  do 


\ 


/ 


\ 


ii-H' 


^1 


iUSE* 


